Journal articles on the topic 'Lettere en Kuns'

AbstractThe Usage of Letters on Malay to Indonesian Language Writing. This paper discussesthe history of the Indonesian language, literacy in the writing of a variety of languages, Malay letter in writing to the Indonesian language, and spelling in Indonesian. Ofthis section may conclude that in writing the history of written language or alphabetletters contained Paku, the letter Babylonian, Assyrian letters, letters of Ancient Persia;Pallawa, Kawi Letter used in Sanskrit; Arabic, Kanjiin Japanese and Chinese, letters,Jawi Premodern, Modern Java, Bali Modern: literacy Hanacaraka from Lampung,Rencong, Karo Batak, Bugis-Makassar as well;and Latin script. Indonesian languagethat comes from the Malay language has a long history, There are some developmentspase formation of the Indonesian language, namely Old Malay, Malay Market, HigherMalay, and Bahasa Indonesian. Since the 5th century inscription has been found to beYupa in Kutai in East Kalimantan with a script and inscription Pallawa Tarumanegara,and inscriptions in Old Malay inscriptions in a script that is Pallawa Towu Gutters,Cape Inscription Land, and the inscription Limestone City. In a later development afterthe Arabs came to trade missions and preaching, use Malay Arabic script known asJawi letters, and beginning of the 20th century the concept put forward by the Ch. A.Dutch van Ophuysen applied linguists Latin letters into the Malay language. Ever seenon the spelling of force, then in the Indonesian language contained van OphuysenSpelling, Spelling Republic, and Spelling Enhanced.Keywords: letter of the alphabet, spelling, languageAbstrakPemakaian Aksara dalam Penulisan Bahasa Melayu hingga Bahasa Indonesia. Tulisanini membahas tentang sejarah bahasa Indonesia, aksara dalam penulisan berbagaibahasa, aksara dalam penulisan bahasa Melayu hingga bahasa Indonesia, dan ejaandalam bahasa Indonesia. Dari pembahasan ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa dalam sejarahtulisan atau aksara bahasa tulis terdapat huruf Paku, yaitu huruf Babylonia, hurufAssyiria, Huruf Persia Kuno; Pallawa, Huruf Kawi yang digunakan dalam bahasaSanskerta; huruf Arab, huruf Kanji dalam bahasa Jepang dan Cina, huruf, JawiPramodern, Jawa Modern, Bali Modern; Aksara Hanacaraka dari Lampung, Rencong,Batak Karo, serta Bugis-Makassar; serta aksara Latin. Bahasa Indonesia yang berasaldari bahasa Melayu mempunyai sejarah yang cukup lama, Terdapat beberapa faseperkembangan terbentuknya bahasa Indonesia, yaitu bahasa Melayu Kuno, MelayuPasar, Melayu Tinggi, dan Bahasa Indonesia. Sejak abad ke-5 sudah ditemukan prasastiberupa Yupa di Kutai Kalimantan Timur dengan aksara Pallawa dan PrasastiTarumanegara, kemudian prasasti dalam bahasa Melayu Kuno dalam aksara Pallawa,yaitu Prasasti Talang Towu, Prasasti Tanjung Tanah, dan Prasasti Kota Kapur. Dalamperkembangan kemudian setelah bangsa Arab datang dengan misi dagang dan dakwah,48digunakan aksara Arab Melayu yang dikenal sebagai huruf Jawi, dan awal abad ke-20atas konsep yang di kemukakan oleh Ch. A. van Ophuysen ahli bahasa Belandaditerapkan huruf Latin kedalam bahasa Melayu. Dilihat dari ejaan yang pernah berlaku,dalam bahasa Indonesia terdapat Ejaan van Ophuysen, Ejaan Republik atau EjaanSuwandi, dan Ejaan Yang Disempurnakan.Kata-kata kunci: aksara, ejaan, bahasa

Babahan inscriptions are not fully published until now. Historical data which were revealed from Babahan inscriptions are very limited. This research aims to reconstruct cultural history and reveal social institutions depicted in Babahan inscriptions in order to add historical data of ancient Bali. The data were collected through observation, such as physical attributes, material, amount of plates, amount of lines on every plate, type of letters, and type of languages, then continued with literature study. Analysis was done through transliteration, editing, and translation. Interpretation is presented descriptively by placing it in the context of ancient Bali history. The result of this research is that Babahan inscriptions could be grouped into two groups. Group one uses ancient Balinese letter and language which was issued by King Ugrasena. Group two uses ancient Javanese letter and language which was issued by King Wālaprabhu. The social institutions, depicted by Babahan inscriptions, are political and religious institutions. Political institution is depicted through the mentions of official positions in the government and social order in society. Religious institution is depicted through the mentions of official positions of religious leaders, sacred places, the idea of king leadership, and ṡapatha. Prasasti Babahan merupakan kelompok prasasti yang belum diterbitkan secara utuh. Data sejarah yang diungkapkan dari Prasasti Babahan masih sangat terbatas hingga saat ini. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan rekonstruksi sejarah kebudayaan dan mengungkapkan gambaran pranata sosial yang ada di dalamnya untuk melengkapi penyusunan sejarah Bali kuno. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui pengamatan langsung terhadap unsur fisik, bahan, jumlah lempeng, jumlah baris tiap lempeng, jenis aksara, dan jenis bahasa, serta studi kepustakaan. Analisis dilakukan melalui alih aksara, penyuntingan prasasti, dan alih bahasa. Penafsiran disajikan secara deskriptif dengan menempatkannya di dalam konteks sejarah Bali kuno. Hasil penelitian ini adalah Prasasti Babahan merupakan prasasti sima yang terdiri dari dua kelompok. Kelompok I menggunakan aksara dan bahasa Bali kuno yang dikeluarkan oleh Raja Ugrasena, sedangkan kelompok II menggunakan aksara dan bahasa Jawa kuno yang dikeluarkan oleh Raja Wālaprabhu. Pranata sosial yang tampak dari Prasasti Babahan adalah pranata politik dan agama. Pranata politik digambarkan melalui penyebutan nama jabatan di pemerintahan dan tatanan sosial di masyarakat. Pranata agama digambarkan melalui penyebutan nama jabatan pemuka agama, tempat suci keagamaan, gagasan kepemimpinan raja, dan ṡapatha.

The text addresses the performance artists with a special care for them and, even more so, caring with them in these peculiar COVID times when performance halls are empty. Bojana Kunst asks them how they imagine the time beyond as experts on micro-relations.

At p. 319 n. 203 of my recent book, I discussthe appearance of the letters ΑΙΔΟΣ … designating the figure of Artemis on an Attic red-figure amphora (depicting the rape of Leto by Tityos) by Phintias (Louvre G42; ARV223,1 [Paralipomena323,Addenda154; see now alsoLIMCii pl. 275, Apollon 1069, vi, Leto 34; PLATE I] …). That this constitutes an association between the goddess andaidôsis the position of Kretschmer [Die griechischen Vaseninschriften(Gütersloh 1894) 197], Norwood [Essays on Euripidean drama(Berkeley 1954) 76 n. 2], and Schefold [Götterund Heldensagen der Griechen in der spätarchaischen Kunst(Munich 1978) 68].

The findings of ancient manuscripts in the ancient mosque on Layur Street, District of North Semarang known as Kampung Arab and lettered entirely in Arabic. Manuscripts were found on the roof of the mosque in a very poor condition, as most texts estimated to number in the tens of manuscripts have been destroyed, it cannot be identified. Through this paper the author will present a descriptive picture of the manuscript codex found in the Mosque Layur Semarang Central Java.

Searching for the Malay kingdom which is related to the manuscripts originated mostly from Chinese records which is evidenced that Jambi Malay ever triumphed and connected to Tiongkok in the past. Other data that can support the manuscripts of the ancient of Jambi Malay in classical times, in Jambi Malay land the government system was carried out from generation to generation in a royal family which was respected by the wider community. Almost all the Malay manuscripts were written in Jawi letters (the Malay letters = the Bald Arabic letters), could be predicted that the writing of Malay manuscripts were started around 14th century. Meanwhile the previous Malay manuscripts were written in Jawi letters, and were suspected before Islam came to Indonesia. By finding Tanjung Tanah manuscript proved that Malay people had pre-Islamic manuscript tradition. In that era, the manuscripts were also written on the bark, reed, palm leaf, and horn. Generally, the manuscripts contain the local chronics, tradition, religion, correspondences, king’s documents, languages and arts, tasauf / philosophy, education and even medicines. If we see from the writing, it is clear that the substitution of the writing that from oral tradition to written tradition. Jambi province has many interesting goods, related to the ancient manuscripts which were only a small portions that had been recorded and saved in the museum. While the most part portions still saved by the people. The result of the research showed the manuscript elements I; (1) Kerinci was under controlled by Jambi kingdom at that time, (2) Islam could not be accepted generally and Syari’a law in Kerinci land did not work well. Manuscript element II (1) the emptiness position as a king in Jambi, the coming of Princess Selaras Pinang Masak became a king in Ujung Jabung, the story of Ahmad Salim from Sultan Turki’s descendent whose ship broke up and stranded in Berhala island, and the story of Ahmad Salim’s wedding titled Datuk Paduko Berhalo with Princess Selaras Pinang Masak was the beginning of the growth of Islam in Jambi. Manuscript element III (1) Orang Kayo Hitam was the youngest child of Princess Selaras Pinang Masak with Datuk Paduko Berhalo, he graced much the story of Jambi from the beginning of Islam era that grew in Jambi. When he was adult, he saw the suffering of his people collecting funds to be offered to Mataram kingdom as a tribute. In this case, Orang Kayo Hitam did not agree what his people did, (2) Orang Kayo Hitam wished to be killed, but the plan of King Mataram had been known by Orang Kayo Hitam, so he went alone to Java island to see the situation and would take back the Keris itself from King Mataram’s hand. He disguised himself as he arrived in Java island and after learning its condition, with all of his ingenuities, Orang Kayo Hitam could know the place of where the Keris made. He killed the blacksmith and took that Keris, (3) King Mataram asked for peace, as a sign of the friendship of Orang Kayo Hitam whom marrried with one of his princess that is Ratumas Pemalang. Orang Kayo Hitam brought along that Keris in his hand, that was also announced that Keris named Keris Siginjai. Manuscript element IV; (1) Orang Kayo Hitam in his married with Ratumas Pemalang had four children, they were Penambahan Ratu Kapas, Penambahan Rengas Pandak, Penambahan Bawah Sawo, and Penambahan Kota Baru, (2) in Sahibul Hikayat / Sahibul Saga, they used Panambahan as their title, where the title was usually used by the kingdom of Mataram. The use of the name was because there was a marriage relationship between Orang Kayo Hitam with Ratumas Pemalang, a daughter of King Mataram.

Aus der Begegnung zwischen Goethe und Schiller im Juli 1794 in Jena wird eine tiefe Freundschaft, die sich durch einen intensiven Briefwechsel bis zum frühzeitigen Tod Schillers im Jahre 1805 nähren wird. Dieser formal klassische Briefwechsel, der dem Brief öfters einen kritischen Freiraum verleiht oder ihm die Funktion eines Labors des künstlerischen oder literarischen Schaffens gibt, zeichnet sich durch Originalität am Übergang vom 18. zum 19. Jahrhundert aus, übt Kritik am Dualismus und öffnet die Perspektiven hinsichtlich einer Versöhnung zwischen bis dahin getrennten Denkgebieten. Die Originalität in den Briefen zeigt sich am Vorschlag, die Wissenschaften und die Literatur nicht mehr einander entgegenzustellen, sondern sie zu artikulieren und somit die Möglichkeit eines wissenschaftlichen Diskurses über das literarische Werk in Betracht zu ziehen. Progressive emerging scientific discourse on artsand literature around 1800 in light of the correspondence between Goethe and Schiller 1798–1805Following their meeting in Iena in July 1794, Goethe and Schiller developed a strong friendship and kept up intense correspondence until Schiller’s premature death in 1805. This exchange of letters opens up the space for a critical debate and confers upon the letter the status of a laboratory for artistic and literary creation. The correspondence also encodes one of the more original aspects of the late 18th- to early 19th-century thought: a critique of dualism which leads to the perspective of a reconciliation between science and literature, fields of thought hitherto kept separate. Articulating rather than opposing these fields, Goethe and Schiller conceive of the possibility of holding a scientific discourse on literature.

The stay of Władysław Kędra, a charismatic virtuoso pianist representing the Columbus Gene- ration, in Vienna has so far seemed a very good and successful period in the life of this musician originating from Łódź. However, the studies conducted in the archives of the Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst Wien, cast a new light on these eight years. The information included in previous publications about the reasons why the Polish virtuoso left for Vienna and why he returned from the capital of Austria were not confirmed when confronted with the preserved documents. Thanks to a thorough analysis of source materials, the author of the article managed not only to recreate the course of events but also to uncover extremely important facts from the professor’s life, e.g. that he had Austrian citizenship. Now there is no doubt that Władysław Kędra intended to stay there and settle in Vienna for good. The analysis of the Viennese docu- ments allows for recreating to a significant extent the way how he fought for the life he had dreamt of during the occupation of the Stalin era. From the first preserved letter to Dr Hans Sittner, President of Vienna’s Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst, of 23 May 1957, we can follow the efforts of the Polish pianist to be given a contract, i.e., contract of employment for a fixed period, which was extended for him year by year, then to have an opportunity to see his family, have independent accommodation and bring his closest relatives to Vienna, and finally, find out how he applied for citizenship and was given a permanent contract of employment, which entailed awarding him with the lifelong title of Professor by Austrian authorities. Władysław Kędra achieved his goal – he became the citizen of his new home country, gained prestige and recognition, became music professor in the city of Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven and Schubert... And yet, at that very moment when he had everything and fulfilled his dreams, he suddenly left Austria in unclear circumstances. What dramatic events occurred on 2 June 1964 when Prof. Kędra suddenly wrote two applications for discharge from employment – in one of them he did not justify his decision, only referring very precisely to relevant regulations, which were undoubtedly dictated to him by some official, while in the second one he gave an untrue and completely unlikely in his situation reason for his quitting? There is no trace in the documents of the events which were the cause of that sudden decision. It needs to be stressed that the present article was written exclusively based on the docu- ments (including letters) kept at the Viennese Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst in Władysław Kędra’s personal file. The author did not refer to his family’s recollections or to texts published previously about the pianist so as to present facts in a reliable way, and not inter- pretations of these facts.

Britain began making Shakespeare her national poet early in the eighteenth century, and Germany followed suit a few decades later, progressively turning ‘unser Shakespeare’ into one of three national poets, with Goethe and Schiller. As early as 1773, Johann Gottfried Herder included his essay on ‘Shakespear’ in a collection entitled Von Deutscher Art und Kunst. The drama of the ‘Sturm und Drang’, which Herder's collection programmatically inaugurated, appropriated what Goethe (Götz von Berlichingen), Schiller (The Robbers) and their contemporaries (mis)understood to be Shakespeare's dramatic technique. By the end of the century, the assimilation had advanced far enough for August Wilhelm von Schlegel, the famous translator of seventeen of Shakespeare's plays, to indulge in no slight national chauvinism: ‘I am eager’, he writes in a letter to his cotranslator Ludwig Tieck, ‘to have your letters on Shakespeare.… I hope you will prove, among other things, that Shakespeare wasn't English. I wonder how he came to dwell among the frosty, stupid souls on that brutal island? … The English critics understand nothing about Shakespeare.’ Even though Tieck failed to prove that Shakespeare was not of English birth, the conviction that Shakespeare was best understood by German rather than by English critics only grew in the course of the nineteenth century. Appropriately, it was in Germany that the first periodical devoted exclusively to Shakespeare, the Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, was founded in 1865. Fifty years later, the German novelist Gerhart Hauptmann could still claim that ‘there is no people, not even the English, that has the same right to claim Shakespeare as the German. Shakespeare's characters are a part of our world, his soul has become one with ours: and though he was born and buried in England, Germany is the country where he truly lives.’

Summary Defensio or The Art of Disparagement in the Upper-Rhenish Humanism In the first years of the 16th century two scholars from the Alsatian province, secular priest Jakob Wimpfeling and Franciscan Thomas Murner, the latter one generation younger than the former, started a quarrel in Strasbourg. Quickly, their friends and students, then the city council, and finally even King Maximilian I got drawn into the polemical debate. At first sight the controversial topic was only a highly charged issue in politically troubled times: Had the Alsace region and its capital always belonged to Germany or had they been part of France at some time in the past? But it was also a quarrel about the educational sovereignty. This was an issue important to humanists. Secular ond ordinary priests hotly debated the topic not only in Strasbourg, but also elsewhere. The literary feud involved not only arguments, but also sharp personal attacks, offences and defamations. Several publications included disparaging letters, poems, treatises and pictures which often hardly bore any reference to the issue in question. The question arises why humanists, who are generally thought to be concerned with language and education, resorted to such drastic and defamatory means in their personal conflicts. The paper addresses this question with the help of the theories and methods currently employed by the Collaborative Research Centre Dresden with the title „Invectivity“. It analyzes the constellations of the controversy, examines the dynamics and escalations of their process, and traces the emotions of those involved. This will deepen our understanding about the operations of social demarcation and the mechanisms of group formation among humanists and concomitantly the fundamental social potential for conflict.

<p>Salah satu warisan budaya nenek moyang bangsa Indonesia yang sangat bernilai adalah naskah kuno (<em>manuskrip</em>) yang ditulis dalam berbagai aksara dan bahasa. Dan satu diantaranya adalah Naskah Kuno Sasak, yang merupakan dokumen peninggalan nenek moyang Suku Sasak di Nusa Tenggara Barat, yang ditulis dengan tangan atau dalam bentuk asli sebelum dicetak. Digitalisasi adalah proses alih media dari bentuk tercetak, audio, maupun video, dilakukan untuk membuat arsip dokumen digital. Digitalisasi memerlukan peralatan seperti komputer, <em>scanner</em>, operator, media, sumber, dan <em>software</em>. Metode interpretatif dan perspektif, dipengaruhi oleh desain perspektif, seperti desain partisipatif dan desain sistem, melibatkan teori sistem yang layak. Digitalisasi Naskah Kuno Sasak merupakan perancangan <em>interface </em>menggunakan <em>Framework Jquery Mobile</em> dan penyimpanan data menggunakan basis data <em>MySQL,</em> sedangkan bahasa pemrograman menggunakan <em>PHP</em>. Digitalisasi sistem informasi ini menggunakan sistem operasi <em>phonegap</em>. Hasil dari perancangan ini adalah sebuah aplikasi Digitalisasi Naskah Kuno Sasak yang akan memudahkan dalam mendapatkan segala informasi mengenai Naskah Kuno Sasak. Hasil pengujian<em> </em>menunjukkan bahwa aplikasi ini dapat memberikan informasi sesuai dengan kebutuhan pengguna, seperti informasi Naskah Tulisan dalam bentuk; Lontar, tulisan Arab Melayu dan lain sebagainya.</p><p> </p><p class="Judul2"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p class="Judul2"><em></em><em>One of the most valuable ancestral heritages of the Indonesian nation is the ancient manuscripts written in various letters and languages. And one of them is the Sasak Ancient Manuscripts, which is a relic of the ancestor of the Sasak tribe in West Nusa Tenggara, written by hand or in original form before printing. Digitalization is the process of media transfer from printed form, audio, or video, to create digital document archives. Digitalization requires equipment such as computers, scanner, </em><em>operato</em><em>r, media, sources, and software. Interpretive and perspective methods a</em><em>re</em><em> influenced by perspective design, such as participatory design and system design, </em><em>inwhich </em><em>involv</em><em>ing </em><em>proper system</em><em>s</em><em> theory. Digitalization of Ancient Sasak Manuscripts is an interface design using Jquery Mobile Framework and data storage using MySQL database, while programming language using PHP. Information System Digitalization uses an operating system </em><em>made </em><em>using phonegap. The result of this design is an application of Ancient Sasak Manuscripts Digitalization which is useful to facilitate especially the younger generation in getting information </em><em>about </em><em>Ancient Sasak Manuscripts</em><em>.T</em><em>he results of testing obtained that the application can provide information in accordance with user needs, such as information</em><em>s of</em><em> writing Manuscripts in the form of Lontar, Malay Arabic and so forth.</em></p><p> </p>

Abstract During the occupation of the Netherlands by Nazi Germany, the Dutch literary field was drastically restructured and politicized. Immediately after the liberation, efforts were made to rebuild the field. The first step that was made in the reconstruction, was to purge the field of collaborators. This purge was carried out by the Board of Honour for the Letters and the Central Board of Honour for the Arts. This article investigates just how these Boards contributed to the reconstruction of a(n) (relatively) autonomous literary field in the Netherlands. In doing so, it takes recourse to historical sociological theories regarding the legal and deontological responsibility of the writer.

In German literature Heinrich Heine is regarded as one of the founders of musical feuilleton, a genre that he developed to the highest mastery with the means of irony and satire. In his music reviews Heine discussed repeatedly many of his musical contemporaries; he met leading composers of his time like Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Meyerbeer, Berlioz, Chopin, Liszt, and Wagner personally. The fact that the relationship between Heine and Liszt (they got to know each other in 1831 in Paris) was not without problems, is a commonplace. Rainer Kleinertz describes it as ambivalent. The essay examines Heine’s musical judgements about Liszt, focussing on the question of Liszt’s interest in the fine arts. In the tenth letter from Über die Französische Bühne. Vertraute Briefe an August Lewald (1837), Heine accused Liszt of philosophical eclecticism, because he would change his beliefs like hobbyhorses. Are there contradictions and inconsistencies also in Liszt’s thinking about art and music that justified such an ambivalent attitude on the part of Heine? Finally, Liszt replied Heine in the seventh of his Lettres d’un bachelier ès musique, dated Venice, 15 April 1838.

The TanzArchiv Leipzig (TAL) presents itself as a precarious archive of dance that blossomed in dubious political times. It was founded when East Germany, officially known as the German Democratic Republic (GDR), was a country during 1949–1990, in which art and culture were valued as national currency ( Bourdieu 1986 ; Lohman 1994 ). Although the archive had lost its domicile as an Institution of the GDR (1989) as part of a larger Institution of the Academy of Arts (Akademie der Kunst), then it continued to act as a research centre in the Institute of the House of Literature (Haus des Buches), then renting its own premises as a foundation thereafter (ca. 1993–2010) and finally, is currently stored since 2011 as the TAL collection in the Special Collections department in the Albertina Library, at the University of Leipzig ( Reinsberg 2002 ; Ruiz [2002] ; 2018). The archival collection embraces a large collection of ‘traces’ of dance content such as manuscripts, dance scores, film, sound and image artefacts as well as objects, publications and a variety of ephemera. However, its fate as an archive of a country that no longer exists, and the question of the preservation and circulation of its content make it an ambiguous and challenging dance archive to examine in full. In this article I will focus on the description and structure of the archive, the dissemination strategies Documenta Choreologica 1 and Kurt Petermann's passion for dance transmission, through his letter correspondence within and without East European countries during the Cold War ( Boehme 1948 ; Dafova 1996 ; Guilbert 2007 ).

“Kan kunst de wereld redden?” When Antwerp was cultural capital of Europe in 1993, this question — “Can art save the world?” — was adopted as one of the city's official slogans, prompting the mayor at the time, Bob Cools, to offer his contribution to an answer by way of a quotation: “Culture is to know the best that has been said and thought in the world.” As his source Cools mentioned Literature and Dogma, but in order to register accurately the phrase's critical relation to the salvation of and by culture, we must at least retrace it to its origin in Arnold's work, “The Function of Criticism at the Present Time.” In that essay, Arnold famously argues for the logical priority of criticism over poetry, claiming that poetry can only thrive when it has at its disposal the “materials” of literary creation, the high-quality “ideas” which it is the province of criticism to furnish (270).” The business of criticism is “simply to know the best that is known and thought in the world, and by in its turn making this known, to create a current of true and fresh ideas” (270). Measured by this standard, Arnold finds his own English modernity sadly deficient, representative of “the modern situation in its true blankness and barrenness, and unpoetrylessness” (Letters 126), and bereft of “just that very thing which now Europe most desires, — criticism” (“Function” 258). For in England, more than anywhere else, the critical spirit suffers from the short-sighted pragmatism and innate mindlessness that render the British immune to ideas, a fundamental philistinism that deprives the creative faculty of its materials and stifles the genuine development of criticism according to “the idea which is the law of its being: the idea of a disinterested endeavour to learn and propagate the best that is known and thought in the world, and thus to establish a current of fresh and true ideas” (“Function” 282).

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan: (1) alat dan bahan yang digunakan pada kerajinan tutup botol di Desa Gentong, Tegallalang, Gianyar (2) proses pembuatan kerajinan tutup botol di Desa Gentong, Tegallalang, Gianyar (3) jenis-jenis produk kerajinan tutup botol di Desa Gentong, Tegallalang Gianyar. Pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini dilakukan dengan teknik (1) observasi, (2) wawancara, (3) dokumentasi. Analisis data yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini adalah: (1) alat dan bahan yang digunakan dalam pembuatan kerajinan tutup botol. (a) alat: palu, mesin paku tembak, gergaji circular, sikat, kuas, dan meja pemipih. (b) bahan: tutup botol, lem, pernis (mowilex clear) dan, kayu/papan mdf (2) proses pembuatan: pemipihan tutup botol, memberikan lem kayu pada tutup botol yang sudah dipipihkan menempel tutup botol pada objek, membersihkan tutup botol yang sudah ditempel pada objek, dan terakhir pinising. (3) produk-produk yang dihasilkan, bentuk rumah-rumahan, bentuk nampan, bentuk cermin, bentuk gitar, bentuk kura-kura, bentuk ikan hiu, dan bentuk hurup. Kata Kunci : tutup botol, kerajinan . ABSTRACT This research aims to describe: (1) tools and materials used in bottle cap at Gentong Village, Tegallalang, Gianyar (2) bottle making process in Gentong Village, Tegallalang, Gianyar (3) in Gentong Village, Tegallalang Gianyar. Data collection in this research is done by technique (1) observation, (2) interview, (3) documentation. Data analysis used is qualitative descriptive analysis. The results of this study are: (1) tools and materials used in the manufacture of bottle caps. (a) tools: hammer, nail machine, circular saw, brush, brush, and flattening table. (b) material: bottle cap, glue, lacquer (mowilex clear) and wooden / mdf board (2) making process: bottle cap insertion, giving wood glue to flattened bottle caps sticking bottle caps on objects, already pasted on the object, and last pinising. (3) products produced, house form, tray shape, mirror shape, guitar form, turtle shape, shark shape, and letters shape. keyword : bottle cap, handicraft

<p><em>Information technology is currently increasingly developing, especially on smartphone devices. The reason various users use smartphone devices is their practical size and of course their portability. Smartphone devices can also be a learning medium in the form of games or games, one of which is games for children's education. The problem that often occurs in children in the way of learning is that it is easy to develop boredom if the child is only encouraged by learning material without any entertainment or games. This game is designed to change the way of learning, especially in early childhood between the ages of 3 to 6 years. This mobile-based game is made using the App Inventor with an interactive and attractive display to learn to recognize numbers, fruit, letters, animals, vegetables and colors as well as quiz questions. In this educational game that was made, it was designed using the Rapid Application Development (RAD) method as a completion stage starting from the planning stage to the implementation stage of the program. This educational game also applies the Fisher-Yates algorithm to randomize questions. The results of this study show 10 quiz questions randomly from 15 existing questions, and apply the Flood Fill algorithm for coloring objects or images. With the design of games for mobile-based education, it is hoped that it can make children's brains more active and creative during their growth period and help children's learning processes in order to increase their broader knowledge.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keyword: </em></strong><em>App Inventor, Fisher Yates, Flood Fill, Education Game, RAD</em><em> </em></p><p><em>Teknologi informasi pada saat ini semakin hari semakin berkembang, khususnya pada perangkat smartphone. Alasan dari berbagai pengguna menggunakan perangkat smartphone adalah ukurannya yang praktis dan tentunya mudah dibawa. Perangkat smartphone juga bisa menjadi media pembelajaran dalam bentuk permainan atau game, salah satunya adanya game untuk edukasi anak. Permasalahan yang kerap terjadi pada anak dalam cara belajar yaitu mudah timbulnya kebosanan jika anak hanya didorongkan oleh materi pembelajaran saja tanpa adanya hiburan atau permainan. Dirancangnya game ini untuk mengubah cara belajar khususnya pada anak usia dini antara umur 3 sampai 6 tahun. Pada game berbasis mobile ini dibuat menggunakan App Inventor dengan tampilan yang interaktif dan menarik untuk belajar mengenal angka, buah, huruf, hewan, sayur dan warna serta adanya soal kuis. Pada game edukasi ini yang dibuat ini dirancang menggunakan metode Rapid Application Development (RAD) sebagai tahapan penyelesaian mulai dari tahap perencanaan sampai tahap implementasi dari program. Pada game edukasi ini juga menerapkan algoritma Fisher-Yates untuk melakukan pengacakan soal. Pada hasil penelitian ini ditampilkan 10 soal kuis secara acak dari 15 soal yang ada, serta menerapkan algoritma Flood Fill untuk pewarnaan objek atau gambar. Dengan dirancangnya game untuk edukasi berbasis mobile ini diharapkan dapat membuat otak anak lebih aktif dan kreatif dimasa pertumbuhannya serta membantu proses belajar anak agar dapat menambah pengetahuan yang lebih luas.</em></p><p><strong><em>Kata kunci:</em></strong><em> App Inventor, Fisher Yates, Flood Fill, Game Edukasi, RAD</em></p>

The article considers written Livonian language sources located in the Estonian Cultural History Archives of the Estonian Literary Museum and which linguists can use in their studies. The most extensive collection of Livonian language sources – around 1200 pages of unpublished texts – are located in the Oskar Loorits 175th fund. Estonian folklore researcher Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) visited Livonians for scientific purposes several times in the 1920s and 1930s and helped Livonians in their cultural efforts as well. Since most of his communication with Livonians consisted of letters, Loorits’ archive is a valuable information source not only about Livonian social and cultural life, but also about the Livonian language. There are lots of original Livonian poems and translations into Livonian in the 175th fund, too.Kokkuvõte. Renāte Blumberga: Liivi keele tekstid Eesti Kirjandusmuuseumi 175. ehk Oskar Looritsa fondis. Artikkel käsitleb Eesti Kirjandusmuuseumi kultuuriloolises arhiivis talletatud liivi keele kirjalikke allikaid, mida keeleteadlased saavad kasutada oma uurimustes. Kõige suurem liivi keeleallikate kogu, mis sisaldab umbes 1200 lehekülge publitseerimata tekste, on 175. ehk Oskar Looritsa fond. Eesti rahvaluuleuurija Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) külastas liivlasi mitmeid kordi teaduslikel eesmärkidel 1920. ja 1930. aastatel ning aitas samuti liivlasi nende kultuurilistes ettevõtmistes. Kuna tema suhtlemine liivlastega toimus ikkagi põhiliselt kirja teel, on Oskar Looritsa arhiiv väärtuslik infoallikas mitte ainult liivi ühiskondliku ja kultuurielu kohta, vaid ka liivi keele uurimiseks. Selles 175. fondis on ka rohkelt algupärast liivi luulet ja tõlkeid liivi keelde.Märksõnad: liivi keel, liivi murded, liivi keele kirjalikud allikad, liivi kirjanduse ajalugu, liivi kultuuriajalugu, Eesti arhiividKubbõvõttõks. Renāte Blumberga: Līvõ kīel tekstõd Ēsti Literatūrmuzēj 175. agā Oskar Loorits fondõs. Kēra um iļ līvõ kīel kēratõd ovātõd, mis ātõ Ēsti Literatrmuzējsõ kultūristōrij arhīvõs ja midā kēļnikād sōbõd kȭlbatõ eņtš tuņšlõkšis. Amā sūŗimi līvõ kīelovātõd kub, kus ātõ immõr 1200 līedpūoldõ ulzandõmõt tekstidi, um 175. fond agā Oskar Loorits fond. Ēsti folklōr tuņšliji Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) kei līvlizt jūsõ tieudlizt võttõkstõks setmiņ kõrdõ 1920. ja 1930. āigastis ja äbțiz ka līvliztõn nänt kultūrtīesõ. Ku Oskar Loorits kubbõpūtimi līvliztõks vȯļ pǟažālistõz kērakouţi, sīesõt um Oskar Loorits arhīv vǟrtli tīetovāt äb set iļ līvõ ītkub ja kultūr, bet ka līvõ kīel tuņšlimiz pierāst. Sīes 175. fonds um ka pǟgiņ irgizt līvõ lūolõ ja tulkõmidi līvõ kīelõ.

Joakim Skovgaard: Christ in the Realm of the DeadBy Peter Nørgaard LarsenWithout in any way pretending to envelop Joakim Skovgaard’s huge painting Christ in the Realm o f the Dead (1891-94) in an exhaustive monograph, the article attempts, in three main sections, origin, meaning, reception, to approach an understanding of the art-historical models and inspirations for the work, its possible meaning, and, finally, its reception and its chequered course through the history of Danish art.OriginThe encounter with the archaic, .austere style. in both architecture, scuplture and in vase painting was of crucial significance for Skovgaard’s work. The simplicity in both the composition, the movements and expressions of the figures and also the frieze-like coordination of the figures characteristic of the .austere style. and to a large extent of the early Italian Renaissance - another important source of inspiration for Skovgaard’s art - has left crucial traces in Christ in the Realm o f the Dead. It can be seen in the grandiose simplicity of the composition, in its gesticulations and expressive power and in the powerful balance struck between the vertical and the horizontal, between figure and space. Joakim Skovgaard was very reticent with regard to lifting the veil on the thoughts and choices behind his magnum opus. Thus, the picture receives only few mentions in the artist’s letters. And here as in later interviews his virtually sole comment is that the motif was taken from his mother’s favourite hymn, Grundtvig’s rewriting from 1837 of Caedmon’s Anglo-Saxon poem, .The Harrowing of Hell: This night there was a knocking on the gates of Hell..MeaningOne thing that constantly makes itself felt is the vast size of the painting (351,5 x 489 cm). Had it been a commissioned work, most likely in the form of an altarpiece, this would explain the format. But as the painting was done on the artist’s own initiative and at his own expense, we can talk of a unique project in Danish art.Skovgaard clearly conceived of his work as an artist as a calling, and the task was to make great art work as convincingly as possible for God and the spreading of Christianity.As a deeply rooted personal testimony and as a reply to the materialism and and religious doubt of the time and the profanation of the figure of Christ, Skovgaard was re-installing Christ as the almighty, awesome power that can fight titanic battles for the sake of mankind. Skovgaard managed not only to create a picture with a rare power of conviction, but also to let his hero stand as a statement of how, on the threshold of the modern world, art is still able to generate an artistic statement that is both contemporary and relevant. The realm of the dead with the anonymous host of corpse-like beings, who after an age spent in spiritless darkness are forcing their way forward towards a liberating light, is perhaps Skovgaard’s allegory of the time’s doubt and uncertain groping for a spiritual base in the historical transition between tradition and modernity.ReceptionAmong most young artists and critics, Skovgaard’s painting was pointed out as a milepost in Danish art, which set new standards for the strivings and potential of Danish art. The critics of the painting maintained that the work was unrealistic. The figures were far too rough and stiff and the out-pouring of emotion too overwhelming.After it had been moved around for several years, spending a short time in the Immanuel Church in Copenhagen, being accorded an enthusiastic reception in the Paris World Fair in 1900, and subsequently hanging in St.Olai Church in Helsingør (Elsinore), Statens Museum for Kunst decided to purchase the painting in 1911.The painting was exhibited in Statens Museum for Kunst until 1965, when, as a result of the re-building of the museum, it was rolled up and moved out along with the rest of the collection. When the museum reopened in 1970 it was not included among the works hung. Instead it was condemned to obscurity, i.e. kept rolled up in storage. Here it remained for 30 years until a major conservation project in 2000 gave the public and the art historians an opportunity to join in the debate on this epoch-making and much discussed painting.

AbstractIn forensic science, signatures are identified by means of comparative handwriting analysis - not to be confused with graphological examination. To the authors' knowledge, no systematic investigation has hitherto taken place as to the effectiveness of subjecting signatures on old master paintings to such comparative analysis. Even when judgment is passed on signatures in art-historical publications, it is seldom based on an investigation which could stand up to the critical standards of handwriting experts. Partly due to insufficient knowledge of the relevant criteria, signature assessment therefore tends to be influenced in both a positive and a negative sense by opinions about the painting. (I.b.) This article describes the results of examinations of Rembrandt signatures on paintings from the period 1632-1642, conducted by a team of two forensic handwriting experts headed by the controller of the experiment. The Rembrandt Research Project team supplied a total of 123 photographs of signatures, 88 of which were deemed suitable for evaluation, 73 of them belonged to the 'Rembrandt' type, and 15 to the 'RHL van Rijn' type. Only aftcr our examination wcrc we able to confirm, on the basis of Vol umcs 11 and 111 of the Corpus, which of these signatures occur on paintings accepted by the RRP team as authentic Rembrandts, and which on de-attributed paintings. The monograms discussed in Volume I of the Corpus proved to be unsuitable for our investigation, due to the insufficient number of characteristics they yield. (I.d. and I.e.) In the examination of handwriting, the characteristics of a series of incontestably genuine signatures arc compared with the characteristics encountered in a series of signatures whose identity is to be established. This procedure was unfeasible for the examination in question, for, regardless of whether the usual methods of comparison can be applied to signatures rendered with a brush, the question arises as to which of the signatures on a paining are indisputably authentic. Reconnaissance of the signature problem shows that the art historian is unable, for various reasons, to quarantee that a painting established without a shadow of doubt as a Rembrandt actually bears the master's own signature. (I.c.) We therefore opted for a different procedure, but not until exploratory experiments had led us to expect that the usual methods of comparing handwriting would be feasible. (III.a.) Entirely ignorant of art-historical assessments of the paintings in question and their signatures, the hand writing experts analysed the available material on the basis of characteristics used in the comparison of normal signatures and handwriting (11.a.) The team's experiment-controller liaised with the art historians and evaluated the results statistically. (I.d.) The exploratory and statistical character of our investigation was one of the reasons for dispensing with a systematic enumeration of all the individual signature assessments. Working in this fashion, we selected a group of i 'Rembrandt'type signatures from the available material, signatures which formed a homogeneous group because of their shared characteristics. We called them the reference signatures. The homogeneous character of the reference group reflects, in our opinion, the recognizable and reproducible characteristics of Rembrandt's signature. The reference signatures are therefore assumed to have been executed by Rembrandt himself. With the aid of the group of reference signatures, the other material was further evaluated. The outcome was a list in which the signatures are graded as to their probable authenticity. In forensic handwriting comparison, probability gradations stem from the statistical character of the comparison process. (II.b.) They permit nuances to be made in the assessment of a signature. The extent to which identification criteria are satisfied, the consequences of restorations and other doubtful elements which are hard to assess, especially in the case of negative judgment (V.b.), are reflected in the individual probability gradations. Figures 1, 2 and 3 show three signatures from the reference group, accompanied by a number of shared characteristics occurring in the reference group. (IV.a) Figures 4 and 5 show signatures which have been assigned a lower probability gradation; one (figure 4) graded authentic, the other (figure 5) as not. (IV.b.) Only the first four letters of the signature in figure 7 are regarded as authentic; it is one of the seven examined signatures containing only a 't'. (V.b.) This procedure skirts the problem of non-guaranteed comparative signatures. Statistical evaluation of the results can also provide an insight into the question of whether the usual techniques for examining handwriting can be successfully applied to signatures on paintings. If the assessments thus obtained prove to be reliable, they may generate further valuable art-historical information. The results of the examination of the 73 'Rembrandt'-type signa tures are summarized in a table in which the signature assessments are related to the qualifications of the paintings as recorded in Volumes 11 and 111 of the Corpus. This table does not give the probability gradations, which arc however for the sake of convenience simply grouped into 'authentic' and 'non-authentic'. (V.a. and Table I) The table contains the most pertinent statistical data. In order to test thc reliability of the handwriting experts' assessment statistically, we employed a ratio based on signatures occurring on non-authentic paintings. Reliability proved to be almost 90%. Unfortunately, authentic paintings arc not suitable subjects for this kind of test. Evaluation of the results leads us to conclude that, under conditions to be described in greater detail, handwriting examination techniques arc in fact applicable to the assessment of signatures on paintings. The procedure described here only yields results when a large number of signatures with suflicient information content are available. The 73 'Rembrandt'-type signatures permitted the formation of a reference group, but the 15 'RHL van Rijn' specimens were not enough. (V.b.) On the assumption that the handwriting experts' judgment was reliable, only about 40% of the paintings established by the RRP team as authentic were actually signed by Rembrandt himself. It transpired that one of the reference signatures came from a pupil's work (figure 6), as did two others regarded as authentic, albeit with a lower probability gradation. The handwriting experts' results thus supply independent corroboration of the art-historical opinion that Rembrandt signed studio work. (V.b. and Table I) Comparison of the results of our investigation with corresponding assessments of 'Rembrandt'-type signatures by the RRP team yielded 11 controversial opinions: 8 among the 47 authentic paintings and 3 among the 26 unauthentic ones. (V.C.I.) Apart from the experience of the handwriting experts, controversies stem from the fundamentally different approaches of the two disciplines in forming their judgment by means of selecting reference signatures and evaluating characteristics. The fact that the handwriting experts reject more signatures on authentic paintings and accept more in the case of unauthentic ones than the art historians is due to the two disciplines' different kinds of knowledge about the relationship between signature and painting. (V.c.2.) Statistical evaluation of the collaboration of the two fields leads to the general conclusion that the intervention of the handwriting experts results in significantly more rejections of signatures on authentic paintings than has been previously established by the art historians. Moreover, on the basis of results obtained by the two disciplines in the case of the 47 authentic paintings, the statistical expectation is that of all the signed authentic paintings by Rembrandt, roughly half do not (any longer) bear his own signature. (V.c.3) It is to be expected that distinct photographic enlargements, in combination with in situ scientific examination of the material condition of the signature and its direct surroundings, will improve the reliability of signature assessment. Keith Moxey, Peasants, Warriors, and Wives. Popular Imagery in the Keformation, (The University of Chicago Press. Chicago and London, 1989). 165 Seiten mit 57 Schwarz-welß-Abbildungen. In den USA ist in den letzten Jahren eine zunehmende Aufmerksamkeit für die deutsche Kunst der Dürerzeit und speziell der Reichsstadt Nürnberg zu verzeichnen. Die bedeutenden Ausstellungen 'Gothic and Renaissance Art in Nuremberg 1300-1550' (1986) und 'The World in Miniature. Engravings by the German Little Masters' (1988/89) sowie eine Reihe von Dissertationen manifestieren dieses Interesse, dem auch das vorliegende Buch zu verdanken ist. Der Autor hat sich seit seiner Dissertation über Pieter Aertsen und Joachim Beuckelaer (1977) der Erforschung der profanen und populären Bildwclt des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland und den Niederlanden gewidmet und dabei die Frage nach den gesellschaftlichen Funktionen und Intentionen solcher Darstellungen im Medium der Druckgraphik in den Mittelpunkt gerückt. Der vorliegende Band präsentiert drei Studien zu thematischen Schwerpunkten des Nürnberger Einblattholzschnitts im Zeitalter der Reformation, verbunden durch weitere Kapitel über die historische Situation Nürnbergs und über die medialen Charakteristika von Holzschnitt und Einblattdruck. Der wissenschaftliche Apparat belegt, daß Moxey die reiche deutschsprachige Literatur zur Nürnberger Kunst- und Lokalgeschichte gründlich studiert hat. Seine Übersetzungen der Texte der Einblattdrucke (in den Anmerkungen nach den Originalen transkribiert und zitiert) sind akzeptabel. Das Buch wird mit einer hermeneutischen Standorthestimmung eingeleitet, was angesichts des gegenwärtigen Pluralismus der Kunstbegriffe und Methodenansätze zunehmend zum Erfordernis wissenschaftlichen Verantwortungsbewußtseins wird. Der Versuch, Bedeutung und Funktion populärer Bildmedien der Vergangenheit und ihrer Darstellungen zu ermitteln, darf sich weder auf einen ästhetisch definierten Kunstbegriff verpflichten, noch sich auf Methoden verlassen, die an diesem Kunstbegriff ausgerichtet sind. Während zum Beispiel die Ikonologie Bilder als Dokumente weltanschaulicher Einstellungen betrachtet und ihre Bedeutung an die gcistesgeschichtliche Stellung ihrer inhaltlichen Aussagen bindet, stellt sich bei den populären Bildmedien der Reformationszeit die Frage nach ihrer nicht nur reflektierenden, sondern aktiv gestaltenden Rolle als Kommunikationsmittel bei der Artikulierung gesellschaftlicher Interessen und politischer Absichten. Damit gewinnen für den Kunsthistoriker Fragestellungen der Soziologie und der Semiotik vorrangige Bedeutung. Es ergibt sich aber das Problem, daß moderne Begriffe wie 'Klasse' oder 'Ideologie' die Rekonstruktion historischer Vcrständnishorizonte behindern können. Moxey sicht dieses Problem, neigt aber dazu, ihm in Richtung auf cincn meines Erachtens oberflächlichen Pragmatismus auszuweichen, wenn er mit Hayden White postuliert, der Historiker könne nur die Fragen stellen, die ihm seine eigene Zeit aufgibt. Es wird sich zeigen, daß diese Einstellung problematische Konsequenzen hat. Der Überblick über die historische Situation Nürnbergs (Kapitel i) hebt folgende Faktoren hervor: die oligarchische Herrschaft des Handelspatriziats mit rigider Kontrolle über alle Aktivitäten der unteren Bevölkerungsschichten; die Propagierung einer vom Patriziat definierten kulturellen Identität des Nürnberger Bürgertums durch öffentliche Darbietungen (Schembartlauf, Fastnachtsspiele), bei denen die Abgrenzung von unbürgerlichen Lebensformen, personifiziert durch Narren und Bauern, eine wesentliche Rolle spielt; die Verbundenheit des herrschenden Patriziats mit der kaiserlichen Sache trotz Religonskriegen und konfessionellen Gegensätzen; der Beitrag der nationalistischen Ideen der Nürnberger Humanisten zum rcichsstädtischcn Selbstverständnis ; die Lösung des Konflilzts zwischen protestantischem Bekenntnis und Kaisertreue mit Hilfe von Luthers Lehre der 'zwei Welten'. Kapitel 2 ('The Media: Woodcuts and Broadsheets') behandelt die Aufgaben des Holzschnitts, die Bedingungen seiner Herstellung und Verbreitung im Zusammenhang mit dem rasanten Auf-stieg des Buch- und Flugblattdrucks und einer auf Aktualität zielenden Publizistik, sowie die Stellung der Künstler als Vorlagenzeichner, die von den Druckern und Verlegern weitgehend abhängig waren. Bisherige Versuche, Holzschnitte und Illustrationen als Ausdruck persönlicher Überzeugungen der Vorlagen zeichner zu deuten, mußten daher in die Irre führen, wie Moxey am Beispiel der Brüder Beham belegt. Zu den Rahmenbedingungen der medialen Funktion Nürnberger Holzschnitte gehört aber noch ein weiterer Faktor, den Moxey nicht berücksichtigt: der deutliche Gegensatz zwischen Holzschnitt und Kupferstich im Hinblick auf Verbreitung, Themenwahl, Darstellungsweise, Verhältnis Bild-Text und Rezeptionsweise, der unter anderem dazu führt, daß an übereinstimmende Themen bei gleichen Künstlern unterschiedliche formale und inhaltliche Anforderungen gestellt werden, und daß sogar Motive bei der Übernahme aus einem Medium in das andere ihre Bedeutung ändern können. Dieser Gegensatz ist charakteristisch für die Nürnberger Graphik und ist weder in der Augsburger noch in der niederländischen Graphik dieser Zeit annähernd vergleichbar deutlich ausgeprägt. Kapitel 3 ('Festive Peasants and Social Order') ist die überarbeitete Fassung eines Aufsatzes, der in 'Simiolus' 12, 1981/2 unter dem Titel 'Sebald Beham's Church Anniversary Holidays: Festive Peasants as Instruments of Repressive Humour' erschienen ist. In die damals aktuelle, von Hessel Miedema und Svetlana Alpers ausgelöste Debatte über die Deutung von Bauernfest-Darstellungen und die Funktion des Komischen in Kunst und Dichtung des 16. Jahrhunderts hatte dieser Aufsatz wegweisende Argumente eingeführt, die mir bei meinen eigenen Forschungen über die 'Bauernsatiren' sehr nützlich und klärend waren. Abgesehen von einem knappen Hinweis Konrad Rengers (Sitzungsberichte der Kunstgeschichtlichen Gesellschaft zu Berlin, neue Folge, 20, 1971/72, 9-16) hatte Moxey als erster auf den Zusammenhang der Bauernfest-Holzschnitte mit der literarischen Tradition der Bauernsatire aufmerksam gemacht, welche durch die Behams in der Verbindung von Bild und Text und der Nähe zu Dichtungen des Hans Sachs für Nürnberg aktualisicrt wurde. Diese 'Bauernfeste' sind folglich keine Zeugnisse eines folkloristischen Realismus, sondern komplexe Übertragungen literarischer Stereotype in Bilder. Die Bauern und ihre Kirmessen und Hochzeiten sind weniger Gegenstände und Ziele dieser Darstellungen, sondern fungieren als Mittel der Stände- und Moralsatire. Lediglich in einem Punkt haben mich Moxey's Argumente nicht überzeugt: für ihn scheinen die feiernden Bauern der Behams tatsächlich die Dorf-bewohner des Nürnberger Umlandes aus der ideologischen Sicht der Patrizier darzustellen. Dies deutet er an, wenn er die Holzschnitte als 'visual vehicle for the expression of class ridicule' betrachtet und im - neu formulierten - Schluß des Kapitels bei Betrachtern aus dem Nürnberger Handwerkerstand sentimentale Erinnerungen an das 'freiere' Leben ihrer bäuerlichen Vorfahren vermutet. Zu Beginn des Kapitels setzt er sich mit zwei Richtungen der traditionellen Interpretation auseinander, welche diese Holzschnitte als unmittelbare oder mittelbare, d.h. ideologische Reflexe gesellschaftlicher Wirklichkeit betrachteten. Aber auch er löst sich nicht ganz von dieser Prämisse, wie der neuformuliertc Titel 'Festive Peasants and Social Order' bekräftigt. Dagegen habe ich einzuwenden, daß die literarische Tradition der Bauern-und Bauernfestsatire in keinem unmittelbaren Zusammenhang mit der Ständelehre steht, welche die Rechte und Pflichten des Bauernstandes festlegt. Deren Gegenstand ist vielmehr der Bauer als Ernährer der Gesellschaft, der arbeitet und Abgaben leistet oder sich dieser ihm von Gott zugewiesenen Rolle verweigert. Darauf nehmen die Bauernfest-Holzschnitte nur insofern Bezug, als Ausschweifungen, Luxus und bewaffneter Streit die Einhaltung dieser bäuerlichen Pflichten gefährden. Im Vordergrund steht aber die Funktion dieser Holzschnitte als satirischer Spiegel 'bäurischer' Unsitten, so daß der Titel besser lauten sollte 'Festive Peasants and Social Behaviour'. Hier rächt es sich, daß Moxey den modernen soziologischen Bcgriff 'Klasse' anstelle des historisch angemessenen Begriffs 'Stand' verwendet. 'Stand' impliziert eine Reihe theologischer und moralischer Wertsetzungen, die dem politisch-ökonomisch definierten Begriff 'Klasse' fehlen. Aber gerade mit diesen 'argumentieren' die Holzschnitte und die ihnen entsprechenden Texte, und auf dieser Ebene des Arguments nehmen sie auch Stellung zur politischen und konfessionellen Aktualität. Eine andere Frage ist, welche Aspekte der Bedeutung der zeitgenössische Betrachter wahrnahm: politische, moralische, konfessionelle, literarische, brauchtumsmäßige usw. Dies dürfte von seiner eigenen jeweiligen Position als Bürger von Nürnberg oder einer anderen Stadt, Humanist, Lutheraner, Grundbesitzer mitbestimmt worden sein. Die 'Multifunhtionalität' der Baucrnsatire, auf die vor mir schon Hessel Miedema und Paul Vandenbroeck hingewiesen haben,2 d.h. die gesellschaftliche Differenziertheit der Rezeptionsweise, der die Holzschnitte sichtlich Rechnung tragen, darf nicht außer Betracht bleiben. In Kapitel 4 legt Moxey die erste kunsthistorische Untersuchung der zahlreichen Darstellungen von Landsknechten im Nürnberger Holzschnitt vor. Ausgangspunkt ist Erhard Schöns großformatiger 'Zug der Landsknechte' (um 1532, Geisberg 1226-1234), den Moxey als Heroisierung der kaiserlichen Militärmacht und damit als Nümberger Propaganda für die kaiserliche Politik deutet. Aktueller Anlaß ist die Türkengefahr mit der Belagerung Wiens 1532. Dies ist eine begründete, aber nicht in jeder Hinsicht überzeugende Hypothese. In den Serien einzelner Landsknechts-Figurcn van Schön (Geisberg 1981ff) und Hans Sebald Beham (Geisberg 273ff) weisen beigegebene Texte wiederholt darauf hin, daß es sich um Teilnehmer an kaiserlichen Feldzügen handelt. Im 'Zug der Landsknechte' wird zwar eine burgundischhabsburgische Fahne entrollt, aber der Text von Hans Sachs läßt den Hauptmann an der Spitze des Zuges ausdrücklich sagen: 'Die Landsknecht ich byn nemcn an/Eynem Herren hie ungemelt', was angesichts der von Moxey vermuteten pro-kaiserlichen Propaganda zumindest erklärungsbedürftig ist. Den werbenden und heroisierenden Drucken stellt Moxey eine größere Zahl von Holzschnitten gegenüber, die nicht von den Leistungen, Ansprüchen und Verdiensten der Söldner, sondern von den negativen Aspekten des Landsknechtslebens und -charakters handeln. Todesbedrohung, Sittenlosigkeit, Aggressivität und Abkehr von ehrlichem Erwerb aus Gier nach schnellem Geld werden teils anklagend teils satirisch thematisiert. Diese Gespaltenheit des Bildes vom Landsknecht in verschiedenen Drucken derselben Verleger nach Vorlagen derselben Zeichner wird mit einer widersprüchlichen Einstellung zum Krieg und mit Luthers eschatologischer Deutung der Türkengefahr als 'Gottesgeißel' in Verbindung gebracht. Der Landsknecht erscheint einerseits als 'Mittel der Bekräftigung kaiserlicher Macht angesichts einer nationalen Bedrohung', anderseits als 'Mittel der Ermahnung, daß die Türkeninvasion eher eine moralische als eine militärische Notlage darstellt, und daß physische Gewalt das ungeeignete und unangemessene Mittel der Auseinandersetzung mit einer Züchtigung Gottes ist.' Den entscheidenden Beleg für diese Deutung findet Moxey in Erhard Schöns 'Landsknechtstroß vom Tod begleitet'. Die Hure am Arm des Fähnrichs und der Hahn auf dem Trainwagen bezeichnen die sexuelle Zügellosigkeit der Landsknechte, gefangene Türken und straffällige Söldner marschieren gefesselt hintereinander. Der neben dem Trainwagen reitende Tod mit erhobenem Stundenglas wird von zwei Skeletten begleitet, von denen eines als Landsknecht, das andere als Türke gekleidet ist. Moxey: 'Durch das Auslöschen der Unterschiede zwischen Türkc und Landsknecht leugnet der Tod die heroischen Eigenschaften, die dem Söldner in Werken wie 'Der Zug der Landshnechte' zugeschrieben werden. In diesem Zusammenhang erscheint die kaiserliche Sache nicht wertvoller als die der Feinde.' Einer Verallgemeinerung dieser Deutung und ihrer Übertragung auf die anderen negativen Landsknechtsdarstellungen ist cntgegenzuhalten, daß es in diesen keinerlei Anspielungen auf die Türken gibt. Das gilt insbesondere für einen 'Troß'-Holzschnitt des Hans Sebald Beham (Geisberg 269-272), der um 1530, d.h. vor Schöns 'Troß vom Tod begleitet' entstanden sein dürfte und mit diesem das Vorbild von Albrecht Altdorfers 'Troß' aus dem 'Triumphzug Kaiser Maximilians I.' teilt. Behams 'Troß' steht unter dem Kommando eines 'Hurnbawel' (Hurenwaibel), der den von einem Boten überbrachten Befehl zum Halten angesichts einer kommenden Schlacht weitergibt. Der Troß aus Karren und Weibern, begleitet von unheroischen, degeneriert aussehenden Landsknechten oder Troßbuben, führt vor allem Fässer, Flaschen und Geflügel mit. Die Fahne wird von einem Hahn als dem bedeutungsträchtigen Feldzeichen dieses zuchtlosen und lächerlichem Haufens überragt. Moxey hat diesen Holzschnitt nicht berücksichtigt. Mein Eindruck ist, daß eine religiös oder ethisch motivierte ambivalente Einstellung zur Kriegführung im Allgemeinen oder zum Türkenkrieg im Besonderen nicht die Gegensätzlichkeit des Landsknechtsbildes erklären kann. Ich sehe vielmehr eine Parallele zu dem ähnlich gespaltenen Bild vom Bauern in positive Ständevertreter und satirische Vertreter 'grober' bäurischer Sitten. Bei den Landsknechtsdarstellungen kann man zwischen werbenden und propagandistischen Bildern heroischer Streiter für die kaiserliche Sache und kritisch-satirischen Darstellungen der sittlichen Verkommenheit der Soldateska und der sozial schädlichen Attraktivität des Söldnerwesens für arme Handwerker unterscheiden. Kapitel 5 ('The Battle of the Sexes and the World Upside Down') behandelt eine Reihe von Drucken, welche die Herrschaft des Mannes über die Frau und die Pflicht des Mannes, diese Herrschaft durchzusetzen, zum Gegenstand haben. Die Fülle solcher Drucke im Nürnberg der Reformationszeit und die Brutalität, die den Männern empfohlen wird, erlauben es nicht, hier bloß eine Fortsetzung mittelalterlicher Traditionen frauenfeindlicher Satire zu sehen. Moxey erkennt die Ursachen für die besondere Aktualität und Schärfe dieser Bilder in den demographischen und sozialen Verhältnissen Nürnbergs (Verdrängung der Frauen aus dem Erwerbsleben im Zuge verschärfter Konkurrenzbedingungen) und im Einfluß der lutherischen Ehelehre. Die Familie wird als Keimzelle des Staates aufgefaßt, die Sicherung familiärer Herrschaftsstrukturen gilt als Voraussetzung für das Funktionieren staatlicher Autorität und ist daher Christenpflicht. Dieser Beitrag ist eine wertvolle Ergänzung der Untersuchungen zur Ikonologie des bürgerlichen Familienlebens in reformierten Ländern des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, die sich bisher auf die Niederlande konzentriert hatten.3 Die abschließenden 'Conclusions' versuchen, aus diesen Ergebnissen eine präzisere Charakterisierung der medialen Qualitäten Nürnberger Holzschnitte zu gewinnen. Ihr 'schlichter Stil' oder 'Modus' folgt aus einer bewußten Reduzierung der formalen Mittel der Graphik und ermöglicht eine Unterordnung des Bildes unter den Text. Einblattdrucke und Flugblätter stehen den Inkunabelillustrationen nahe, bei denen die 'Lesbarkeit' des Bildes die dominierende Form von Anschaulichkeit ist. Mit Norman Bryson spricht Moxey von 'diskursiven' Bildern, die keinen Anspruch auf künstlerischen Eigenwert machen und deren Informationsgehalt einseitig auf den Text bezogen ist. Die Reduktionen der formalen Mittel, d.h. die Verkürzung der Information verlangt von Betrachter die Auffüllung mit Bedeutungen, die dem Text oder - in dessen Abwesenheit - 'Zeichensvstemen anderer Ordnung', z.B. Fastnachtspielen zu entnehmen sind. Eine charakteristische Sonderform ist die Rcihung von einzelnen, relativ gleichförmigen Bildern zu Serien, zu einer friesartigen Gesamtkomposition. Moxey erklärt dieses Prinzip mit der Vorbildhaftigkeit der Riesenholzschnitte für Kaiser Maxmilian I., in denen Redundanz als Mittel propagandistischer Wirkungssteigerung fungiert. Dies scheint mir zu kurz gegriffen, den gcrade in Nürnberg dürfte die literarische und dramatische Form des 'Reihenspiels' (die einzelnen Darsteller treten wie in einer Rev ue nacheinander vor und sprechen ihren Text) ein noch wiehtigerer Ausgangspunkt gewesen sein, zumal diese literarische Form auch in den Texten vieler Einblattdrucke angewendet wird, vor allem von Hans Sachs. Der 'schlichte Stil' oder Modus läßt viel mehr Abstufungen und Variationen zu, als Moxey's 'Conclusions' zu erkennen geben. In Holzschnitten wie Hans Sebald Behams 'Großes Bauernfest' liegt eine komplexe Darstellungsweise vor, die die Bezeichnung 'schlicht' kaum mehr verdient. Moxey's Unterscheidung in einen lesbaren Vordergrund und einen 'malerischen' Hintergrund ist unangemessen. Ich gebe zu bedenken, daß durch das Wirken Dürers dem Nürnberger Holzschnitt auch spezifisch künstlerische Maßstäbe eröffnet worden sind. Dürer schreibt in seiner 'seltzame red' ausdrücklich, 'das manicher etwas mit der federn in eine tag auff ein halben bogen papirs reyst oder mit seim eyrsellein etwas in ein klein hoeltzlein versticht, daz wuert kuenstlicher und besser dann eins ändern grosses werck.'4 Unter Dürers Einfluß hat der Nürnberger Holzschnitt sich die Möglichkeiten des perspektivisch organisierten Bildraumes erschlossen. Das bedeutet, daß neben das herkömmliche Anschaulichkeitprinzip der 'Lesbarkeit' von Motiven, die auf einer Bildebene aufgereiht sind, das neue Anschaulichkeitprinzip der Perspektivität tritt, die nach den Begriffen der humanistischen Kunstlehre dem rhetorischen Ideal der 'perspicuitas' entspricht. Auch wenn die Einblattholzschnitte nur zu einem Teil und sichtlich unentschieden von dieser neuen Bildform Gebrauch machen, so steht doch fest: der 'schlichte Stil' läßt Veränderungen und Entwicklungen zu, in denen Raum für spezifisch künstlerische Faktoren ist. Moxey's Verzicht auf spezifisch kunsthistorische Fragestellungen enthält die Gefahr einer Verengung des Blickwinkels. Auch seine Einschätzung der bloß dienenden Rolle des Bildes gegenüber dem Text erscheint differenzierungsbedürftig. Indem die knappen und reduzierten Angaben des Bildes den Betrachter dazu veranlassen, sie mit Textinformationen aufzufüllen und zu ergänzen, wächst dem Bild eine aktive Rolle zu: es organisiert und strukturiert die Lektüre des Texts. Im Einblattdruck 'Zwölf Eigenschaften eines boshaften und verruchten Weibes' (Moxey Abb.5.16) zählt der Text von Hans Sachs auf: Vernachlässigung von Haushalt und Kindern, Naschhaftigkeit, Verlogenheit, Putz-sucht, Stolz, Streitsucht, Ungehorsam, Gewalt gegen den Ehe-mann, Verweigerung der ehelichen Pflicht, Ehebruch und schließlich Verleumdung des Ehemannes bei Gericht. Erhard Schöns Holzschnitt zeigt in der Öffnung der beiden Häuser die Punkte I und 12 der Anklage, unordentlichen Haushalt und Verleumdung vor Gericht. Im Vordergrund ist der gewalttätige Streit dargestellt, der das Zerbrechen der ehelichen Gemeinschaft und der familiären Ordnung offenbar eindeutiger zeigt als etwa der Ehebruch. Das Bild illustriert folglich nicht nur, es interpretiert und akzentuiert. Diese aktive Rolle des Bildes gegenüber dem Text ist eine bedeutende Funktionserweiterung des illustrativen Holzschnitts, als deren Erfinder wohl Sebastian Brant zu gelten hat.5 Nach Moxey's Überzeugung 'artilculiert' das in den Nürnberger Holzschnitten entwichelte 'kulturelle Zeichensystem' Vorstellungcn von gesellschaftlichen Beziehungen und Wertmaßstäben, die zutiefst von Luthers Soziallehre geprägt sind und als Maßgaben eines göttlichen Gebotes unverrückbar festgeschrieben und verteidigt werden. Es war im Interesse des Patriziats, diese Stabilität bei allen Bevölkerungsschichten durchzusetzen, und dabei spielten die Einblattdrucke und Holzschnitte eine aktive, gestaltende Rolle. Trotz mancher Einwände im Einzelnen glaube ich, daß diese Deutung grundsätzliche Zustimmung verdient.

Rose, Nancy. The Secret Life of Squirrels. Toronto: Puffin, 2014. Print.This picture book follows the story of Mr. Peanuts, a rather unusual squirrel who enjoys numerous activities that we do not typically associate with squirrels.He busies himself with cooking on the grill, playing the piano, and reading his favourite books. Despite all of the activities, he feels a sense of loneliness. He writes a letter to Cousin Squirrel to come for a visit. His cousin responds and gladly accepts his invitation. In preparation for his visitor, Mr. Peanuts completes various chores around the house such as vacuuming, laundry, and he even finds time to bake a hazelnut chocolate cake. When Cousin Squirrel arrives, they have a wonderful time together. This book is filled with beautiful photographs of wild squirrels in miniature photo shoots. Children and adults alike can appreciate the attention to detail in the miniature models, created by the author, and the squirrels who pose in them. At the end of the story, the book provides “Ten tips for photographing wildlife” and a “Q&A with Nancy Rose” that are interesting and informative. Overall, this book is easy to understand and offers a great message to children about sharing and playing well with others. Recommended: 3 out of 4 starsReviewer: Janice KungJanice Kung is an Academic Library Intern at the University of Alberta’s John W. Scott Health Sciences Library. She obtained her undergraduate degree in commerce and completed her MLIS in 2013. She believes that the best thing to beat the winter blues is to cuddle up on a couch and lose oneself in a good book.

Kate, Lauren. Teardrop. New York: Delacorte Press, 2013. Print.This Young Adult fantasy novel explores the compelling story of Eureka Boudreaux who was taught at a young age to never, ever cry. Ever since her mother drowned in an accident by the force of a rogue wave, Eureka no longer has the desire to live.Not long after the terrifying incident, a mysterious boy, Ander, enters her life. Although she has never seen Ander before, he feels strangely familiar and has an unusual talent for appearing in front of Eureka when she least expects him. He appears to know everything about her and warns her that she is in grave danger. Not long after their first encounter, Eureka discovers that Ander is the only person who has come close to making her cry.As she learns to cope with her new reality, Eureka finds solace in Brooks, her oldest friend with whom she can share anything. Together they try to solve the mystery of the strange inheritance from her mother – a locket, a letter, a stone, and an ancient book that no one understands. Eureka recruits a fortune teller who is able to translate the text and finds that the book is a story about a girl who had her heart broken and cried the ancient world of Atlantis into the sea. Characters from the book have an uncanny similarity to the people whom she shares a deep connection in her own life. The more of the book that she uncovers, the stranger her life becomes. Soon Eureka discovers that the story is more than an ancient tale and Ander may be telling the truth about her safety. This book is the first in a trilogy, which leaves readers waiting in anticipation for the next installment. It explores themes of depression from the loss of a parent and the author weaves an intricate plot that helps the heroine overcome her grief. Overall, it is a fast-paced story that is well suited to young adult audiences, featuring complex characters, love, and dark magic.Recommended: 3 out of 4 starsReviewer: Janice KungJanice Kung is an Academic Library Intern at the University of Alberta’s John W. Scott Health Sciences Library. She obtained her undergraduate degree in commerce and completed her MLIS in 2013. She believes that the best thing to beat the winter blues is to cuddle up on a couch and lose oneself in a good book.

What are the possibilities of a body? This is a question that is answered best by thinking prosthetically. After all, the possibilities of a body extend beyond flesh and bone. Asked another way, one might query: what are the affective capacities of bodies—animal or otherwise? Philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari focus on affectivity as capacity, on what the body does or can do; thinking through Baruch Spinoza’s writing on the body, they state, “we know nothing about a body until we know what it can do, in other words, what its affects are, how they can or cannot enter into composition with other affects” (257). If bodies are defined by their affective capacities, I wonder: how can prosthetics be used to alter dominant and dominating relationships between the human and the non-human animal, particularly as these relationships bear on questions of race? In this essay, I forward a contemporary media installation, “The Slug Princess”, as a productive site for thinking through the prosthetic possibilities around issues of race, animality, and aesthetics. I contend that the Degenerate Art Ensemble’s installation works through uncommon prosthetics to activate what Deleuze and Guattari describe as becoming-animal. While animality has historically been mobilized to perpetuate Orientalist logics, I argue that DAE’s becoming-slug rethinks the capacities of the body prosthetically, and in so doing dismantles the hierarchy of the body normativity.The Degenerate Art Ensemble (DAE) is a collective of artists with international showings co-directed by Haruko Crow Nishimura, originally from Japan, and Joshua Kohl, from the United States. The ensemble is based in Seattle, Washington, USA. The group’s name is a reference to the 1937 Degenerate Art Exhibition in Munich, Germany, organized by Adolf Ziegler and the Nazi Party. The exhibition staged 650 works from what Nazi officials referred to as “art stutterers”, the pieces were confiscated from German museums and defined as works that “insult German feeling, or destroy or confuse natural form or simply reveal an absence of adequate manual and artistic skill” (Spotts 163). DAE “selected this politically charged moniker partly in response to the murder in Olympia [Washington] of an Asian American youth by neo-Nazi skinheads” (Frye). DAE’s namesake is thus an embrace of bodies and abilities deemed unworthy by systems of corrupt power. With this in mind, I argue that DAE’s work provides an opportunity to think through intersections of prostheticity, animality, and race.“The Slug Princess” is part of a larger exhibition of their work shown from 19 March to 19 June 2011 at the Frye Art Museum in Seattle. The installation is comprised of two major elements: a crocheted work and a video projection. For me, both are prosthetics.A Crocheted Prosthetic and Orientalist AnimalityThe crocheted garment is not immediately recognizable as a prosthetic. It is displayed on a mannequin that stands mostly erect. The piece, described as a headdress, is however by no means a traditional garment. Yellow spirals and topographies flow and diverge in tangled networks of yarn that sometimes converge into recognizable form. The knit headdress travels in countless directions, somehow assembling as a wearable fibrous entity that covers the mannequin from head to ground, spreading out, away, and behind the figuration of the human. In slumped orbs, green knit “cabbages’ surround the slug princess headdress, exceeding the objects they intend to represent in mass, shape, and affect. In this bustling excess of movement, the headdress hints at how it is more than a costume, but is instead a prosthetic.The video projection makes the prosthetic nature of the crocheted headdress evident. It is a looped performance of Nishimura that runs from ceiling to floor and spans the semi-enclosed space in which it is displayed. In the video, Nishimura walks, then crawls – slowly, awkwardly – through a forest. She also eats whole cabbages, supporting procedure with mouth, foot, and appendage, throwing the function of her body parts into question. The crocheted element is vital to her movement and the perception of her body’s capacities.As Nishimura becomes slug princess, the DAE begins to intervene in complex regimes of racial identification. It is imperative to note that Nishimura’s boy gets caught up in interpretive schemas of Western constructions of Asians as animals. For example, in the early diaspora in the United States, Chinese men were often identified with the figure of the rat in 19th-century political cartoons. Mel Y. Chen points to the ways in which these racialized animalities have long reinforcing the idea of the yellow peril through metaphor (Chen 110-111). These images were instrumental in conjuring fear around the powerfully dehumanizing idea that hordes of rats were infesting national purity. Such fears were significant in leading to the Chinese exclusion acts of the United States and Canada. Western tropes of Asians find traction in animal symbolism. From dragon ladies to butterflies, Asian femininity in both women and men has been captured by simultaneous notions of treachery and passivity. As Nishimura’s body is enabled by prosthetic, it is also caught in a regime of problematic signs. Animal symbolism persists throughout Asian diasporic gender construction and Western fantasies of the East. Rachel C. Lee refers to the “process whereby the human is reduced to the insect, rodent, bird, or microbe” as zoe-ification, which she illustrates as a resolute means of excluding Asian Americans from species-being (Lee Exquisite 48). DAE’s Slug Princess, I argue, joins Lee’s energies herein by providing and performing alternative modes of understanding animality.The stakes of prosthetics in becoming-animal lie in the problem of domination through definition. Orientalist animality functions to devalue Asians as animals, ultimately justifying forms of subordination and exclusion. I want to suggest that becoming-slug, as I will elaborate below, provides a mode of resisting this narrow function of defining bodies by enacting prosthetic process. In doing so, it aligns with the ways in which prosthetics redefine the points of delineation against normativity. As Margarit Shildrick illuminates, “once it is acknowledged that a human body is not a discrete entity ending at the skin, and that material technologies constantly disorder our boundaries, either through prosthetic extensions or through the internalization of mechanical parts, it is difficult to maintain that those whose bodies fail to conform to normative standards are less whole or complete than others” (24). DAE’s Slug Princess transmutates how animality functions to Orientalize Asians as the degenerate other, heightening the ways in which prosthetics can resist the racialized ideologies of normative wholeness.Why Prosthetics? Or, a Comparative Case in Aesthetic AnimalityDAE is of course not alone in their animalistic interventions. In order to isolate what I find uniquely productive about DAE’s prosthetic performance, I turn to another artistic alternative to traditional modes of Orientalist animality. Xu Bing’s performance installation “Cultural Animal” (1994) at the Han Mo Art Center in in Beijing, China can serve as a useful foil. “Cultural Animal” featured a live pig and mannequin in positions that evoked queer bestial sexuality. The pig was covered in inked nonsensical Roman letters; the full body of the mannequin was similarly tattooed in jumbled Chinese characters. The piece was a part of a larger project entitled “A Case Study of Transference”. According to Xu’s website, “the intention was both to observe the reaction of the pig toward the mannequin and produce an absurd random drama—an intention that was realized when the pig reacted to the mannequin in an aggressively sexual manner” (Xu). The photographs, which were a component of the piece, indeed evoke the difficulty of the concept of transference, imbricating species, languages, and taboos. The piece more generally enacts the unexpected excesses of performance with non-scripted bodies. The pig at times caresses the cheek of the mannequin. The sensuous experience is inked by the cultural confusion that images the seeming sensibility of each language. Amidst the movement of the pig and the rubbings of the ink, the mannequin is motionless, bearing a look of resigned openness. His eyes are closed, with a slight furrowing of the brow and calm downturned lips. The performance piece enacts crossings that reorient the historical symbolic force of racialization and animality. These forms of species and cultural miscegenation evoke for Mel Y. Chen a form of queer relationality that exemplifies “animalities that live together with race and with queerness, the animalities that we might say have crawled into the woodwork and await recognition, and, concurrently, the racialized animalities already here” (104). As such, Chen does the work of pointing out how Xu destabilizes notions of proper boundaries between human and animal, positing a different form of human-animal relationality. In short, Xu’s Cultural Animal chooses relationality. This relationality does not extend the body’s capacities. I argue that by focusing in on the pivotal nature of prosthesis, DAE’s slug activates a becoming-animal that goes beyond relationship, instead rethinking what a body can do.Becoming-Slug: Prosthetics as InterventionBy way of differentiation, how might “The Slug Princess” function beyond symbolic universalism and in excess of human-animal relations? In an effort to understand this distinction, I forward DAE’s installation as a practice of becoming-animal. Becoming-animal is a theoretical intervention in hierarchy, highlighting a minoritarian tactic to resist domination, akin to Shildrick’s description of prosthetics.DAE’s installation enacts becoming-slug, as illustrated in an elaboration of Deleuze and Guattari’s concept they argue: “Becoming-animal always involves a pack” “a multiplicity” (Deleuze and Guatttari 239). The banner of becoming-animal is “I am legion”. DAE is and are a propagation of artists working together. They enact legion. Led by a pack of collaborators, DAE engage a range of artists in continual, ongoing, and fluctuating process. Their current collaborators include (and surpass): architect/designer Alan Maskin, costume designer ALenka Loesch, dancer/singer Dohee Lee, performance artist/expressionist/songwriter/shape-shifter Okanomodé, and sound/installation artist Robb Kunz. For the broader exhibition at the Frye, they listed the biographies of fifteen artists and the names of around 200 artists. Yet, it is not the mere number of collaborators that render DAE a multiplicity – it is the collaborative excess of their process that generates potential at the intersection of performance and prosthetic. Notably, it is important that the wearable prosthetic headpiece used in “Slug Princess” was created in collaboration. “The contagion of the pack, such is the path becoming-animal takes” (Deleuze and Guattari, 243). Created by Many Greer but worn by Nishimura, it weighs on Nishimura’s body in ways that steer her performance. She is unable to stand erect as the mannequin in the exhibition. The prosthetic changes her capacities in unpredictable ways. The unexpected headdress causes her to hunch over and crawl, pushing her body into slow contact with the earth. As the flowing garment slows her forward progress, it activates new modes of movement. Snagging, and undulating, Nishimura moves slowly over the uncertain terrain of a forest. As Greer’s creation collides with Nishimura’s body and the practice of the dance, they enact becoming-slug. This is to suggest, then, following Deleuze and Guattari’s affective understanding of becoming-animal, that prosthetics have a productive role to play in disrupting normative modes of embodiment.Further, as Deleuze and Guattari indicate, becoming-animal is non-affiliative (Deleuze and Guattari 238). Becoming-animal is that which is “not content to proceed by resemblance and for which resemblance, on the contrary, would represent an obstacle or stoppage” (Deleuze and Guattari 233). Likewise, Nishimura’s becoming-slug is neither imitative (305) nor mimetic because it functions in the way of displaced doing through prosthetic process. Deleuze and Guattari describe in the example of Little Hans and his horse, becoming-animal occurs in putting one’s shoes on one’s hands to move, as a dog: “I must succeed in endowing the parts of my body with relations of speed and slowness that will make it become dog, in an original assemblage proceeding neither by resemblance nor by analogy” (258). The headdress engages an active bodily process of moving as a slug, rather than looking like a slug. Nishimura’s body begin as her body human begins, upright, but it is pulled down and made slow by the collaborative force of the wearable piece. As such, DAE enacts “affects that circulate and are transformed within the assemblage: what a horse [slug] ‘can do’” (257). This assemblage of affects pushes beyond the limited capacities of the screen, offering new productive entanglements.The Stuplime Loop as ProstheticTo the extent that conceiving of a headdress as a collaborative bodily prosthetic flows from common understandings of prosthetic, the medial interface perhaps stirs up a more foreign example of prosthesis and becoming-animal. The medial performance of DAE’s “The Slug Princess” operates through the video loop, transecting the human, animal, and technological in a way that displaces being in favor of becoming. The looping video creates a spatio-temporal contraction and elongation of the experience of time in relation to viewing. It functions as an experiential prosthetic, reworking the ability to think in a codified manner—altering the capacities of the body. Time play breaks the chronological experience of straight time and time as mastery by turning to the temporal experience as questioning normativity. Specifically, “The Slug Princess” creates productive indeterminacy through what Siane Ngai designates as “stuplimity”. Ngai’s punning contraction of stupidity and sublimity works in relation to Deleuze’s thinking on repetition and difference. Ngai poses the idea of stuplimity as beginning with “the dysphoria of shock and boredom” and culminating “in something like the ‘open feeling’ of ‘resisting being’—an indeterminate affective state that lacks the punctuating ‘point’ of individuated emotion” (284). Ngai characterizes this affecting openness and stupefying: it stops the viewer in their/her/his tracks. This importation of the affective state cannot be overcome through the exercise of reason (270). Departing from Kant’s description of the sublime, Ngai turns to the uglier, less awe-inspiring, and perhaps more debase form of aesthetic encounter. This is the collaboration of the stupid with the sublime. Stuplimity operates outside reason and sublimity but in alliance with their processes. Viewers seem to get “stuck” at “The Slug Princess”, lost in the stuplimity of the loop. Some affect of the looping videos generates not thoughtfulness or reflection, but perhaps cultural stupidity – the relative and temporary cessation or abatement of cultural logics and aesthetic valuations. The video loop comes together with the medial enactment of becoming-slug in such a manner that performs into stuplimity. Stuplimity, in this case, creates an opening of an affectively stupid or illegible (per Xu) space/time alternative being/becoming. The loop is, of course, not unique to the installation and is a common feature of museum pieces. Yet, the performance, the becoming-slug itself, creates sluggishness. Ngai posits that sluggishness works out the boredom of repetition, which I argue is created through the loop of becoming-slug. The slug princess’ slowness, played in the loop creates a “stuplimity [that] reveals the limits of our ability to comprehend a vastly extended form as totality” (271). That is, the loop, by virtue of its sluggishness, opens up becoming-animal not as a finite thing, but as an ongoing, cycling, and thoughtlessly tedious process. DAE’s installation thus demonstrates an attempt to adopt prosthetics to rethink the logics of control and power. In his writing on contemporary shifts in prosthetic function, Paul Preciado argues that digitalization is a core component of the transition from prosthetics to what emerge as “microprosthetic”, in which “power acts through molecules that incorporate themselves into our [bodies]” (78-79). I would like to consider the stuplime loops of becoming-slug to counter what Preciado describes as an “ensemble of new microprosthetic mechanisms of control of subjectivity by means of biomolecular and multimedia technical protocols” (33). Emerging in the same fashion as microproesthetics, which function as modes of control, the stuplime loops instead suspend the logics of control and power enabled by dominant modes of microprosthetic technologies. Rather than infesting one’s body with modes of control, the stuplime loops hijack the digital message and present the possibility of thinking otherwise. In her writing on queer cyborgs, Mimi Nguyen argues that “as technologies of the self, prostheses are both literal and discursive in the digital imaginary. They are a means of habitation and transformation, a humanmachine mixture engaged as a site of contest over meanings – of the self and the nonself” (373). Binaries perhaps structure a thinking between human and animal, but prosthetics as process goes beyond the idea of the cyborg as a mixture and maps a new terrain altogether.ReferencesChen, Mel Y. Animacies: Biopolitics, Racial Mattering, and Queer Affect. 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