Journal articles on the topic 'Lesser nobility'

ABSTRACTIn 1808, an Estate of the lesser nobility of the Lower Austrian diet approved a statute barring from membership persons of Jewish descent in the ‘third degree’ regardless of confession. It is the only documented instance in Europe for the revolutionary era of such a paragraph that, in its rejection of Jewish ancestry in both the paternal and maternal lines, resembled the early modern Spanish statutes of ‘blood purity’ and the twentieth-century Nuremberg laws. The Josephian patent of toleration of 1782 had not allowed Jews to become members of the corporate nobility (the first Jew was only ennobled in 1789), but had relieved some of the worst aspects of discrimination. By the early nineteenth century, the archduchy of Lower Austria (including the imperial capital at Vienna) contained the largest, wealthiest, and most self-confident Jewish community in the Hapsburg Monarchy. The statute of 1808 was a reaction to Jewish acculturation to the upper class (including conversion, intermarriage, concessions of property-rights, the existence of salons in which Jews and new Christians mixed with the nobility) that presented a perceived threat to the status of its marginal members (lesser landed nobles, ennobled officialdom, and ennobled professionals). The statute was also a product of the politically and nationally charged atmosphere in Vienna between the Austrian defeat by Napoleon at Austerlitz (1805) and the renewed war against France (1809). No simple ideological continuum connects the Lower Austrian paragraph to either the early modern Spanish or the late modern Nazi ordinances. But it was the first such statute to take shape in a political context fraught with recognizably late modern concepts of ‘nation’. The statute of 1808 furthermore evidences the continuing fractured nature of public authority and lack of thorough-going state-formation in Austria.

Judging from repetitious appearances of her marital arms in the painted line-endings, the Psalter-Hours John Rylands Library Latin MS 117 probably belonged to Jeanne of Flanders (c.1272–1333), daughter of Count Robert III of Flanders and in 1288 second wife to Enguerrand IV of Coucy. Yet the line-endings also contain some 1,800 diminutive painted escutcheons, many of which refer to other members of the local nobility active during the 1280s. This study, based on an exhaustive survey of the total heraldic and codicological evidence, suggests that the majority of the extant Psalter predated the Hours and that the two parts were combined after the 1288 marriage. The ‘completed’ manuscript bears witness to major events that unfolded in and around the Coucy barony over the course of the decade. It suggests a complex relationship between Jeanne of Flanders and a lesser member of the local nobility, a certain Marien of Moÿ, who may have served as her attendant.

Appearance in the political arena of the world in the XVI century. of the new state, the Commonwealth, had a significant impact on the development of the Ukrainian civilization process. The Ukrainian nobility, merged with the mass of Polish nobility, still lived under Polish law and was easily colonized. This process was especially rapid in the Kholm region and Podlasie. He was greatly influenced by the small Polish gentry from Mazovia and Lesser Poland, who settled in Ukrainian lands before the signing of the Union of Lublin, Ukraine, united with Poland and Lithuania, gradually losing its ancient customs and rights. The Union destroyed the remnants of Ukrainian state traditions that took the form of autonomy in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Ukrainians were forced to adapt to the new socio-political conditions in which they found themselves. National-political life no longer connects with the state, but begins to create new organizational forms. The national organization, at the time of the threat of total national destruction, is largely becoming defensive.

Zusammenfassung So far, the history of the nobility has mainly focused on the biographies of the lucky few who were rich and left behind large archives. It may, however, gain new insights by searching for fragmentary evidence of the many lesser nobles that did not leave behind a trail of sources, but whose lives can only be traced through various scattered sources. This material directs our attention towards situations in which the meaning of being a noble was constantly negotiated and re-negotiated. This article concentrates on two such situations: first, on banquets involving nobles and non-nobles that spiralled out of control, and second, on acts of self-ennoblement that sometime worked and sometimes failed. As these examples show, the estate-based society, at least in Prussia, was multi-faceted and malleable before 1800 and continued to be so throughout the 19th century. The material further highlights that more such fragments are needed in order to analyse the changes of the Prussian nobility from the inside and downside.

In 1909, at age forty-six,FranzFerdinand made a decision about his deaththat would shape the memory of his life: he would be buried beside his morganatic wife, Sophie Chotek, at his palace in Artstetten (Lower Austria). That may not seem like much from the perspective of our own era. But in the context of the 600-year-old tradition-bound Habsburg dynasty, and in view of the archduke's exalted place in it as nephew of the near octogenarian emperor and next in line for the imperial throne, it was pure rebellion. For what the successor had also determined was where he wouldnotbe interred—with his esteemed ancestors in Vienna'sKaisergruft(Kaiser Crypt), which was strictly off-limits to lesser nobility like the Duchess of Hohenberg.

After the partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795 the Russian empire faced a problem of determining the social status of petty Polish nobles (szlachta) in imperial hierarchy. At the turn of the 19th century the Senate was the governmental body that had to resolve this issue. In April of 1800 Paul I approved the proposal of the Senates 3d department to confirm lesser szlachtas fiscal immunity and other privileges enjoyed by her under Rzecz Pospolita. Yet, in the same year the Senates 1st department when deliberating on a separate case of szlachtas tax status in Novorossiysk province, passed two resolutions that contradicted the legal norm adopted in April. This paper focuses on the analysis of circumstances under which the Senates departments came to different decisions on the same problem. Their resolutions reflected two approaches to the policy of petty szlachtas inclusion in the imperial nobility. The resolution of the 3d department, supported by Paul I, envisaged a co-optation of szlachta as a social group through legislative confirmation of its privileged status in the empire. The approach of the 1st department emphasized the necessity of szlachtas integration into imperial nobility on the individual basis (by submitting proofs of noble origin compliant to the Russian laws). As a result the imperial government gave preference to the second model of inclusion.

In his Dessein de l'histoire nouvelle des françois, Lancelot Voisin de La Popelinière offered a blueprint for a French history of broader range and deeper reach than any previous effort. He divided his proposed work into three parts: pre-Roman Gaul, Roman Gaul, and the kingdom of France from the Merovingians to the present. Part one would concern “the form of government, public and private, of the Gauls living in liberty before the Romans had envied, undermined, and eventually seized their dominion.” It would detail their religion (its priests and rituals), their nobility (its composition, privileges, and lifestyle), the lesser social orders (merchants, artisans, and commoners), and their public institutions (laws, magistrates, and other officials) — “in brief, everything notable about so little-known a state.” Part two would follow the same pattern but in even greater detail, examining the changes introduced by the Romans in “religion, administration, justice, military discipline, finances, and business, ” as well as social changes.

Durante la Baja Edad Media, varios miembros de las élites de poder tomaron el hábito y profesaron en algún monasterio, aunque en número inferior a las mujeres. Se analizan sus motivaciones desde un punto de vista socioeconómico –viudedad, invalidez, bastardía, vasallaje a los patronos y reajustes patrimoniales– y político –contactos previos con la corte–. Se abordan las dinámicas en la profesión de los diferentes estamentos: los oficiales y miembros del entorno de la corte, la alta nobleza y las oligarquías urbanas. Algunos de ellos hicieron carrera eclesiástica dentro de la orden a la que pertenecían o en la clerecía secular, como obispos y arzobispos; esto último, unido a que los religiosos recibieron privilegios y donaciones de la familia real y de la nobleza, dio lugar, además de aumentar las diferencias sociales entre los profesos, al surgimiento de conflictos por las dotes y los bienes donados.AbstractDuring the late Middle Ages, many male members of the political elite took the habit and were professed at a monastery, though to a much lesser extent than women. Their motivations are examined from a socioeconomic perspective (widowhood, disability, bastardy, vassalage to patrons, and changes in wealth) and from a political point of view (previous contacts with the king’s court). We will address the dynamics in the profession of the different estates: the officers and members of the court, the higher nobility and the urban oligarchies. Some of these men attained the dignity of bishop and archbishop while being in a religious order, or as members of the secular clergy. This situation, together with the fact that certain members of the clergy received privileges and donations from the royal family and the nobility, led to an increase in social differences among the clergy, and to conflicts due to dowries and donations.

Marcel Proust’s “In Search of Lost Time” concludes with the narrator’s great revelation that takes place in the Prince de Guermantes’ library. The meaning of this particular setting can be interpreted in different ways. The article examines some of the lesser-known early texts by Marcel Proust that played a significant part in the shaping of Guermantes, not just as a group of characters or a social phenomenon but as a possible metapoetic clue. The turn of the century nobility in Proust’s “Parisian Salons” serves as an eclectic yet inspiring “library” to the narrator, who is preoccupied mostly with reading and constantly recalling fragments of his reading experiences and associations. Almost in the same way Proust uses his mentor, Robert de Montesquiou, not only as a prototype for his baron de Charlus but as a focus point in an elaborate literary game. Anna de Noailles stands aside as the only independent figure in the gallery of charmed princes and princesses: in Proust’s vision she is both a perfect work of art and a perfect author. The article proposes to study Proust’s fascination with the “Guermantes’ way” in the context of his quest for new ways of authorship.

AbstractThis paper seeks to broaden our understanding of the Tarascan state by analyzing the cultural logic of hierarchy as revealed in theRelación de Michoacán. Following the insights of Dumont (1980) and Sahlins (1985), it is proposed that the historical narrative contained within that document is concerned with legitimizing the rule of the Tarascan royal dynasty through a conception of hierarchy based on the logic of encompassment. This analysis interprets the characters of the narrative as instantiations of “elementary categories,” and the interactions between these characters serve to define and ultimately transform those categories. The most important transformation is the encompassing of the “Islander” category by the “Chichimec” category. It is through this encompassment that the royal dynasty symbolized a socio-cosmic totality and therefore possessed legitimate authority. Furthermore, I outline a model of elite interaction and the development of the Tarascan state in which the royal dynasty sought to monopolize foreign trade goods, thus materially constructing its own identity as a possessor of legitimate authority and, therefore, as Chichimecs, according to one connotation of that term. At the same time, a class of status markers was created that could be shared with the lesser nobility, conferring legitimacy on them while preserving the wealth and identity of the royal dynasty.

The formula cognomen + nomen, as portrayed in Latronis enim Porcii (Sen. Controv. 1 praef. 13), the first double-name reference without praenomen in Seneca the Elder's work (henceforth referred to simply as Seneca), emerged as a result of the radical changes which the Roman onomastic system began to experience at the end of the Republic. On account of a wide variety of factors, both social and linguistic, the cognomen seized the role of diacritic name and individual signifier, having ousted praenomen from its ancient throne; the relatively limited number of praenomina in common use contributed substantially to their waning. The formulae of two constituents visibly reflected the progressive decline of praenomina; during the Early Principate double names still represented the usual formal means of reference (tria nomina being highly formal, mostly occurring in official contexts), but it mostly consisted of nomen + cognomen rather than praenomen + nomen or praenomen + cognomen. The formula nomen + cognomen, which developed once personal cognomina began to spread among the lesser classes, was primarily crafted for addressing men of ambiguous status, peregrini and freedmen. Thus, Cicero tends to avoid its use in naming members of the nobility, whom he refers to with a clear preference for the older, lustrous conjunction praenomen + cognomen.

This article examines the role of lay seigneurs in religious change in the French countryside in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, during the Catholic Reformation and a period of socioeconomic change in land ownership and exploitation. The focus here is on middling and lesser lords—the rough equivalent of the English gentry, who held land in a single province or evenpaysand had a frequent presence in their parishes—rather than the great nobles who operated at a national level. Brittany is used as a case study, for it was a province rich in rural lords and because relatively good source material survives. It is argued that seigneurs were important patrons of religious innovation in the countryside, particularly in the parish church. They were rarely innovators themselves, but they lent support and resources to the introduction and maintenance of new devotional practices. Lords worked closely with clergy, sharing their aspirations and ideas. Four areas were particularly prominent in eliciting their support: appointment of clergy, support of missionaries, new devotional practices, and funding of building projects and liturgies in parish churches. These combined family strategies of enhancing social status and individual means to salvation which were indivisible in the world of the lay rural nobility. It was from a traditional understanding of lordship that patronage of religious reform stemmed.

The article is devoted to the members of the family of Chodecki and their official career in the Ruthenian lands of the Kingdom of Poland (the Ruthenian and the Podolian voivodeships) in the second half of the 15th till the first third of the 16th centuries. Since the crown law was spread in the 30s of the 14th century on to the Rus’ lands as an equal part of the Polish Crown, the local noble communities were getting adapted to the succeeding legal norms. According to the new-created administrative-territorial units as an Ruthenian and Podolian voivodeships in 1434, the process of implementing the local political elites into the structure of the official hierarchy, which was different from the structure in the Greater or Lesser Poland, has been increasingly commenced. In this case, the analysis of the official career of the nobles, the Chodecki brothers, in particular, give us a whole view of the number of their offices, what position they had in all hierarchy and how much it was highly respected among the nobility. The article presents the factors which determined the election for the brother’s offices of Voivode of Ruthenian voivodeship and Grand Marshal of the Crown and the issue which was connected with the advancement of their official careers. It also shows the social position and financial status of Chodecki’s family as well as their affiliation with a particular group of the nobles. Additionally, attention was drawn to the significant differences between the analyzed years of centuries regarding the course of brother’s official careers which they have held during the reign of the following Kings.

Summary. The purpose of the research is to find out aspects of the religious function of male monastic communities of the Eparchy of Lviv (Orthodox and Union) in the local environment at the end of the XVI ‒ first quarter of the XVIII century. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, interdisciplinarity. Methods inherent for the study history of local social groups are used. The scientific novelty is in an attempt to study the religious function of monasteries in the Eparchy of Lviv, with the involvement of little-known and unpublished sources. Conclusions: among the most important aspects of religious activity of the monasteries of the Eparchy of Lviv was pastoral work, which was uncommon during the period under study. The pastorate of monks in parishes was initiated by church hierarchs or the founders of the parish, less often by the parishioners themselves. An important religious function of monastic communities was funeral services, which were held in monasteries at the request of the faithful inscribed in commemoration books. On the example of Pidhorodyshche monastery commemoration book, it can be stated that small monasteries were popular mainly with peasants or clergy from nearby settlements, to a lesser extent with burghers or gentry. The important role of monasticism in the religious consciousness of various classes of early modern society is confirmed by testamentary gifts in wills for monasteries. The personal religiosity of specific individuals played a significant role in their making. The nobility and burghers often chose monasteries as the place of their burial. Both family ties to monasteries and personal religiosity were decisive in this choice. An important place in the religious consciousness of the society of that time played the celebration in the honour of the monastery patron with the representatives of all classes of the society of that time taking part in it.

A theological-philosophical patron of crusades was St. Augustine of Hippo (354-430), one of the Fathers of Church, who in his The City of God (De Civitate Dei) assumed that the human mankind could be divided into two categories – the one constituting the civitas Dei, acting in the name of God, and civitas terrena, including disbelievers and Muslims. According to St. Augustine, the coming of Christ would put an end to the history of humanity – at that time believers would be rewarded with eternal happiness whereas disbelievers would be damned. Only when fighting in the name of God, in the defence of the Church, the knights could be useful for the society. This attitude was represented by Pope Gregory VII (1020-1085). A great propagator of the Augustinian doctrine was St. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) who reformed it for the sake of crusades. In his famous In Praise of the New Knighthood (De laude novae militae) he established the rule of the order of the Knights Templar. A motif of the martyr’s death could become a sufficient reason to undertake further actions of Christianisation, having the at the same time eschatological and practical dimension. In the context of an overall crusade movement, the martyrdom of St. Adalbert or Five Martyr Brothers as well as St. Bruno, seems to serve as a symbol and pretext for crusades being rather penitence pilgrimages of reconciliation with redemptory valor. There was nothing more convincing to undertake a military action than a penitential mission ensuring eternal salvation. It is presumed that even in the first period the missionary action might have been conducted by the Płock bishop Alexander of Malonne (1129-1156). On 3 March 1217 Pope Honorius III (1150–1227), presumably on the initiative of the then papal legate in Prussia, the Gniezno archbishop Henryk Kietlicz and bishop Chrystian (1180-1245), allowed the knights of Mazovia and Lesser Poland to organize an expedition to Prussia in return for participation in the Palestinian crusade. As the results of converting pagans by means of sword by Polish or Scandinavian expeditions were rather scarce, the orders were entrusted with a defence and development of the mission of Christianisation. They adopted a strategy to shatter the community of tribes – in Prussia by means of attracting the nobility, in Livonia by formenting discord among tribes.

In this article, the authors analyse materials from the excavations of the Tara fortress (Omsk Region, Wes-tern Siberia), founded in 1594 by Prince Andrei Yeletsky and functioned as the main outpost of the Russians in the Middle Irtysh region to counter Khan Kuchum, the Kuchumovichs, and then the newly-arrived population from Dzungaria and Kazakhstan, until construction of the Omsk fortress in 1716. The aim of this research is to identify amongst the finds the articles of Polish-Lithuanian origin, in outward appearance similar to Russian ones. Having studied the collections formed during the excavations of the fortress in 2007–2020, the authors came to the con-clusion that such items are definitely represented by the signet rings with nobility coats of arms, coins, and bap-tismal crosses made according to the Catholic canon. Potentially, Polish-Lithuanian origin could be assigned to some types of fabrics and leather goods, such as a travel compass case with images of French fleur-de-lis, some types of shoes, and handgun holsters. The presence of Venetian glass ware and plinth bricks in the layers of the 17th c., according to the authors, is also associated with the arrival in Tara of the population that had previously resided in the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or on the western borders of Muscovy. The owners of these items ended up in Tara (and in Western Siberia) because they were taken prisoners or sided with the Rus-sians during the Russian-Polish wars. Over time, they formed a special category of service people called ‘Lithuania’. This is evidenced by numerous written sources. The basis for this conclusion is given by particular characteristics of Tara's trade relations established, primarily, with China, Lesser and Greater Bukharia, and the Uzbek Khanate, i.e., with the south in the 17th c., from where Chinese porcelain, silk and cotton fabrics, and some types of smo-king pipes came to Tara. At that time, weapons, bread, coarse fabrics, money for salaries of the servicemen of the Siberian garrisons, and cheap beads were imported to Tara from the west through Kazan, Kungur, and Lozva. In the 18th c., the main trade of the Russians began to concentrate in Troitskosavsk (Kyakhta since 1934) on the border with Mongolia, from where tea, silk, and porcelain were exported, whereas a flow of Russian-made goods, as well as European wines, sugar, some species of nuts, and spices, was established through Kazan into Siberia. Instead of ’Lithuania’, Germans started coming to Siberia. In the 19th c., Poles reappeared en masse in Western Siberia. However, those were no longer residents of Lithuania and Western Russian principalities, but ethnic Poles exiled to Siberia for participation in anti-Russian uprisings.

The former area and extention of 10 C. Hungarian clans was conserved most accurately in the settlement area of medieval lesser nobles and in the boundaries of episcopal districts. The early Christian civitas emerged within the settle-ment area of former clans and the intermediate territories dividing them (so-called: megye) from which the medieval nobiliary counties emerged during the 13. C.

Social history (the history of everyday life) is a popular trend in modern Ukrainian historical studies. At the same time, it should be noted the studies aimed at the research of everyday life, life, stereotypes, incidents, personal life have an integrated nature. The proposed topic covers a short period of time, which was due to the introduction in the territory of Southern Ukraine of a new judicial system in accordance with the Provisions on Provinces of 1775. Thus, the judicial instances of Yekaterinoslav governorship (1783–1796), later of the Novorossiysk province (1796–1802) are under review. The region is vast, heterogeneous in various indicators. The purpose of the article is to determine the characteristics of different types of forensic documentation, which have the greatest information potential in studying the problems of everyday life of people of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. The source base are the materials of judicial institutions of the region, ranging from the county level (district courts, magistrates, reprisals) to provincial ones (high district court, high reprisal, provincial magistrate, conscientious court, court chamber and reprisals). The task is to characterize the different types of sources used to disclose the topic; to highlight the scenes that are most clearly presented in these documents. The main results. Characteristics of the following types of court documentation are given: journals (meetings, minutes, decisions); property registries; petitions; interrogations; extracts of cases. As an exception, personal letters are mentioned that were used as evidence at courts. The methods of hermeneutics are of great importance, since due to the lack of other sources, clearly formulated questions and a careful reading of the available documents for the formation of ideas about the era are crucially important. It has been noted that the functioning of the judicial system itself provides facts for the study of the stated topic. According to the approaches of the German sociologist N. Elias in the history of everyday life such category as "working day" is considered. It was at a specified time that the bureaucratic apparatus of the region was emerging with a new bureaucracy and its work schedule, which set a certain rhythm of the life of county and provincial cities. The conclusion is made about the possibility of studying, clarifying individual plots on the history of everyday life of almost all segments of the population (to a lesser extent, peasants). It is noted that criminal cases have a wider social variety. The life of the nobility is characterized primarily by documents of civil proceedings (inheritance division, disputes over land). They demonstrate the household side in the process of distribution and delimitation of land, which Southern Ukraine was experiencing during this period. There are two traditions at the cultural and legal levels: one appeals to the norms of the Lithuanian Statute of 1588 (in counties that have moved away from the territory of the former Hetmanate), the other to Russian imperial legislation. The documents of the judicial instances of the region confirm the fact of quite a high mobility of the population within southern Ukraine; point at the development of modern processes (including their negative manifestations in the form of rising crime); allow us to see the ugly side of the daily life of an individual at that time. Article type: analytical.

Remarks on the problems associated with the inculturation of the Napoleonic Code in the Kingdom of Poland — doubts concerning Article 530A serious problem can arise when a society has to deal with regulations not adapted to its internal relations, regulations that have been imposed on that society. Such a situation occurred in Poland in the early nineteenth century in connection with the introduction of the Napoleonic Code within the territory of the Duchy of Warsaw. This generated a lot of controversy, not only among members of the Council of State, but also among wealthy and lesser nobility as well as Catholic clergy. The state was characterised by numerous remnants of feudalism. The conditions, when it came to both social and economic relations, were different than those in France. Consequently, the provisions of the Code referring to property were not fully applicable in practice. After the fall of the Duchy of Warsaw the Napoleonic Code remained in force in the Kingdom of Poland and the Free City of Kraków. However, it still had many opponents in the Kingdom of Poland. In the end there emerged a concept of reform of property law, with one of its points being a change in the provisions guaranteeing inferior owners a possibility of redeeming their obligations. Such a right was guaranteed by Article 530 of the Code, which could lead to dominium utile or inferior ownership being transformed into dominium plenum or full ownership. A draft amendment was prepared by the Legislative Deputation and then adopted by the parliament on 13 June 1825. The inculturation of the Code in the Kingdom of Poland, a country on a lower level of socio-economic development than France, was doomed to failure. While in the Duchy of Warsaw the Napoleonic Code was fictitiously used in practice, as it were, in the Kingdom of Poland legislative work was undertaken to change civil law and adapt it to the conditions in the country. Bemerkungen zu den Problemen der Inkulturation des Code Napoléon im Königreich Polen — Fragen vor dem Hintergrund des Art. 530Das Aufzwingen der Gesellschaft der Vorschriften, die den dort herrschenden Verhältnissen nicht entsprechen, kann ein wesentliches Problem darstellen. Gerade mit dieser Situation hatte man auf polnischen Gebieten am Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts im Zusammenhang mit der Einführung des Code Napoléon im Warschauer Herzogtum zu tun. Diese Maßnahmen weckten viele Kontroversen nicht nur unter den Mitgliedern des Standesrates, sondern auch des vermögenden und mittleren Adels sowie der katholischen Geistlichkeit. Den Staat charakterisierten zahlreiche feudale Überreste. Es herrschten dort andere als in Frankreich sowohl soziale, wie auch wirtschaftliche Verhältnisse. In der Folge fanden die Vorschriften des Gesetzbuches betreffend das Sachenrecht keine vollständige Anwendung in der Praxis.Nach dem Fall des Warschauer Herzogtums bewahrte das Code Napoléon die Kraft auf den Gebieten des Königreiches Polen und der Freistadt Krakau. Im Königreich Polen hatte es jedoch weiterhin viele Gegner. Letztendlich klärte sich die Konzeption einer Reform des Vermögensrechtes und ein ihrer Punkte war die Änderung der Vorschriften, die die Möglichkeit des Rückkaufs der Obliegenheiten durch die unterliegenden Eigentümer garantierten. Dieses Recht sicherte Art. 530 des Code Napoléon zu, dessen Geltung zur Umwandlung des unterstellten Eigentums in ein volles Eigentum führen könnte. Der Entwurf der Novellierung wurde von der Rechtsgebenden Deputation vorbereitet und dann durch das Parlament am 13. Juni 1825 beschlossen.Der Inkulturationsprozess des Gesetzbuches im Königreich Polen, einem Staat, der auf einer niedrigeren Ebene der sozial-wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung als Frankreich stand, war zu einer Niederlage verurteilt. Obwohl im Warschauer Herzogtum eine Fiktion der Anwendung des Code Napoléon in der Praxis angenommen wurde, so unternahm man im Königreich Polen legislatorische Arbeiten mit dem Ziel der Änderung des Zivilrechtes und seiner Anpassung an die im Lande herrschenden Verhältnisse.

Rhizomes of Corydalis nobilis (L.) PERS. (3% of alkaloids) contain (+)-tetrahydropalmatine, (+)-bicuculline and (+)-corytuberine as the main constituents of the tertiary alkaloid fraction. Protopine, (+)-corypalmine and (+)-stylopine, which also belong to the dominant alkaloids, were isolated in lesser amounts. As minor alkaloids were isolated (±)-tetrahydropalmatine, (+)-corydaline, allocryptopine, cryptopine, (-)-scoulerine, (+)-adlumidine, (+)-sinactine, (±)-corlumine, isoboldine, (+)-corybulbine, (±)-stylopine and (-)-isocorypalmine. The fraction of quaternary protoberberine alkaloids afforded coptisine dehydrocorydaline, palmatine, corysamine jatrorrhizine and cis-N-methylstylopinium hydroxide. Aobamidine (Z-adlumidiceine enol lactone), isolated as the principal alkaloid of aerial parts (0.3% of alkaloids), is obviously an artifact arising from bicuculline N-metho salt during the isolation process. Further dominant alkaloids of the tertiary fraction were adlumidine, bicuculline, protopine, (±)-tetrahydropalmatine and (±)-corlumine; as minor alkaloids were isolated corytuberine, scoulerine, corypalmine, cryptopine, isocorypalmine, corybulbine, (+)-corydalizine, and unidentified alkaloids CN 1 (C23H25NO5, m.p. 211 °C) and CN 2 (m.p. 261 °C). Quaternary protoberberine fraction afforded coptisine and palmatine. Nineteen of the mentioned alkaloids were isolated from this species for the first time. Tubers of C. intermedia (L.) MÉRAT (0.70% of alkaloids) afforded protopine, tetrahydropalmatine and corydaline as the main alkaloids and allocryptopine, canadine stylopine, palmatine, dehydrocorydaline, berberine, coptisine as minor alkaloids, together with traces of bicuculline and magnoflorine. Dominant alkaloids of the aerial part (0.73% of alkaloids) were bicuculline, bulbocapnine, protopine, stylopine and an unidentified phenolic base, m.p. 258 °C. Isoboldine, scoulerine, allocryptopine, corydaline, canadine, coptisine, palmatine and berberine were identified as the minor alkaloids.

Two new species of Lates Cuvier are described. Lates lakdiva, new species, from western Sri Lanka, differs from its Indo-Pacific congeners by its lesser body depth, 26.6‒27.6% SL; 5 rows of scales in transverse line between base of third dorsal-fin spine and lateral line; 31‒34 serrae on the posterior edge of the preoperculum; third anal-fin spine longer than second;47‒52 lateral-line scales on body; and greatest depth of maxilla less than eye diameter. Lates uwisara, new species, fromeastern Myanmar, is distinguished by possessing 7 scales in transverse line between base of third dorsal-fin spine and lat-eral line; eye diameter 4.4‒4.7% SL; body depth 28.4‒34.5% SL; and third anal-fin spine shorter than the second. Despitesubstantial genetic variation, L. calcarifer sensu lato is widely distributed, from tropical Australia through Indonesia, Sin-gapore and Thailand, westwards to at least the west coast of India. Caution is urged in translocating Lates in the Indo-Pacific region as other yet unrecognized species likely exist. The status of the type specimens of L. calcarifer is discussed,and a common lectotype designated for L. heptadactylus and L. nobilis. While Lates vacti (type locality Bengal) may bea valid species, L. cavifrons and L. darwiniensis are considered synonyms of L. calcarifer. Plectopomus Goldfuss and Ptertopomus Goldfuss are shown to be incorrect subsequent spellings of Plectropomus Oken.

Over a thousand graves were discovered at the necropolis in Vodoča near Strumica (about 170 km south-east of Skopje). Population of the settlement of Vodica – Vodoča was buried at this site over a long chronological range from the 13th/14th centuries continuously until the 20th century. Jewelry is dominant archaeological material at the Vodoča necropolis, as it is on other Christian cemeteries from the mentioned period in a wider region. Several interesting examples of rings with sphragistic purpose which were studied in this paper can be broadly dated from the second half of the 14th century to 17th century. Besides complete or reduced signs, and heraldic or emblematic ones, over the course of time one can also notice reduction in quality and poor characteristics of workmanship and material. Tendency to preserve traditional traits is noticeable on one hand, and on the other hand there is evident penetration of oriental sphragistics. These signet rings were worn foremost by "baštinari" (heirs) mentioned in Turkish registers. They were the remains of medieval lesser nobility – "pronijari" (pronoiars) and their offspring who inherited property and land. These rings were used to legitimize investitures and membership in a certain social class and profession.

This essay examines the life, political career and the moral and intellectual universe of Deputy Colonel Baron Pál Prónay, the most important paramilitary leader in Hungary after the First World War. In historical memory and public imagination, Prónay’s name is associated with militia, mob and state violence often described by contemporary liberals and socialists as the “White Terror,” namely the harassment, arbitrary arrest, torture and execution of both political opponents and apolitical Jews after the collapse of the Soviet Republic in early August of 1919. The essay is based on hitherto unused or underused primary sources, such as Prónay’s unpublished two-volume diary; trial documents; police reports; memorandums; internal communications between government agencies, civilian and military authorities; and private letters culled from fi ve major archives, as well as contemporary newspapers, political pamphlets and novels and short stories written by well and lesser known writers. It seeks to unearth the details of Prónay’s life and explain his behavior, in particular his cruelty and sadism, in the context of role expectations, behavior patterns and political and cultural values associated with the nobility, the minor aristocracy, the offi cer corps and gentlemen in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in the early twentieth century. The essay looks at the techniques that Prónay used in his diary to project a favorable image while simultaneously destroying the reputation of his opponents as the fi rst step towards political rehabilitation. Why he failed to achieve this goal, the mistakes that he made both as a writer and politician during his belated and desperate attempt in the early 1940s to regain favor with the political elite and the memory of the “White Terror” and Prónay’s role in the Hungarian civil war are the subjects of this essay.

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Introduction The social roles of alcohol consumption are rich and varied, with different types of alcoholic beverages reflecting important symbolic and cultural meanings. Sparkling wine is especially notable for its association with secular and sacred celebrations. Indeed, sparkling wine is rarely drunk as a matter of routine; bottles of such wine signal special occasions, heightened by the formality and excitement associated with opening the bottle and controlling (or not!) the resultant fizz (Faith). Originating in England and France in the late 1600s, sparkling wine marked a dramatic shift in winemaking techniques, with winemakers deliberately adding “fizz” or bubbles to their product (Faith). The resulting effervescent wines were first enjoyed by the social elite of European society, signifying privilege, wealth, luxury and nobility; however, new techniques for producing, selling and distributing the wines created a mass consumer culture (Guy). Production of Australian sparkling wines began in the late nineteenth century and consumption remains popular. As a “new world” country – that is, one not located in the wine producing areas of Europe – Australian sparkling wines cannot directly draw on the same marketing traditions as those of the “old world”. One enterprising company, Treasury Wine Estates, markets a range of wines, including a sparkling variety, called 19 Crimes, that draws, not on European traditions tied to luxury, wealth and prestige, but Australia’s colonial history. Using Augmented Reality and interactive story-telling, 19 Crimes wine labels feature convicts who had committed one or more of 19 crimes punishable by transportation to Australia from Britain. The marketing of sparkling wine using convict images and convict stories of transportation have not diminished the celebratory role of consuming “bubbly”. Rather, in exploring the marketing techniques employed by the company, particularly when linked to the traditional drink of celebration, we argue that 19 Crimes, while fun and informative, nevertheless romanticises convict experiences and Australia’s convict past. Convict Heritage and Re-Appropriating the Convict Image Australia’s cultural heritage is undeniably linked to its convict past. Convicts were transported to Australia from England and Ireland over an 80-year period between 1788-1868. While the convict system in Australia was not predominantly characterised by incarceration and institutionalisation (Jones 18) the work they performed was often forced and physically taxing, and food and clothing shortages were common. Transportation meant exile, and “it was a fierce punishment that ejected men, women and children from their homelands into distant and unknown territories” (Bogle 23). Convict experiences of transportation often varied and were dependent not just on the offender themselves (for example their original crime, how willing they were to work and their behaviour), but also upon the location they were sent to. “Normal” punishment could include solitary confinement, physical reprimands (flogging) or hard labour in chain gangs. From the time that transportation ceased in the mid 1800s, efforts were made to distance Australia’s future from the “convict stain” of its past (Jones). Many convict establishments were dismantled or repurposed with the intent of forgetting the past, although some became sites of tourist visitation from the time of closure. Importantly, however, the wider political and social reluctance to engage in discourse regarding Australia’s “unsavoury historical incident” of its convict past continued up until the 1970s (Jones 26). During the 1970s Australia’s convict heritage began to be discussed more openly, and indeed, more favourably (Welch 597). Many today now view Australia’s convicts as “reluctant pioneers” (Barnard 7), and as such they are celebrated within our history. In short, the convict heritage is now something to be celebrated rather than shunned. This celebration has been capitalised upon by tourist industries and more recently by wine label 19 Crimes. “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” The Treasury Wine Estates brand launched 19 Crimes in 2011 to a target population of young men aged between 18 and 34 (Lyons). Two limited edition vintages sold out in 2011 with “virtually no promotion” (19 Crimes, “Canadians”). In 2017, 19 Crimes became the first wine to use an Augmented Reality (AR) app (the app was later renamed Living Wines Labels in 2018) that allowed customers to hover their [smart] phone in front of a bottle of the wine and [watch] mugshots of infamous 18th century British criminals come to life as 3D characters who recount their side of the story. Having committed at least one of the 19 crimes punishable by exile to Australia, these convicts now humor and delight wine drinkers across the globe. (Lirie) Given the target audience of the 19 Crimes wine was already 18-34 year old males, AR made sense as a marketing technique. Advertisers are well aware the millennial generation is “digitally empowered” and the AR experience was created to not only allow “consumers to engage with 19 Crimes wines but also explore some of the stories of Australia’s convict past … [as] told by the convicts-turned-colonists themselves!” (Lilley cited in Szentpeteri 1-2). The strategy encourages people to collect convicts by purchasing other 19 Crimes alcohol to experience a wider range of stories. The AR has been highly praised: they [the labels] animate, explaining just what went down and giving a richer experience to your beverage; engaging both the mind and the taste buds simultaneously … . ‘A fantastic app that brings a little piece of history to life’, writes one user on the Apple app store. ‘I jumped out of my skin when the mugshot spoke to me’. (Stone) From here, the success of 19 Crimes has been widespread. For example, in November 2020, media reports indicated that 19 Crimes red wine was the most popular supermarket wine in the UK (Lyons; Pearson-Jones). During the UK COVID lockdown in 2020, 19 Crimes sales increased by 148 per cent in volume (Pearson-Jones). This success is in no small part to its innovative marketing techniques, which of course includes the AR technology heralded as a way to enhance the customer experience (Lirie). The 19 Crimes wine label explicitly celebrates infamous convicts turned settlers. The website “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” incorporates ideas of celebration, champagne and bubbles by encouraging people to toast their mates: the convicts on our wines are not fiction. They were of flesh and blood, criminals and scholars. Their punishment of transportation should have shattered their spirits. Instead, it forged a bond stronger than steel. Raise a glass to our convict past and the principles these brave men and women lived by. (19 Crimes, “Cheers”) While using alcohol, and in particular sparkling wine, to participate in a toasting ritual is the “norm” for many social situations, what is distinctive about the 19 Crimes label is that they have chosen to merchandise and market known offenders for individuals to encounter and collect as part of their drinking entertainment. This is an innovative and highly popular concept. According to one marketing company: “19 Crimes Wines celebrate the rebellious spirit of the more than 160,000 exiled men and women, the rule breakers and law defying citizens that forged a new culture and national spirit in Australia” (Social Playground). The implication is that by drinking this brand of [sparkling] wine, consumers are also partaking in celebrating those convicts who “forged” Australian culture and national spirit. In many ways, this is not a “bad thing”. 19 Crimes are promoting Australian cultural history in unique ways and on a very public and international scale. The wine also recognises the hard work and success stories of the many convicts that did indeed build Australia. Further, 19 Crimes are not intentionally minimising the experiences of convicts. They implicitly acknowledge the distress felt by convicts noting that it “should have shattered their spirits”. However, at times, the narratives and marketing tools romanticise the convict experience and culturally reinterpret a difficult experience into one of novelty. They also tap into Australia’s embracement of larrikinism. In many ways, 19 Crimes are encouraging consumers to participate in larrikin behaviour, which Bellanta identifies as being irreverent, mocking authority, showing a disrespect for social subtleties and engaging in boisterous drunkenness with mates. Celebrating convict history with a glass of bubbly certainly mocks authority, as does participating in cultural practices that subvert original intentions. Several companies in the US and Europe are now reportedly offering the service of selling wine bottle labels with customisable mugshots. Journalist Legaspi suggests that the perfect gift for anyone who wants a sparkling wine or cider to toast with during the Yuletide season would be having a customisable mugshot as a wine bottle label. The label comes with the person’s mugshot along with a “goofy ‘crime’ that fits the person-appealing” (Sotelo cited in Legaspi). In 2019, Social Playground partnered with MAAKE and Dan Murphy's stores around Australia to offer customers their own personalised sticker mugshots that could be added to the wine bottles. The campaign was intended to drive awareness of 19 Crimes, and mugshot photo areas were set up in each store. Customers could then pose for a photo against the “mug shot style backdrop. Each photo was treated with custom filters to match the wine labels actual packaging” and then printed on a sticker (Social Playground). The result was a fun photo moment, delivered as a personalised experience. Shoppers were encouraged to purchase the product to personalise their bottle, with hundreds of consumers taking up the offer. With instant SMS delivery, consumers also received a branded print that could be shared so [sic] social media, driving increased brand awareness for 19 Crimes. (Social Playground) While these customised labels were not interactive, they lent a unique and memorable spin to the wine. In many circumstances, adding personalised photographs to wine bottles provides a perfect and unique gift; yet, could be interpreted as making light of the conditions experienced by convicts. However, within our current culture, which celebrates our convict heritage and embraces crime consumerism, the reframing of a mugshot from a tool used by the State to control into a novelty gift or memento becomes culturally acceptable and desirable. Indeed, taking a larrikin stance, the reframing of the mugshot is to be encouraged. It should be noted that while some prisons were photographing criminals as early as the 1840s, it was not common practice before the 1870s in England. The Habitual Criminals Act of 1869 has been attributed with accelerating the use of criminal photographs, and in 1871 the Crimes Prevention Act mandated the photographing of criminals (Clark). Further, in Australia, convicts only began to be photographed in the early 1870s (Barnard) and only in Western Australia and Port Arthur (Convict Records, “Resources”), restricting the availability of images which 19 Crimes can utilise. The marketing techniques behind 19 Crimes and the Augmented app offered by Living Wines Labels ensure that a very particular picture of the convicts is conveyed to its customers. As seen above, convicts are labelled in jovial terms such as “rule breakers”, having a “rebellious spirit” or “law defying citizens”, again linking to notions of larrikinism and its celebration. 19 Crimes have been careful to select convicts that have a story linked to “rule breaking, culture creating and overcoming adversity” (19 Crimes, “Snoop”) as well as convicts who have become settlers, or in other words, the “success stories”. This is an ingenious marketing strategy. Through selecting success stories, 19 Crimes are able to create an environment where consumers can enjoy their bubbly while learning about a dark period of Australia’s heritage. Yet, there is a distancing within the narratives that these convicts are actually “criminals”, or where their criminal behaviour is acknowledged, it is presented in a way that celebrates it. Words such as criminals, thieves, assault, manslaughter and repeat offenders are foregone to ensure that consumers are never really reminded that they may be celebrating “bad” people. The crimes that make up 19 Crimes include: Grand Larceny, theft above the value of one shilling. Petty Larceny, theft under one shilling. Buying or receiving stolen goods, jewels, and plate... Stealing lead, iron, or copper, or buying or receiving. Impersonating an Egyptian. Stealing from furnished lodgings. Setting fire to underwood. Stealing letters, advancing the postage, and secreting the money. Assault with an intent to rob. Stealing fish from a pond or river. Stealing roots, trees, or plants, or destroying them. Bigamy. Assaulting, cutting, or burning clothes. Counterfeiting the copper coin... Clandestine marriage. Stealing a shroud out of a grave. Watermen carrying too many passengers on the Thames, if any drowned. Incorrigible rogues who broke out of Prison and persons reprieved from capital punishment. Embeuling Naval Stores, in certain cases. (19 Crimes, “Crimes”) This list has been carefully chosen to fit the narrative that convicts were transported in the main for what now appear to be minimal offences, rather than for serious crimes which would otherwise have been punished by death, allowing the consumer to enjoy their bubbly without engaging too closely with the convict story they are experiencing. The AR experience offered by these labels provides consumers with a glimpse of the convicts’ stories. Generally, viewers are told what crime the convict committed, a little of the hardships they encountered and the success of their outcome. Take for example the transcript of the Blanc de Blancs label: as a soldier I fought for country. As a rebel I fought for cause. As a man I fought for freedom. My name is James Wilson and I fight to the end. I am not ashamed to speak the truth. I was tried for treason. Banished to Australia. Yet I challenged my fate and brought six of my brothers to freedom. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. While the contrived voice of James Wilson speaks about continual strain on the body and mind, and having to live in a “living tomb” [Australia] the actual difficulties experienced by convicts is not really engaged with. Upon further investigation, it is also evident that James Wilson was not an ordinary convict, nor was he strictly tried for treason. Information on Wilson is limited, however from what is known it is clear that he enlisted in the British Army at age 17 to avoid arrest when he assaulted a policeman (Snoots). In 1864 he joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood and became a Fenian; which led him to desert the British Army in 1865. The following year he was arrested for desertion and was convicted by the Dublin General Court Martial for the crime of being an “Irish rebel” (Convict Records, “Wilson”), desertion and mutinous conduct (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice). Prior to transportation, Wilson was photographed at Dublin Mountjoy Prison in 1866 (Manuscripts and Archives Division), and this is the photo that appears on the Blanc de Blancs label. He arrived in Fremantle, Western Australia on 9 January 1868. On 3 June 1869 Wilson “was sentenced to fourteen days solitary, confinement including ten days on bread and water” (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice) for an unknown offence or breach of conduct. A few years into his sentence he sent a letter to a fellow Fenian New York journalist John Devoy. Wilson wrote that his was a voice from the tomb. For is not this a living tomb? In the tomb it is only a man’s body is good for the worms but in this living tomb the canker worm of care enters the very soul. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. (Wilson, 1874, cited in FitzSimons; emphasis added) Note the last two lines of the extract of the letter have been used verbatim by 19 Crimes to create their interactive label. This letter sparked a rescue mission which saw James Wilson and five of his fellow prisoners being rescued and taken to America where Wilson lived out his life (Reid). This escape has been nicknamed “The Great Escape” and a memorial was been built in 2005 in Rockingham where the escape took place. While 19 Crimes have re-created many elements of Wilson’s story in the interactive label, they have romanticised some aspects while generalising the conditions endured by convicts. For example, citing treason as Wilson’s crime rather than desertion is perhaps meant to elicit more sympathy for his situation. Further, the selection of a Fenian convict (who were often viewed as political prisoners that were distinct from the “criminal convicts”; Amos) allows 19 Crimes to build upon narratives of rule breaking by focussing on a convict who was sent to Australia for fighting for what he believed in. In this way, Wilson may not be seen as a “real” criminal, but rather someone to be celebrated and admired. Conclusion As a “new world” producer of sparkling wine, it was important for 19 Crimes to differentiate itself from the traditionally more sophisticated market of sparkling-wine consumers. At a lower price range, 19 Crimes caters to a different, predominantly younger, less wealthy clientele, who nevertheless consume alcoholic drinks symbolic to the occasion. The introduction of an effervescent wine to their already extensive collection encourages consumers to buy their product to use in celebratory contexts where the consumption of bubbly defines the occasion. The marketing of Blanc de Blancs directly draws upon ideas of celebration whilst promoting an image and story of a convict whose situation is admired – not the usual narrative that one associates with celebration and bubbly. Blanc de Blancs, and other 19 Crimes wines, celebrate “the rules they [convicts] broke and the culture they built” (19 Crimes, “Crimes”). This is something that the company actively promotes through its website and elsewhere. Using AR, 19 Crimes are providing drinkers with selective vantage points that often sensationalise the reality of transportation and disengage the consumer from that reality (Wise and McLean 569). Yet, 19 Crimes are at least engaging with the convict narrative and stimulating interest in the convict past. Consumers are being informed, convicts are being named and their stories celebrated instead of shunned. Consumers are comfortable drinking bubbly from a bottle that features a convict because the crimes committed by the convict (and/or to the convict by the criminal justice system) occurred so long ago that they have now been romanticised as part of Australia’s colourful history. The mugshot has been re-appropriated within our culture to become a novelty or fun interactive experience in many social settings. For example, many dark tourist sites allow visitors to take home souvenir mugshots from decommissioned police and prison sites to act as a memento of their visit. The promotional campaign for people to have their own mugshot taken and added to a wine bottle, while now a cultural norm, may diminish the real intent behind a mugshot for some people. For example, while drinking your bubbly or posing for a fake mugshot, it may be hard to remember that at the time their photographs were taken, convicts and transportees were “ordered to sit for the camera” (Barnard 7), so as to facilitate State survelliance and control over these individuals (Wise and McLean 562). Sparkling wine, and the bubbles that it contains, are intended to increase fun and enjoyment. Yet, in the case of 19 Crimes, the application of a real-life convict to a sparkling wine label adds an element of levity, but so too novelty and romanticism to what are ultimately narratives of crime and criminal activity; thus potentially “making light” of the convict experience. 19 Crimes offers consumers a remarkable way to interact with our convict heritage. The labels and AR experience promote an excitement and interest in convict heritage with potential to spark discussion around transportation. 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