Relevant bibliographies by topics / Lex de imperio Vespasiani

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Academic literature on the topic 'Lex de imperio Vespasiani'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Lex de imperio Vespasiani"

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Lovenjak, Milan. "Roman Tribune Cola di Rienzo (1347), Res Gestae Divi Augusti and Lex de Imperio Vespasiani." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 20, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 47–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.20.1.47-104.

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The anonymous and fragmentarily preserved Romance-dialect Chronicle describing the history of Rome in 1325–1360, the extensive correspondence between Cola di Rienzo (1313–1354) and rulers, nobles, Church dignitaries, and intellectuals (especially Petrarch) in Italy and abroad, as well as various documentary sources allow us to trace Rienzo’s career in considerable detail. A papal notary, a scholar in Classical literature, an exceptional orator and a copyist and translator of Ancient Roman inscriptions, Rienzo, aided by a group of followers, overthrew the baron rule in Rome in May 1347, assumed the title of ‘Roman Tribune’ and seized power with the aim of reuniting Italy under a common emperor, a concept modelled on the first Roman emperor, Augustus. After undertaking a number of more or less successful measures, public manifestations and diplomatic activities, he was forced to retreat by a clash with the barons’ army even before the end of the year. After years of exile, he returned triumphant in the middle of 1354 to seize power, but the first few weeks of tyranny and arbitrary measures led to his tragic demise at the hands of an infuriated mob. Later he grew into the subject of myth, portrayed in numerous literary, musical, and dramatic adaptations. The present paper examines two ancient documents crucial to the formation of the principate (the renewal of which was Cola’s objective), i.e. Augustus’ account of his own deeds (Res gestae divi Augusti), which is mentioned by Suetonius and known from three epigraphically attested copies from Asia Minor, and a bronze plaque bearing a law on the conferment of powers on Emperor Vespasian, the so-called Lex de imperio Vespasiani. The plaque was used as propaganda by Cola during his preparations for the coup. The inconsistencies between the parts of the law preserved on the plaque (it must have been preceded by at least one other plaque) and the account of Cola’s interpretation as given in the anonymous Chronicle raise a number of questions, which resist definitive answers.
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Mantovani, Dario. "Les clauses « sans précédents » de la Lex de imperio Vespasiani. Une interprétation juridique." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 16, no. 1 (2005): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2005.878.

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Nicolet, Claude. "La Tabula Siarensis, la lex de imperio Vespasiani, et le jus relationis de l'empereur au Sénat." Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité 100, no. 2 (1988): 827–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1988.1609.

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Nicolet, Claude. "La Tabula Siarensis, la Lex de Imperio Vespasiani et le jus relationis de l'Empereur au Sénat, résumé de la communication." Comptes-rendus des séances de l année - Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 132, no. 3 (1988): 519–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/crai.1988.14631.

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Collins, Amanda. "Cola di Rienzo, the Lateran Basilica, and the Lex de imperio of Vespasian." Mediaeval Studies 60 (January 1998): 159–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ms.2.306452.

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H. Crawford, Michael. "L. CAPOGROSSI COLOGNESI and E. TASSI SCANDONE (EDS), LA LEX DE IMPERIO VESPASIANI E LA ROME DEI FLAVI. ATTI DEL CONVEGNO, 20–22 NOVEMBRE 2008. Rome: “L'Erma”di Bretschneider, 2009. Pp. x + 387, 22 figs. isbn9788882655266. €180.00." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (November 2012): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812000500.

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Calvo González, José. "Lex et scribendi actu." Anuario de Filosofía del Derecho, no. 36 (December 18, 2020): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.53054/afd.vi36.2378.

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El texto contempla un aspecto de la cultura jurídica moderna desatendido; el fenómeno de la Escritura de la Ley y a sus marcas y su borrado o desescritura. Al Derecho lo hace posible la ceremonia/rito, esencialmente ficcional, de escribirlo, de ponerlo por escrito; Ley e institución mantienen un vínculo para con el texto jurídico en lo escritural. Para tratar de ofrecer una explicación de ello acude a pasajes de la novela Waiting for the Barbarians (1980), de John Maxwell Coetzee. La Ley del imperio (o el Imperio de la Ley) se escribe sobre el cuerpo; la Ley es con el cuerpo. El cuerpo de la Ley es su escritura. Borrar el ilícito es reescribir la Ley con otros, nuevos, caracteres, y hacerla indeleble.
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Vervaet, Frederik Juliaan. "The lex Curiata and the patrician auspices." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 26, no. 1 (2015): 201–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2015.1848.

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Cicéron (Leg. 3.10) atteste explicitement le fait que omnes magistratus auspicium iudiciumque habento. Une élection sans vice de forme (iure creatio) par un vote du peuple était suffisante pour que les minores magistratus (populi Romani) acquièrent une iusta potestas et puissent prendre des auspicia patriciorum publica minora parfaitement valides. Par contre, les maiores magistratus cum imperio – les magistratus patricii originels – devaient détenir en outre une lex curiata de imperio, afin de confirmer que les auspices qu’ils détiendraient en vertu de leur imperium, d’une importance capitale, étaient bien les auspicia patriciorum publica maxima. Ce faisant, leur imperium devenait «iustum » (ainsi que, par défaut, toute leur magistrature). Même si au moins une tradition influente à la fin de la République faisait remonter à la période royale la pratique de présenter des lois curiates de imperio, il n’est pas déraisonnable de supposer que cette coutume institutionnelle ne vit le jour que plus tard, au cours du ive siècle avant notre ère et après plusieurs décennies de luttes politiques acharnées, lorsque la plèbe réussit finalement à s’assurer par une garantie légale l’accès régulier au consulat.
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Enríquez Gómez, María Teresa. "Ley natural: ¿instinto o imperio?" Conocimiento y Acción, no. V (July 18, 2023): 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21555/cya.iv.2.2916.

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En este artículo propongo atender a tres conceptos elaborados por Tomás de Aquino (s. XIII) con el intento de esclarecer, a través de ellos, en qué sentido la acción humana se dice natural. Se trata de los conceptos de imperio, instinto y ley natural (imperium, instinctus, lex naturalis). La similitud entre estas tres nociones se sostiene básicamente en la forma como principio operativo. En efecto, la caracterización de estos tres conceptos como principios del movimiento de un apetito hacia el fin, manifiesta diversas manifestaciones del carácter regulador de la forma.
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Vieira Puerta, Rodrigo. "Editorial - Beneficio de competencia en la ética social." Summa Iuris 4, no. 1 (July 19, 2016): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21501/23394536.2080.

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La litúrgica severidad del ius civile, inspirada en el apotegma Dura Lex, sed lex, declina el rigor operativo de sus fórmulas, el deshumanizante imperio de su objetivismo procesal en la ejecución personal del deudor, como resultado de una nueva y vivificante concepción que, vertebrada en la bona fide del ius honorarium y la aequitas helénica, fecunda el brocardo del summum ius, summum iniuria como supuesto teleológico de la ciencia jurídica al servicio del hombre en su dimensión relacional y política.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Lex de imperio Vespasiani"

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Waquet, François. "Le transfert légal de l’Empire : la lex regia entre pratique politique et modèle théorique." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris-Panthéon-Assas, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023ASSA0087.

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La révolution politique romaine dont les XII Tables furent la traduction juridique consista dans la limitation du pouvoir (imperium) des magistrats par la loi, dont le peuple était seul auteur. Mais l’invention du légalisme romain fut plus tardive et plus durable : la loi devint aussi la source de tout pouvoir dans la cité, faisant de l’imperium une notion juridique. Un tel légalisme permit de conférer des pouvoirs extra-légaux, de telle sorte que les leges regiae de imperio, dont la pratique répétée est attestée outre le cas de Vespasien, prolongeaient sous l’Empire la forme républicaine du gouvernement. La jurisprudence romaine ramena cette pratique politique à un modèle unitaire, la lex regia. Quand l’Empire devint chrétien, la source divine du pouvoir entra en compétition avec le légalisme romain. Néanmoins, celui-ci survécut et continua d’être utilisé dans l’Empire tardif en tant que modèle théorique ; Justinien ne manqua pas de le reprendre dans ses compilations, en même temps que les affirmations chrétiennes d’un imperium a Deo, mais pour en déduire le caractère unitaire, indivisible, législatif et impérial de tout le droit. Ce double héritage se retrouve dans les interprétations des docteurs médiévaux, qui insistèrent néanmoins sur la conception juridique de l’empire et conséquemment sur ses limites. L’humanisme juridique, par l’épigraphie et l’histoire, brisa le modèle unitaire de la lex regia en redécouvrant la pratique politique des leges regiae de imperio, une pour chaque prince. Un tel apport entraîna une novation de la lex regia, qui de loi royale devint loi du royaume, à la fois source et limite de l’empire des rois héritiers de Rome
The Roman political revolution of which the Twelfth Tables were the legal expression consisted in limiting the power (imperium) of magistrates through the lex, of which the people were the sole author. But the invention of Roman legalism was later and more lasting : the lex also became the source of all power in the city, making imperium a legal concept. Such legalism made it possible to confer extra-legal powers, so that the leges regiae de imperio, the repeated practice of which is attested in addition to the case of Vespasian, extended the republican form of government under the Empire. Roman jurisprudence reduced this political practice to a unitary model, the lex regia. When the Empire became Christian came into competition with Roman legalism. Nevertheless, the latter survived and continued to be used in the late Empire as a theoretical model; Justinian did not fail to take it up in his compilations, along with the Christian assertions of an imperium a Deo, but to deduce from it the unitary, indivisible, legislative and imperial character of all law. This dual heritage is reflected in the interpretations of medieval doctors, who nevertheless insisted on the legal conception of empire and, consequently, on its limits. Legal humanists, through epigraphy and history, shattered the unitary model of the lex regia by rediscovering the political practice of leges regiae de imperio, one for each prince. This contribution led to an novation of the lex regia, which went from being a royal law to becoming a law of the realm, both the source and the limit of the empire of kings claiming Roman heritage
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Chino, Hadrien. "L'autorité de la loi sous le Haut-Empire : contribution à l'étude de la relation entre la loi et le prince." Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020084.

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La restauration de la République conduite par Octavien vit renaître l’activité législative, « florissante » selon les mots d’Ovide (Met., 2.141) « sous la conduite du très juste » Auguste (Met., 5.833). L’association entre Auguste et son oeuvre législative fut telle que parmi les honneurs funèbres, il fut proposé que le nom de chacune des lois figure sur des écriteaux du cortège funéraire. La lex accompagnait Auguste au tombeau. Ses successeurs abandonnèrent progressivement le recours à la lex et quelques décennies après la disparition d’Auguste, la loi recevait comme seule fonction de sanctionner les pouvoirs et honneurs décidés par le Sénat et conférés à l’empereur à chaque début de principat. Cette loi était la dernière traduction formelle de la volonté du populus Romanus : parce qu’elle émanait du peuple et qu’elle établissait un fondement entre le prince et son statut, ses pouvoirs et les activités auxquelles elle donnait lieu, elle retint particulièrement l’attention des Prudents. S’ils constatèrent le bouleversement général des sources du droit que l’enracinement du prince dans l’édifice constitutionnel républicain et le développement de ses interventions normatives avaient entraînés, seule la partie des Prudents que le prince avait associée à l’exercice de sa justice et de sa production normative, amplifia la normativité des formes qu’empruntait la volonté impériale. La formulation de l’identité de la constitution impériale à la lex marqua l’avènement d’un ordre juridique dont la cohérence reposait sur le consensus, non plus des divers organes de la République mais de l’empereur et des Prudents. Le recours à l’autorité de la loi pour caractériser les constitutions impériales leur assurait, au-delà des mutations dont ils surent prendre la mesure, la continuité d’une activité qui s’originait dans les premiers temps de la civitas
The restoration of the Republic led by Octavian marked a new start of legislative activity, said to be "flourishing" by Ovid (Met.,2.141), "under the leadership of the righteous" Augustus (Met.,2.141). As part of his funeral honours, Augustus being so closely related to his legislative work was made clear when it was suggested that the name of each law were to be inscribed on the banners for the funeral procession. The lex accompanied Augustus to his tomb. Little by little his successors no longer resorted to the lex and a few decades after Augustus decease, the unique function of the law was to acknowledge the powers and honours decided by the Senate and conferred to the Emperor at the beginning of his reign. That law was the last formal expression of the will of the populus Romanus: because it originated from the people and established the basis between the Prince and his status, his power and the activities that rose from it, it particularly caught the attention of the Prudentes. Though they may have noted the general disruption of the sources of the Law, resulting from the normative interventions of the emperor, it was only the part of jurisprudence that the prince had associated with his justice and therefore the production of norms,, that enhanced the normativity of the forms expressing the imperial will. The identity of the imperial constitution formed on the lex was the beginning of a new legal order, coherently based upon the consensus between the emperor and the Prudentes rather than upon the various organs of the Republic. Their resorting to the authority of the Law to characterize the imperial constitutions and their ability to assess change, ensured that an activity that started at the beginning of the civitas could continue
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Books on the topic "Lex de imperio Vespasiani"

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Lomonaco, Fabrizio. New studies on lex regia: Right, philology, and fides historica in Holland between the 17th and 18th centuries. Bern: Peter Lang, 2011.

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Lomonaco, Fabrizio. Lex regia: Diritto, filologia e fides historica nella cultura politico-filosofica dell'Olanda di fine Seicento. Napoli: Guida, 1990.

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Lomonaco, Fabrizio. Lex regia: Diritto, filologia e fides historica nella cultura politico-filosofica dell'Olanda di fine Seicento. Napoli: Guida, 1990.

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New studies on lex regia: Right, philology, and fides historica in Holland between the 17th and 18th centuries. Bern: Peter Lang, 2011.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Die Prozessreden: Lateinisch-deutsch. Zürich: Artemis & Winkler, 1997.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Tegen Piso, voor Plancius, voor Rabirius, voor Milo. Baarn: Ambo, 1993.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tullius Cicero, the fragmentary speeches: An edition with commentary. 2nd ed. Atlanta, Ga: Scholars Press, 1994.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. M. Tulli Ciceronis Orationes in P. Vatinium testem, pro M. Caelio. Stutgardiae [i.e. Stuttgart]: Teubner, 1995.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Keur uit die redevoerings van Marcus Tullius Cicero. Pretoria: Universiteit van Suid-Afrika, 1988.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. L' orazione per Gneo Plancio ; L'orazione per Marco Emilio Scauro ; L'orazione per Gaio Rabirio Postumo. Milano: A. Mondadori, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Lex de imperio Vespasiani"

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Pavón, Pilar. "La lex Iulia maiestatis y el castigo a comunidades cívicas durante el Imperio romano." In Le châtiment des villes dans les espaces méditerranéens (Antiquité, Moyen Âge, Époque moderne), 147–60. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.seuh-eb.1.100692.

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Buongiorno, Pierangelo. "Vicende di un falso senatoconsulto." In Antichistica. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-386-1/002.

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This paper aims to reconstruct the origins of the so-called Decretum Rubiconis (CIL XI 30*) and the ancient sources that inspired it (Cicero’s Philippics; Vergil; Seneca; the lex de imperio Vespasiani). The text was significantly manipulated by Ciriaco de’ Pizzicolli before the mid 15th century and was identified as false already by Antonio Agustín (Diálogos, 1587). Despite this prompt identification, the forged epigraphic document had a wide circulation in the manuscript tradition and (at least) two different engravings after the 16th century. A copy of the inscription is now kept in the Museum of Cesena.
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"Appendix 4Lex de Imperio Vespasiani." In A Companion to the Flavian Age of Imperial Rome, 570–72. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118878149.app4.

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