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Journal articles on the topic 'Letter to a gentleman'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

VAN CLEEMPOEL, KOENRAAD. "HENRI MICHEL, A GENTLEMAN-SCHOLAR." Nuncius 16, no. 2 (2001): 733–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539101x00659.

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Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title Henri Michel (1885-1981), collector and connoisseur maintained an extensive international correspondence concerning scientific instruments. His archive includes letters to and from all the leading specialists between c. 1933 and c. 1975. It is therefore an important source for a period that coincides with the formation of several major collections and the publication of important reference works. The archive of this pioneer student of instruments includes over 500 letters, four notebooks and a set of photographic plates.

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2

Trickett, Rachel, and Patricia B. Craddock. "Young Edward Gibbon: Gentleman of Letters." Yearbook of English Studies 16 (1986): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3507815.

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McMillan, Christopher. "A Letter from I.B. Gentleman: Sir Thomas Smith’s Ulster scheme and its Scottish context." Prose Studies 39, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2017): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2018.1429201.

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YOUNGER, NEIL. "DRAMA, POLITICS, AND NEWS IN THE EARL OF SUSSEX'S ENTERTAINMENT OF ELIZABETH I AT NEW HALL, 1579." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (May 11, 2015): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000715.

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AbstractIn September 1579, at the height of an intense political debate over her prospective marriage to the duke of Anjou, Elizabeth I visited New Hall, the country seat of the match's greatest supporter within England, Thomas Radcliffe, third earl of Sussex. Her entertainment on that occasion, hitherto completely unknown, was described in a letter, printed here, from one Norfolk gentleman, Sir Edward Clere, to another, Bassingbourne Gawdy. The letter describes the dramatic performances and other entertainments provided for the queen, which included coded but unmistakeable encouragements for her to proceed with the marriage. This article discusses the ways in which this was done and their consequences for our knowledge of the Anjou marriage debate as a political episode, suggesting that Sussex sought to use the entertainment to boost the participation of more conservative members of the nobility in government. It also explores how this evidence affects our picture of Elizabethan courtly entertainments, and particularly their non-dramatic elements. Finally, it discusses Clere's letter itself as an insight into the nature of gentry news culture, particularly with regard to matters of high politics.

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5

Knoepflmacher, U. C. "A Victorianist Looks Back: Fluidity vs. Fragmentation." Victorian Literature and Culture 47, no. 1 (December 7, 2018): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318001407.

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InMiddlemarch,when Mr. Brooke asks Edward Casaubon how he arranges his documents, the pedantic would-be author of “The Key to All Mythologies” replies with a “startled air of effort” that he puts them into “pigeon-holes mostly.” Dorothea's uncle is baffled. He complains that his own scattered gatherings became much too “mixed in pigeon-holes: I never know whether a paper is in A or Z.” Embarrassed, his niece volunteers to sort out his papers: “I would letter them all, and then make a list of subjects under each letter.” Her offer catches Mr. Casaubon's attention. Commending Mr. Brooke for having such “an excellent secretary at hand,” he gravely smiles his approval. But the befuddled gentleman whose mind remains full of disconnected “fragments” bluntly rejects Dorothea's offer: “‘No, no,’ said Mr. Brooke: ‘I cannot let young ladies meddle with my documents. Young ladies are too flighty.’”

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6

Kaplan, Morton A. "Robert Strausz-Hupé: Scholar, Gentleman, Man of Letters." Orbis 61, no. 4 (2017): 463–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2017.08.011.

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7

Kilburn, Helen. "Jesuit and gentleman planter: Ingle’s rebellion and the litigation of Thomas Copley S.J." British Catholic History 34, no. 03 (April 12, 2019): 374–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2019.2.

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Father Thomas Copley S.J. (d. 1652) was born in Madrid in 1595/6 to an exiled English Catholic family. He joined the Maryland mission in 1637 under the alias Philip Fisher. In 1645 in the midst of the English Civil War, Richard Ingle, captain of the Reformation and under the authority of a Parliamentary Letter of Marque, plundered Maryland. Ingle, who mostly pursued wealthy Catholics, brought to England under arrest the Jesuit priests Thomas Copley and Andrew White on charges related to the legislation, An Act Against Jesuits, Seminary Priests and Other Such Disobedient Persons (1585). This article examines the proceedings of the High Court of Admiralty and the High Court of Chancery that relate to Ingle’s Rebellion (1645-1646). In particular, it examines the methods employed by Fr. Copley not only to escape execution but also to pursue Richard Ingle for damages to property and person. It therefore delineates the intersections between national allegiance, civil rights, and confessional adherence in Catholic and non-Catholic imaginations in both England and her empire. Importantly, this case study illustrates how English Jesuits navigated and used an immature English imperial jurisprudence to their advantage.

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8

Burd, Van Akin. "RUSKIN AND HIS “GOOD MASTER,” WILLIAM BUCKLAND." Victorian Literature and Culture 36, no. 2 (September 2008): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150308080376.

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The enclosed having come into my hands being a Letter written by my Son to a Literary gentleman who had lent him a Work of Dr. Croly containing some remarks on your Rel Deluv, I having thought it might amuse you to see the Zeal of one of your Disciples, & therefore take the liberty of sending it, but I have a twofold motive believing that should your leisure ever allow of your glancing at the paper you might have an estimate of my Sons Knowledge of the Science he takes such delight in & aid him the more easily by occasional hints which the Intercourse so indulgently granted him by you may afford him the means of deriving.

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9

Schlüter, Lucy L. E. "'gedaen door N. de Vos, tot Antwerpen'. Lotgevallen van de portretten van Joris Vezelaer en Margaretha Boghe, voorouders van Constantijn Huygens, geschilderd door Joos van Cleve." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 119, no. 4 (2006): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501706x00302.

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AbstractBased on four letters dating from the period between December 1652 to January 1653, the article documents the vicissitudes of the portraits (and copies of them) of Joris Vezelaer and Margaretha Boghe. This couple, portrayed by Joos van Cleve in about 1518, were identified by Horst Gerson as the parents of Constantijn Huygens on his mother's side. Huygens, eager to obtain the original portraits or at least copies of them, makes enquiries from the art dealer Matthijs Musson in Antwerp and from the nephew (and niece) Buyex Alewyn, former guardians of the parental heritage in Deurne, but to his great surprise discovers copies which had been put on the market. Beatrix de Cusance, duchess of Lorraine, was so charmed by Huygens' enthusiasm for the ancestral portraits that she decided to buy them and present them to Constantijn. According to Buycx's letter of January 1653 the original portraits were sent to Vienna after the painter De Vos of Antwerp had made two sets of copies. Buycx, who owned one of these copies, consented to retrieve the original portraits from Vienna. This appeared to solve the problem of ancestral portraits, but no matter how grateful Huygens was to the Duchess of Lorraine, he was apparently not satisfied with mere copies. In a letter written fifteen years later (December 1667) it appears that Jacob Buycx had obtained further information about the location of the portraits, but had been unable to track them down after the sister of his wife, Helena Alewyn of Vienna, had received them. Buycx presumed an heir in Vienna, perhaps a Salicouffer, had them in his possession. From the Huygens collection of letters it appeared that there was another letter with information of the portrait panels. This letter, written in Dutch from Vienna (dated December 1, 1667) from an unknown writer to an unknown recipient indicates that a member of the Zollickhoffer family who had come down in the world may have sold the portraits. The letter also mentions the merchant Golddast of Vienna, who had been approached by someone in Holland to trace the "gentleman from Zuylichem" for a considerable amount of money. Unfortunately for Constantijn, however, the original portraits failed to return. One set of copies of the ancestors on both sides of the family remained until well into the eighteenth century - until 1786 - in the Huygens collection of family portraits, but to this day the whereabouts of neither of Margaretha Boghe's two copies have been traced.

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Evans, John D. "Anniversary Address." Antiquaries Journal 66, no. 1 (March 1986): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500084444.

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The other day I received a letter from someone I did not know, but who shares my rather common surname. This gentleman had received a piece of mail intended for me—a Who's Who entry for correction, in fact. The occurrence in itself was not very remarkable, as those of you who have surnames which are as widely distributed as mine will especially appreciate. What was particularly striking to me was that my correspondent began his letter by saying that he had never written to an archaeologist before, and could not resist the temptationto do so now. I replied that I was somewhat surprised that archaeologists could still have such a curiosity value; it had been my impression that we had become so relatively common during the last two decades as not to attract much more notice than many other professions. We are still not, and are never likely to be, a large profession, but there is also, of course, a strong body of serious amateurs who can also reasonably call themselves qualified archaeologists—and we do get a more than average amount of publicity.

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Rustow, Dankwart A., and Ralf Dahrendorf. "Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: In a letter intended to have been sent to a gentleman in Warsaw." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 3 (1991): 564. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151781.

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Leithauser, Hailey. "Letter from an Aging Aesthete to the Gentleman from Venice Who Complains That "The World Is Deceived with Ornament"." Hopkins Review 10, no. 4 (2017): 564–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/thr.2017.0109.

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13

WEIWEI, SHEN. "From Country Bumpkin to Gentleman : Reading Shen Congwen's Letters to Hu Shi." Chinese Studies in History 38, no. 2 (January 2005): 21–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00094633.2005.11039492.

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14

Gomme, A. "John Buxton, Norfolk Gentleman and Architect: Letters to his Son, 1719-29." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 493 (September 1, 2006): 1184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel272.

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15

Glennon, Michael J. "The Good Friday Accords: Legislative Veto by Another Name?" American Journal of International Law 83, no. 3 (July 1989): 544–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203313.

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On March 24, 1989—Good Friday—President Bush and congressional leaders signed a landmark agreement committing them to support nonlethal aid for the Nicaraguan contras, together with Central American peace efforts. Under this “gentleman’s agreement,” aid would continue through February 1990. But in November 1989, the President must get letters from each of four congressional committees approving the continuation of aid after that month. If a majority of the membership of any one of those committees declines to authorize the letter, the President agreed, he will terminate the aid.

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16

Modestin, Georg. "Le gentleman, la sorcière et le diable : Reginald Scot, un anthropologue social avant la lettre* ?" Médiévales, no. 44 (June 1, 2003): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/medievales.722.

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17

Davies, J. Brian. "Alexander Lamb Cullen OBE. 30 April 1920—27 December 2013." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 64 (March 14, 2018): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2017.0028.

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Alex Cullen combined the sharpest of scientific minds with a gentle personality and a great sense of humour. He was Professor and Head of the Department of Electrical Engineering at Sheffield from 1955 to 1967, and then Head of the Department of Electrical Engineering at University College London (UCL) until 1980. He continued his research there as a Science and Engineering Research Council Senior Fellow until 1985, and for some years as Research Fellow of UCL. His research concerned electromagnetic waves over a wide range of microwave devices and measurement techniques, the latter at a fundamental level. These contributions were of a highly innovative and ‘ground-breaking’ nature. He was appointed OBE in 1960, and elected Fellow of the Royal Society in 1977. He was an accomplished jazz musician, playing drums and clarinet. He was a signatory of a letter to The Times in January 1986, calling on Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to ‘Save British Science’. This led to the foundation of the Save British Science pressure group, now the Campaign for Science and Engineering (CaSE), which has built up an enviable reputation with politicians and the media in representing the concerns of scientists and engineers. When (now Sir) Eric Ash left UCL in 1985 to become Rector of Imperial College, he remarked that Alex was ‘the last gentleman in the business’.

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18

FINN, MARGOT C. "Colonial Gifts: Family Politics and the Exchange of Goods in British India, c. 1780–1820." Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 1 (February 2006): 203–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06001739.

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In August 1851, James Russell travelled to London from his estate on the banks of the Tweed. As a young man decades earlier, Russell had served as a cavalry officer in India, and he was anxious to exploit this visit to the metropolis to renew his acquaintance with the men who had formed his social circle years ago in Hyderabad. Having arrived in London, James Russell called on Charles Russell (no relation) at the latter's residence in Argyle Street. Chairman of the Great Western Railway, Charles Russell too had passed his youth in India, serving as a lieutenant in the Company's army and as an assistant to the diplomatic Resident at Hyderabad—his older brother, Henry. In a letter to his brother—now Sir Henry and (thanks to his Indian fortune) the proprietor of an extensive landed estate in Berkshire—Charles described James Russell as ‘still a great oddity, almost mad I think’, but conceded that ‘all his feelings are those of [a] gentleman and his pursuits have always been intellectual’. To substantiate this assessment of his old friend's sensibilities, he instanced James Russell's retention and use of a dictionary given to him by Charles in Hyderabad. ‘He gratified me by telling me that he still retained “a handsome Greek Lexicon” which I gave him, when he resumed the study of Greek’, Charles informed his brother Henry. ‘On his way home [from India] he followed the retreat of the ten thousand with Xenophon in his hand; and he has since worked hard, he tells me, at the Greek historians, poets & dramatists’. Having reminisced in London with Charles, James Russell journeyed to Berkshire to visit Sir Henry Russell, who read excerpts from Charles's letter aloud to his guest. ‘I always liked him’, Sir Henry wrote to his brother upon James Russell's departure, ‘and when I read to him your reference to early days, his eyes filled with tears’.

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Braddick, M. J., and Mark Greengrass. "The Letters of Sir Cheney Culpeper, 1641–1657." Camden Fifth Series 7 (July 1996): 105–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116300000373.

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Sir Cheney Culpeper (1611–1663) was a lawyer and gentleman from the north Kentish Weald. Yet he never rose to prominence in the legal profession. Nor did he take up public office either as an MP or as a diplomat – although he occasionally entertained the possibilities of both. Such aspirations would not have been surprising in someone who was the eldest son of a family which enjoyed connections to the wheels of power in Stuart England. He expected to inherit a considerable portion of the family's not inconsiderable estates – which included Leeds Castle. Yet he was, at a critical juncture, in effect disinherited by his father. Although a committed Parliamentarian, Culpeper did not play a major part either in county or national politics during the Civil War and the Interregnum. His career was, in worldly terms, hardly a success: if success alone were the criterion to justify the publication of his letters over three hundred years later, this volume would not see the light of day.

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20

Goff, Moira. "The Celebrated Monsieur Desnoyer, Part 2: 1734–1742." Dance Research 31, no. 1 (May 2013): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2013.0060.

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This article looks at George Desnoyer's repertoire and dancing partnerships during the final phases of his career, at Drury Lane between 1734 and 1740 and at Covent Garden from 1740 to 1742. Following his appearances in John Weaver's The Judgment of Paris and his departure from London, presumably in April 1733, Desnoyer seems to have returned to work for Augustus III of Poland. 1 A letter from Raymond, dancing master in Württemberg, dated 18 December 1733 (New Style) records ‘nous avons l'honneur d’être connu de Monsieur Desnoyer qui est au service de Sa Majesté le roi Auguste de Pologne’. 2 After the troubled 1732–1733 season at Drury Lane, George Desnoyer prudently stayed away from London for some time. It was not until 17 October 1734 that the Grub Street Journal reported ‘A few days ago arriv'd Mons. Denoyer from Poland’. On 4 November, Drury Lane advertised entr'acte dancing ‘Serious and Comic, by Monsieur Denoyer, the first time of his performance since his arrival from Poland’. By this time, the company's quarrels had been settled and Drury Lane was under the management of another gentleman-amateur, Charles Fleetwood, with Theophilus Cibber as his deputy manager actually carrying out much of the work. 3 Desnoyer's erstwhile partner Mrs Booth, briefly one of the theatre's patentees following the death of her husband, had retired from the stage a year earlier. Desnoyer returned to a stable but much changed Drury Lane company.

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Secord, James A. "The discovery of a vocation: Darwin's early geology." British Journal for the History of Science 24, no. 2 (June 1991): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400027059.

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When HMSBeaglemade its first landfall in January 1832, the twenty-two-year-old Charles Darwin set about taking detailed notes on geology. He was soon planning a volume on the geological structure of the places visited, and letters to his sisters confirm that he identified himself as a ‘geologist’. For a young gentleman of his class and income, this was a remarkable thing to do. Darwin's conversion to evolution by selection has been examined so intensively that it is easy to forget that the most extraordinary decision he ever made was to devote his life to the study of the natural world by becoming a geologist. It is only slightly less astonishing that he should have decided to align his work with Charles Lyell's controversial programme of geological reform, which had almost no followers in England.

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van Hensbergen, C. ""Why I Write Them, I Can Give No Account": Aphra Behn and "Love-Letters to a Gentleman" (1696)." Eighteenth-Century Life 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-2010-028.

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Boswell, Maia. ""Ladies," "Gentlemen," and "Colored": "The Agency of (Lacan's Black) Letter" in the Outhouse." Cultural Critique, no. 41 (1999): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1354522.

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McIlvenna, Una. "Word versus Honor: The Case of Françoise de Rohan vs. Jacques de Savoie." Journal of Early Modern History 16, no. 4-5 (2012): 315–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342322.

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Abstract This paper examines one of the most notorious scandals of sixteenth-century France. In 1557, Françoise de Rohan, a lady-in-waiting to Catherine de Medici, launched a legal battle to get the duke of Nemours, Jacques de Savoie, to recognize their orally-agreed marriage contract and formally recognize the child whom he had fathered with her. Central to Rohan’s case were not only the love-letters Nemours had written to her but also the eye-witness testimonies of her servants, who had overheard their marriage vows and had witnessed their love-making. Nemours’s only defense was his word of honor as a gentleman that no marriage had taken place. This paper situates the case of Rohan vs. Nemours within a transitory period in French society as oral and literate cultures competed for precedence, and asks what happens to the concept of honor when the spoken word is no longer to be trusted.

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Newman, Christine M. "The Reformation and Elizabeth Bowes: a Study of a Sixteenth-century Northern Gentlewoman." Studies in Church History 27 (1990): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012146.

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More than twenty years ago, in the Introduction to his influential article which focused upon the life of Anne Locke, Patrick Collinson bemoaned the lack of recognition given to the role of women in the English Reformation. Happily, over the last few years this situation has been somewhat rectified, as modern scholarship has increasingly emphasized the degree of feminine participation in the spiritual upheavals of the period. The problem, however, remains that there is little evidence of personal feminine testimony, especially for the immediate post-Reformation period. The example of Elizabeth Bowes is, unfortunately, a case in point. Mrs Bowes, the wife of a prominent Durham gentleman, is well known to historians as a devoted follower and later the mother-in-law of the Scottish reformer, John Knox. Particularly during the early 1550s, Elizabeth maintained a regular correspondence with Knox. Of this, some thirty of Knox’s letters have been preserved, mainly in the form of a transcript copied from the originals in 1603. These letters, indeed, provide the main source of evidence for the life of the reformer during this period. Yet it is also apparent, from the tone of Knox’s replies, that much of the correspondence was devoted to the discussion and analysis of Mrs Bowes’s religious anxieties and aspirations, as she struggled to come to terms with her conversion to the Protestant Faith.

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Shelton, Anita. "Ralf Dahrendorf, Reflections on the Revolution in Europe in a Letter Intended to have been Sent to a Gentleman in Warsaw. New York: Random House, Inc., 1990; 163 pp., $17.95." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200021814.

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Harris, Stuart. "The first Charles Darwin (1758–78)." Journal of Medical Biography 17, no. 4 (November 2009): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/jmb.2009.009068.

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The paper places the first Charles Darwin in his family context: the eldest son of Dr Erasmus Darwin and Mary Howard. Mention is made of Charles's upbringing and education, with illustrative material taken from his father's writings and from Anna Seward's Memoirs of the Life of Dr Darwin (1804). The part played by Dr Andrew Duncan of the Edinburgh Medical School is established. The award to Charles in March 1778 of the first medal by the Aesculapian Society of Edinburgh is described. The involvement of Dr William Cullen and Dr Joseph Black in the treatment of Charles's fatal infection is evidenced from Erasmus' letters. Attention is given to ‘An Elegy on the much-lamented death of a most ingenious young gentleman who lately died in the College at Edinburgh where he was a student’ which was written jointly by Duncan and Erasmus in 1778. The Elegy's curious publishing history will be glanced at. The paper concludes with a statement of Charles's great promise as a medical student and of Erasmus' efforts to ensure that his son's achievements were memorialised.

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Bryson, Alan. "The Ormond—St Leger feud, 1544–6." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 150 (November 2012): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001085.

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Criticism of the lord deputy of Ireland, Sir Anthony St Leger, became vocal during 1544, especially among supporters of James Butler, ninth earl of Ormond, who felt that he was being excluded from a more prominent role in government. To head off this grumbling, St Leger returned to England in the spring for an audience with Henry VIII that resulted in his re-appointment in July with the king's blessing. On 18 May he was installed as a knight of the Garter and his stipend increased by £200 the following summer. Once back in Ireland St Leger (a gentleman of the privy chamber) cleverly maintained royal favour through well-thought gifts, like the two goshawks and ‘caste’ of falcons ‘of the best ayre of this Lande’ he sent the king in the summer of 1545. Most importantly, he kept Henry, the English privy council, and principal courtiers informed of his point of view through carefully crafted letters and frequent messengers, dominating communications between the two kingdoms. His tone was always well-judged: ‘this your Realme remayneth[e] in goode stay thank[e]s be to god and your highnes’.

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Robinson, Andrew. "Identifying the Beast: Samuel Horsley and the Problem of Papal AntiChrist." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 4 (October 1992): 592–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900001986.

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The tortuous history of apocalyptic speculation took a new turn in the late eighteenth century, and one of its proponents was the ebullient bishop of Rochester, Samuel Horsley. The new and alarming ideas emanating from abstruse considerations of the Book of Daniel, of Revelation and the eighteenth chapter of Isaiah were puzzled over in a series of reviews in the Gentleman's Magazine, one of which was a review of the letter from an anonymous ‘Country Clergyman’ to the bishop. It was clearly the opinion of the ‘Country Clergyman’ that Horsley's views were novel.

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SOMANAWAT, Kitpatchara. "Constructing the Identity of the Thai Judge: Virtue, Status, and Power." Asian Journal of Law and Society 5, no. 1 (January 18, 2018): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2017.32.

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AbstractA central aspect of Thai legal consciousness since the mid-twentieth century, widely shared among the general population, has been a perception that judges have an exalted status entitling them to make broad-ranging pronouncements about social and political issues as well as legal matters. Popular legal consciousness of the Thai judge has to a large extent been shared by the judges themselves, as well as by their families and followers. The power and authority of Thai judges go far beyond the limited formal role they are given in Thailand’s civil-law system. This article suggests that the exceptional status of the Thai judge derives from a process of identity construction, emphasizing four traits that set the ideal judge apart from ordinary people. The first is that a Thai judge must be a “khon di” (good person), with specific reference to the traditions of Thai Buddhism. The second is that a Thai judge must be polite, kind, and socially refined—a “phudi” (proper gentleman). The third characteristic of the ideal Thai judge is that he or she must be highly educated and knowledgeable about the law—a “phuru” (learned and wise person). The fourth trait is that a Thai judge must be a “phupakdi” (loyal servant of the king), not only loyal to the monarchy as an institution, but to the late King Rama IX as a person. When the identity of the Thai judge is constructed from these four constituent elements, the pronouncements of the judge acquire legitimacy, even when they range beyond the narrow letter of the law. The article explores this central aspect of Thai legal consciousness by analyzing the construction of judges’ identities through a distinctive set of historical documents—the cremation volumes (nangsue ngan sop) that are published and distributed at the funerals of noted public figures. These volumes contain a wealth of biographical information as well as related legal and historical material that shed light on the life and work of Thailand’s most prominent judges during the past 50 years.

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Komska, Yuliya. "West Germany's Cold War Radio: A Crucible of the Transatlantic Century." German Politics and Society 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320101.

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“Mr. Radio (der Radio) is man’s greatest achievement,” a young Bavariannamed Maxl announced in the op-ed column of Der Rundfunkhörer, a journalof the state’s listener advocacy association, in April 1954.1 His initialenthusiasm, the letter made obvious, fizzled out fast. Elsewhere, Mr. Radiomay well have been a paragon of mobile greatness, road-ready thanks tocars and portable following the introduction of transistors in 1953.2 Yet, hiscountry’s Mr. Radio, Maxl regretfully remarked, was deeply flawed, andthis circumstance had nothing to do with the advances of this “gentleman’s”televisual competitor, which would need as many as six more years to reacha quarter of all households.3 Rather, a slew of intrinsic shortcomingsplagued the imaginary character’s transmission, programming, and receptionin Maxl’s family residence—the home of the West German everyman.The purposefully naïve wording of the boy’s letter, possibly penned by theeditor and association’s president Hans Gebhard, whose own frequent contributionswere nearly identical in tenor and substance, barely veiled a longlist of tongue-in-cheek complaints. The latter showed just how vulnerableradio, this “hegemon of domestic leisure,” was during the first full decade ofthe Cold War—the seminal overture to this special issue’s chronology.4

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Minkowski, Peter. "A review of neutrino properties Neutrino oscillations - a historical overview and its projection." EPJ Web of Conferences 182 (2018): 02087. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/epjconf/201818202087.

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In a first part neutrino properties are presented from the beginnings through the letter of Wolfgang Pauli on 4. December 1930 suggesting a new neutral fermion to the “Radioactive Ladies and Gentlemen” at a Conference in Tübingen, contributing to the first oscillation cycle, based on my review at the meeting “Neutrino Telescopes in Venice” in 2005. cited in [1]. In the remaining part I shall present a selection of neutrino properties featuring the structure of mass and mixing of the light and heavy neutrino flavors, a symmetric, complex 6 by 6 matrix within the unifying SO10 gauge group, and present prospects for the detection of the leptonflavor violating processes Bs → μe; B → K μ e, also such involving b-flavored baryons .

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RUDWICK, M. "Letters about Science: Gentlemen of Science." Science 231, no. 4745 (March 28, 1986): 1611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.231.4745.1611.

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Rimmer, Mary. "Troubling the Tragic Paradigm: Genre and Epigraph in Thomas Hardy’s Tess of the d’Urbervilles." Journal of Victorian Culture 25, no. 3 (May 5, 2020): 381–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcaa011.

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Abstract The rarely discussed epigraph to Thomas Hardy’s Tess of the d’Urbervilles – ‘Poor wounded name! My bosom as a bed | Shall lodge thee’ – at first seems an odd choice. Tess is usually read as a tragedy; the epigraph’s source, Shakespeare’s The Two Gentlemen of Verona, is a comedy. The speaker of these lines in the play is a woman, the ‘wounded name’ a man’s, and the immediate context one of erotic playfulness as Julia tears up Proteus’s love letter and then tenderly gathers up the fragments. Yet the apparent mismatch works, because it gestures towards both the generic instability of Two Gentlemen, and the novel’s own unstable genre. Hardy recurrently raises the question of how Tess Durbeyfield’s story should be read. Tess’s ‘fall’ is at different times and for different people a fatal blot on her prospects, a venial error, and material for an amusing or satirical story. Novel and heroine hover between genres; generic interpretations are complicated by gender and class. Early reviewers who refused to read Tess as a tragedy may seem wrong-headed and puritanical in hindsight, but they were in some ways more alive to the novel’s generic slippages than many later readers. Hardy at once invokes and unsettles generic models, in his choice of epigraph and throughout the book.

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Newman, Sarah. "GENTLEMAN, JOURNALIST, GENTLEMAN-JOURNALIST." Journalism Studies 14, no. 5 (October 2013): 698–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670x.2013.810906.

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Mazel, Adam. "“YOU, GUESS”: THE ENIGMAS OF CHRISTINA ROSSETTI." Victorian Literature and Culture 44, no. 3 (August 30, 2016): 511–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150316000073.

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Throughout her life, Christina Rossetti was an enthusiastic writer and player of word games in verse. When she was seventeen, for instance, she spent the summer of 1848 in Brighton playing bouts-rimés sonnets with her brother, William. Together they timed themselves to see how fast they could write lines of verse to a given set of end rhymes: “emotional devastation in ten minutes or less,” Anne Jamison wittily puts it (145). Two years later, Rossetti published under her initials instances of different word games – an enigma (“Name any gentleman you spy”) and a charade (“My first is no proof of my second”) – as part of a series of riddling word games in verse by various authors in the Marshall's Ladies Daily Remembrancer: For 1850. They count among Rossetti's first poetic publications. These popular riddling genres, while perhaps less familiar to readers today, were immediately recognizable to Rossetti's contemporaries. In his 1872 riddle anthology, Guess Me, F. D. Planché defines an “Enigma” as a riddle in verse, or “the most ancient form of Riddle . . . often a real poem as well as a question for solution” (3). In the 1891 Cornhill Magazine, the article “Riddles” glosses a “charade” as a riddle that “turns upon the letters or syllables composing a word” (518). By publishing an enigma and a charade in Marshall's Ladies Daily Remembrancer, an inexpensive pocket book for women, Rossetti capitalized on the association of these genres as written by and for middle-class women, a point that I will argue in more detail later.

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Taylor, James Stephen. "Florence Wood and Kenneth Wood, editors. A Lancashire Gentleman: The Letters and Journals of Richard Hodgkinson, 1763–1847. Dover, N.H.: Alan Sutton. 1992. Pp. vii, 407. $34.00." Albion 25, no. 4 (1993): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051357.

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Hayton, David. "Sir Richard Cocks: The Political Anatomy of a Country Whig." Albion 20, no. 2 (1988): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050043.

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Sir Richard Cocks (c. 1659–1726) was a rare bird among the crook-taloned specimens perching on the back benches of King William III's House of Commons. He seems to have displayed every hallmark of that declining species, the Country Whig; impeccably Whiggish, indubitably rustic, learned in Greek and Roman history and versed in contemporary neo-Harringtonian literature; profoundly tolerant and resolutely erastian in his religious inclinations, even somewhat Puritan in outlook. He supported the Revolution settlement but opposed a standing army and entertained a healthy suspicion of placemen; approved of trade but distrusted the new power of finance; assisted Quakers and inveighed against priestcraft. What is more, he was never tempted to compromise his principles with the taint of office, nor to forsake his patriotism for Treasury gold. Old Whig, radical Whig, Roman Whig, Vulgar Whig, and independent country gentleman rolled into one, he stood almost alone among his fellow M.P.s, sometimes literally as well as metaphorically. Unlike the vast majority of these parliamentary colleagues, he left posterity a detailed record of his opinions, in the form of two albums or memoranda-books, now in the possession of the Bodleian Library, a handful of letters and essays scattered through various repositories, and a clutch of publications, religious tracts and charges delivered to grand juries in his native Gloucestershire. Of those contemporaries who kept diaries or preserved their personal papers the one whose social and political profile perhaps most resembles Cocks's is the Yorkshire baronet Sir Arthur Kaye, a Country Tory rather than a Country Whig, and with an archive of parliamentary diaries, letters, and speeches, mostly dating from the 1710s, that is nowhere near as extensive. Cocks's writings offer a unique opportunity to examine some of the thought processes at work in the mind of a rank-and-file Country Whig in what might be considered the golden age of Country Whiggery at the turn of the seventeenth century.

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Kirkpatrick, J. "Gentleman." English 40, no. 167 (June 1, 1991): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/40.167.162.

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Bourrier, Karen. "NARRATING INSANITY IN THE LETTERS OF THOMAS MULOCK AND DINAH MULOCK CRAIK." Victorian Literature and Culture 39, no. 1 (December 7, 2010): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150310000355.

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Scholars have had a difficult time assessing the significance of Dinah Mulock Craik (1824–1887), best remembered as the author of John Halifax, Gentleman (1856). The critical verdict on her life and letters has swung toward extremes. Some critics have seen her, to quote Henry James, as “kindly, somewhat dull, pious, and very sentimental” (172); her novels embody the Victorian values of self-help, moral earnestness, and hard work, and it is assumed that her life did too. Elaine Showalter's and Sally Mitchell's feminist recoveries of Craik's work in the 1970s and early 1980s found that just the opposite was true, and that Victorian sentimentality allowed Craik to voice the subversive desires of her female readers covertly, in a form that was acceptable to the general public (Showalter 5–7, Mitchell 31). This critical tradition tended to overemphasize the melodramatic aspects of Craik's life and career as a means of dramatizing the struggles of women in a patriarchal society. The most recent scholarship eschews Craik's life altogether for the most part, focusing on her novelistic representations of disability, of Irish and Scottish nationality, and of class and enfranchisement. This criticism engages Craik's writing as an interesting cultural artifact rather than as an aesthetic object: her work is once again seen as embodying normative Victorian values, but to what extent the author was the cognizant promoter of these values, and to what extent she was their unwitting filter, and whether it matters, is unclear. But new archival work shows the importance of her life in understanding her career. The Mulock Family Papers, held at the University of California at Los Angeles, underscore Craik's challenges in managing an abusive father, who suffered from periods of dejection followed by periods of great happiness, and who was frequently absent and incarcerated. Craik was intensely private when it came to her personal life, and scholars like Showalter have read her reserve as a bow to womanly decorum in a life otherwise dominated by literary celebrity. But the archive suggests that Craik's taciturnity was instead a strategy for managing the threat of violence and scandal.

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Altimore, Michael. "`GENTLEMAN ATHLETE'." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 34, no. 4 (December 1999): 359–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/101269099034004004.

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Hemmer, Kurt. "Gentleman Publisher." American Book Review 36, no. 1 (2014): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/abr.2014.0151.

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Guldbrandtsen, Bernt, and Elise Norberg. "Gentleman scientist." Acta Agriculturae Scandinavica, Section A - Animal Science 57, no. 4 (December 2007): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09064700801959254.

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Toledo-Pereyra, Luis H. "Gentleman Surgeon." Journal of Investigative Surgery 22, no. 1 (January 2009): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941930802705601.

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Faglia, G. "“A gentleman”." Journal of Endocrinological Investigation 23, no. 2 (February 2000): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03343694.

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Wilkins, Nigel, and Alan M. Gillmor. "Velvet Gentleman." Musical Times 129, no. 1748 (October 1988): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/966695.

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Mavor, Elizabeth, and Laurent Bury. "Gentleman Jack." Books N° 45, no. 7 (July 3, 2013): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/books.045.0024.

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Mateer, David. "Oxford, Christ Church Music MSS 984–8: An Index and Commentary." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 20 (1987): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.1987.10540916.

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Robert Dow, the original owner of Oxford, Christ Church (Och) MSS 984–8, was the eldest son of Robert Dow (1517–1612), citizen and Merchant Taylor of London. According to the 1568 Heraldic Visitation of London, Robert junior was fifteen at that time, and so was born in 1553; he had four brothers, John, Henry, Thomas and Richard, aged twelve, ten, five and two and a half years respectively. Since both John and Henry attended Merchant Taylors’ School, it is probable that Robert did likewise, though we cannot be certain of this since no accurate register of pupils was kept until Robert Dow senior instituted the School's Probation Books in 1607. Another not unreasonable expectation would be that the young Robert went up to St John's College, Oxford, given his father's munificience towards that College and its strong links with the Merchant Taylors’ Company. However, such an assumption would be unwarranted, and indeed, no Oxford college has any official record of him as an undergraduate. Fortunately in the British Library there are three holograph letters in Latin from Dow to Lord Burghley, dated 20 September, 4 October and 8 November 1573, written ‘Oxoniae (Oxonij), in Collegio Corporis Christi’. Since he does not sign himself ‘discipulus’ or ‘alumnus’, it is hardly surprising that there is no mention of his name in the College's Registers, and therefore the most likely explanation for his presence at Corpus Christi is that he was a gentleman-commoner, though this cannot be verified. Whatever his status, we know that Robert Dow definitely proceeded B.A., for the Oxford University Register of Congregation and Convocation 1564–82 has the following entry for 12 October 1573 recording his supplication for that degree: Supplicat etc. Robertus Dowe scholaris facultatis artium quatenus in studio dialectices quatuor annos posuerit generalis creatus fuerit bacchalaurio xlma respondent ceteraque omnia perfecerit quae per nova statuta requiruntur ut haec ei sufficiant ut admittatur ad aliquem librum logices legendum. Concessa [est] modo determinet proxima xlma 7.

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Sonnenberg-Musiał, Katarzyna. "Townscapes, Gentlemen and Bizarre Characters: The Importance of Natsume Sōseki's Studies in London." Intercultural Relations 3, no. 2(6) (February 16, 2020): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rm.02.2019.06.03.

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The article focuses on Natsume Sōseki’s letters, diaries and sketches related to his stay in London from 1900 till the end of 1902. It presents passages from his correspondence with his wife and friends in which he describes his surroundings, his mindset and the people he meets while abroad. It also explores the autobiographical sketches: The Carlyle Museum (1905) and Spring Miscellany (1909), analysing the images and narrative techniques which anticipate Sōseki’s later development as a writer.

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Baxter, Kent. "Becoming a Gentleman." Boyhood Studies 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/bhs.2018.110102.

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This article traces the intellectual and cultural history of the concept of chivalry, paying particular attention to its relationship with coming-of-age narratives, boyology, and theories of adolescent development. The concept of chivalry was central to the texts surrounding turn-of-the-twentieth-century youth movements, such as the Boy Scouts and the Knights of King Arthur. Chivalry, as it was constructed in these texts, became a way to contain cultural anxieties associated with a fear of modernity and, as a code of behavior, provided a path for youths to come of age, therefore containing concerns about the newly conceived and characteristically unstable developmental stage of adolescence.

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