Relevant bibliographies by topics / Lewis Binford

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Lewis Binford'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Lewis Binford"

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Borrero, Luis Alberto. "LEWIS ROBERTS BINFORD." Chungará (Arica) 43, especial (2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0717-73562011000300001.

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Rigaud, Jean-Philippe. "Lewis R. Binford (1931-2011)." Paléo, no. 22 (December 1, 2011): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/paleo.2059.

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Fagan, Brian. "Lewis Roberts Binford (1931-2011)." American Anthropologist 114, no. 1 (March 2012): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2011.01414.x.

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Kuhn, Steven L., and Mary C. Stiner. "Lewis R. Binford, 1931-2011." Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 20, no. 4 (July 2011): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/evan.20314.

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Kelly, R. L. "Lewis R. Binford (1931-2011)." Science 332, no. 6032 (May 19, 2011): 928. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1207836.

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Renfrew, Colin. "An Interview With Lewis Binford." Current Anthropology 28, no. 5 (December 1987): 683–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/203611.

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Gould, Richard A. "The Empiricist Strikes Back: Reply to Binford." American Antiquity 50, no. 3 (July 1985): 638–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280326.

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A reply to Lewis Binford's criticism concerning my views on archaeological inference and the relationships of such inferences to various kinds of ethnoarchaeology, with special reference to the Australian data included in Binford's critique.
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Thurman, Melburn D. "Conversations with Lewis R. Binford on historical archaeology." Historical Archaeology 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 28–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03374250.

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Van Reybrouck, David. "Howling wolf." Archaeological Dialogues 8, no. 1 (September 2001): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001872.

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There are several reasons for not interviewing Lewis Binford. So much has already been written on the most famous archaeologist since Childe that one may well wonder why another text or an interview should be added to the corpus. This holds especially true now that Paula Sabloff has published a series of conversations with the man himself (Sabloff 1998). On top of that, his own literary output has proportions that can easily discourage even interviewers of the most intrepid kind. With fourteen monographs, two edited volumes, 59 articles in journals, 34 chapters in edited books, and several dozen reviews, comments and other genres of academic publishing—and this is only the harvest of the previous millennium, the counter is still ticking—Binford is not only one of the most influential archaeologists of the twentieth century, but also one of the most prolific ones. Another good excuse for leaving your tape recorder home is that if his work has made such an important impact, it must by definition be already extremely well known among archaeologists. Why bothering about talking to a man if everyone already knows the content of his thought? Binford has become textbook knowledge, many of his articles have become classics and figure on undergraduate reading lists, his writings belong to the canon of twentieth-century archaeological thought. So, why bother? Finally, everyone who considers, or even just starts thinking about interviewing Lewis Binford will be warned by well-intending colleagues who tell you that the man has a notoriously volatile temper and that you are putting yourself at risk.
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Metcalfe, Duncan, and Kevin T. Jones. "A Reconsideration of Animal Body-Part Utility Indices." American Antiquity 53, no. 3 (July 1988): 486–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281213.

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The animal body-part utility indices developed by Lewis Binford have been used to interpret faunal assemblages ranging from Plio-Pleistocene sites in East Africa to a late prehistoric bison kill in the High Plains of North America. Little attention, however, has been placed on refining or further developing these scales of economic utility. We examine Binford's derivation of the modified general utility index (MGUI) and demonstrate that it is needlessly complex. A nearly identical index, the food utility index (FUI), is presented. It simply scales variation in the amount of meat, marrow, and bone grease associated with different caribou body parts. We then use the insights provided by this simple scale to explore relations among economic utility, differential body-part representation, and human decision making.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Lewis Binford"

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Lambert, Spencer Francis. "Examining Large Game Utility and Transport Decisions by Fremont Hunters: A Study of Faunal Bone from Wolf Village, Utah." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2018. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6832.

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This analysis of faunal bones from Wolf Village focuses on large game and its utility, as evidenced by what is known as the modified general utility index (MGUI). The MGUI proposes that bones at sites reflect transportation and butchering choices made by hunters at kill-butchering sites. According to the assumptions associated with the MGUI, hunters should select animal portions with high food value. The MGUI has been used in Fremont archaeology to provide a rough measure of site function. The expectation is that faunal bones would accompany the prized cuts of large game meat at habitation sites – and the animal parts with little food value would remain at kill-butchering sites because they are not worth the cost to carry them to the village. My analysis of large game animal bones found in excavations at Wolf Village counter these expectations. Fremont hunters at Wolf Village were returning to the site with low-caloric portions of large game, at least part of the time. Results from strontium isotope analysis suggest that many of the large game individuals hunted by the Fremont were not local to the immediate area. This suggests that hunters saw utility in low-caloric elements not related only to food value. Some low-caloric skeletal elements were used by the Fremont to construct bone tools and other objects, and as possible symbolic objects used in abandonment rituals. The results of this research suggests that the MGUI is not appropriate for measuring the utility of animal portions to the Fremont. Only when considering the social and non-caloric economic reasons for transporting low caloric elements, can archaeologists discover the true utility of large game animal parts to Fremont hunters.
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Book chapters on the topic "Lewis Binford"

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Wandsnider, LuAnn. "Binford, Lewis R. (Theory)." In Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 872–75. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-0465-2_301.

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Wandsnider, Lu Ann. "Binford, Lewis R. (Theory)." In Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 1420–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30018-0_301.

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Kelly, Robert L. "Binford, Lewis R. (Hunter-Gatherer and Mid-Range Societies)." In Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 870–72. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-0465-2_988.

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Kelly, Robert L. "Binford, Lewis R. (Hunter-Gatherer and Mid-Range Societies)." In Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 1418–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30018-0_988.

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"Lewis Binford†." In Archaeology in the Making, 17–34. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203083475-7.

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"Binford, Lewis R. (1931–2011)." In Encyclopedic Dictionary of Archaeology, 167. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58292-0_20394.

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Daniel, I. Randolph, and Michael Wisenbaker. "Developing Models of a Band Society." In Harney Flats. University Press of Florida, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683400226.003.0008.

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Beginning with the assumption that Paleoindian peoples were organized into hunter-gatherers bands, archaeologists have developed prehistoric settlement models based upon ethnographically known hunter-gather groups. One such model created by Lewis Binford identified two general site types called base camps and work camps. Archaeologists have concluded that prehistoric hunter-gatherers exhibited a settlement mobility organized around resource zones such as rivers, waterholes, lakes, diverse ecotones (which provided a greater variety of plants and animals), and stone quarries from which they could obtain raw materials to fashion tools. We presume that the early prehistoric bands around Tampa Bay were territorial or at least occupied exclusive territories. Traditionally, the difference between Paleoindian and Archaic settlement patterns focused on the alleged readaptation that occurred between the Pleistocene and Holocene. More recently, though, Cleland’s focal/diffuse model notes a change from specialized adaptations geared toward similar resources to an economy focused on varied or scattered resources.
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