Academic literature on the topic 'LG Individual institutions (Asia. Africa) ; L Education (General)'

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity. Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University& PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

This thesis analyses the mediation of globalisation on higher education in Vietnam (VHE) in policy (the Agenda of reforming VHE 2006-2020–the Agenda), the universities (public institutional changes), and individual practitioners (reform imaginaries). Using the critical interpretive paradigm, it draws on Appadurai’s (2001) vernacular globalisation, Ball’s (1993) textual and discursive sides of policy, Gale’s (2003) the “who” in realising policy, Rizvi and Lingard’s (2010) globalising education policy, and Weaver-Hightower’s (2010) policy ecology. It was designed in two parts: the analysis of the Agenda and the comparative case studies of three public universities. Data include policy documents, 22 semi-structured interviews with three groups of university leaders and retired senior policy-makers, and fieldwork notes. This thesis argues for the indirect but significant influence of globalisation on the Agenda’s reform aspirations, public institutional changes, and individual perspectives. It demonstrates changes and transformations of VHE from an inward to an outward system; from the State-controlled system to the State-supervised system; from the State-owned system to the multiple-owned system; and lastly from national to global and back. Despite the Agenda’s great expectations, it is unknown to leaders of three public universities. Thus, its reform solutions remain policy aspirations whilst institutional changes are ongoing without their direct link to the Agenda. These public universities are at the threshold of transformation marked by their beginning of being autonomous institutions. If the Agenda focuses on the VHE’s future scenarios, reform imaginaries generate insight into the present unsettled practices. This study contributes to the discussion of globalisation and higher education in Vietnam where what is global about reforming VHE is present but less powerful than what is national about it. The country’s historical consequences, cultural traditions, and ideological commitments alter the nature and method of global influences that are manifested in policy and institutional changes.

Since the advent of international assistance, the aid paradigm has changed continually and the choice of mechanisms for providing assistance has evolved in order to try and pursue better approaches. Along with the traditional project approach, the sector-wide approach involving budgetary support has emerged as a new aid modality since the mid-1990s. While many donors – e.g. the UK Department for International Development (DFID), the World Bank and the European Union (EU) – have embraced the new modality, some donors have kept their distance from this trend, relying mostly on project assistance – e.g. United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). However, the extent to which aid resources are absorbed in the recipient government/sector under the different aid delivery mechanisms is not well known. This thesis provides insight into this question by exploring the process of absorbing foreign funds in the education sector. Employing a phenomenological research approach, the process is examined from the point of view of local actors and beneficiaries of aid aimed at improving education quality. The context chosen is basic education (primary and junior secondary) in Ghana after the introduction of the national basic education reform, which was announced as the Free Compulsory Universal Basic Education (FCUBE) programme in 1996. Two cases are chosen for comparison: the Whole School Development (WSD) programme financed by the DFID; and the Quality Improvements in Primary Schools (QUIPS) programme facilitated by USAID. The former constitutes a sector-wide type of assistance, which put Ghanaian officials in charge of DFID funds and the implementation of the programme; while the latter adopted a project type model, with implementation managed directly through a USAIDfunded project office. The major part of the data is derived from interviews conducted in 2006 with significant educational personnel at three different levels: Ministry of Education (MoE) headquarters, the District Education Office (DEO), and the schools). The analysis reveals a complex picture of aid absorption, which illuminates the pros and cons of the two approaches in relation to impact and sustainability. The study finds that the QUIPS project achieved tangible results in the pilot schools, while the WSD programme made little impact at the school level. The WSD programme, which used existing structures within the education system to deliver funds and resources to schools, showed evidence of high fungibility, but appears to have strengthened the Ministry‟s administrative capacity. On the other hand, the QUIPS approach, which had low fungibility, has been severely criticised by Ghanaian officials, who questioned its sustainability and contribution to system-wide change. The thesis concludes by stating its specific contribution to the literature on international aid assistance to developing countries and making recommendations for the Ghanaian context.

The use of information and communications technology (ICT) in schools has become widespread in many countries throughout the world. The extent to which it has been incorporated into the work of schools varies widely from simply as a tool to help produce documents to one that is fully integrated into the whole school curriculum. Initiatives taken to encourage teaches to use ICT in their teaching and learning methodologies inevitably raise awareness of pedagogical issues and how these should be reappraised in the light of the demands of encompassing the new technology. China started the process of introducing ICT into its schools later than many other countries. This study examines the use of ICT in middle schools in cities in north east China to discover the attitudes of teachers and students to how effective the use of ICT is from their viewpoints. In addition the study ascertains the possibilities for further development of the use of ICT to enrich the students’ education. Where possible the interpretation of the analyses of the findings are generalised further from the two cities in which the survey took place.

The recent transformations in Chinese society are creating a society with diverse values where individuals suffer values conflict and values confusion generally. The socialist core values system is still consistently promoted by the government, and transmitting these core values to students is the main goal of moral education in schools. In the recent curriculum reform, this goal has again been stressed. These values are built into all the academic subjects and extra curricular activities and the implementation of values education has been advocated through every element in schools. However, Confucian values are also deeply engrained in Chinese society, while at the same time increased economic activity is generating a greater openness to the influence of western values. Against such a social backdrop, this study explores what values are communicated in the English lessons in a class in a senior high school in Beijing and how the students understand values. The processes and outcomes of the communication of values in the English lessons are examined from a symbolic interactionist perspective. The focus of this examination is the discourses of the students and the English teacher, through which the values in their communications and their personal values are manifested. Observation and interviews are used to collect the discourses of the students and the English teacher. The values communicated in the English lessons and the personal values of the students and teachers are analyzed through comparisons with the values promoted through the educational system, with those communicated in the English lessons in three other classes and with the personal values of their counterparts. The analysis reveals that: a) the English teachers do convey the values which they are expected to transmit to the students through the English curriculum, while they also subconsciously convey the values which they take for granted as commonsense; b) the students do understand the values communicated through the curriculum and the hidden curriculum in the English lessons, while their understanding reflects the individual differences in their personal values systems and the diverse values in society. A constructivist lens is used to examine further the process of understanding and to clarify the relationship between students’ understanding of values and the processes and outcomes of the values communication, and the relationship between students’ understanding of values and their cognitive background, moral judgement, moral decision making, and moral development. Based on the analysis and interpretation, a new approach to assessing moral development is discussed and suggestions for moral education in schools are given in the conclusion.

This thesis critically analysed the influence of the Libyan public examination on English Language Teaching (ELT) and on learning strategies and practice in secondary school classrooms. It investigated the washback of the Secondary Education Certificate Examination (SECE) on ELT teachers and explored practitioners’ perceptions and practices. It also examined washback on students’ perception, motivation, learning strategies and outcomes. Weir’s socio-cognitive framework for test validity was chosen as a conceptual framework for its capability of conceptualising appropriate evidence on how testing constructs (policy & design) are operationalised and interpreted (use) in practice. This thesis describes an interpretative qualitative case study research conducted in the south west of Libya. Data were generated through interviews, classroom observation and document analysis. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with two ELT teachers and inspectors, a school headteacher and a representative of the examination office. Group interviews were also conducted with a number of the final year secondary school students within the research context. All the research data were analysed using a thematic data analysis. The findings reveal that the lack of alignment between the focus of the English SECE and the objectives of the curriculum had a significant adverse effect on the Libyan ELT teachers, inspectors and students’ perceptions about the aim and the value of ELT in the school education and their role within the policy as well as on Libyan school students’ motivation. The study participants held the perception that developing language skills is not the aim of teaching English in Libyan secondary school since these skills have never been assessed in public examinations despite their integration in the curriculum. The Libyan ELT teachers and inspectors prioritised the aim of completing the curriculum through the use of traditional approaches of teacher-centred and Grammar Translation Method(GTM) and teaching to the test rather than meeting the pedagogical objectives of ELT or implementing the Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) proposed in the school curriculum. The Libyan on-going conflict, the public examination policy, and teachers’lack of assessment literacy were also significant on classroom testing. Students were largely passive in English classrooms as teaching focused on the SECE. Accordingly, students utilised different learning strategies to cope with the teaching such as prioritising the translation of textbook texts, relying on rote-learning, engaging in test-preparation activities and developing test-taking strategies. Evidence accumulated through this study clearly indicates that Libyan students’ experience of the public examination had a significant effect on their attitudes, perceptions and choice of learning strategies. This finding represented an important implication for developing the socio-cognitive framework for test validity. The public examination strategies improved the Libyan secondary school students’ examination performance in the SECE but not their English learning outcomes. The examination content and format as well as a social acceptance of cheating all have a significant effect on students’ performance in the SECE and threaten its score validity.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the attitude of Kuwaiti primary teachers and head teachers toward including pupils with disabilities in mainstream schools and classrooms in the State of Kuwait. The two-part study utilises a ‘two methods approach’ to reveal the attitudes of teachers and head teachers in primary mainstream and special schools toward pupils with disabilities and including them in mainstream classrooms. The first study was a questionnaire-based survey of 560 teachers and head teachers currently working in the 209 mainstream and special primary schools in Kuwait. The questionnaire used was the Mainstream Attitude Survey (MAS) developed by Alghazo (2000). Results showed a mixed attitude towards inclusion of pupils with disabilities, and that, overall, teachers were quite negative about the concept. Teachers from mainstream schools were more supportive of inclusion than special school teachers and, male teachers were more supportive than female teachers. The second study involved interviews with 30 teachers, head teachers and 4 decision makers. These revealed nuances of opinion with respondents from both school types supporting inclusion from two main positions. The first emphasised that inclusion was an ethically sound movement; the second emphasised inclusion would be socially beneficial to society and the development of all pupils. Of those who were negative towards inclusion, criticisms were mostly based on the idea that while there were likely to be social benefits of inclusion, these benefits were not significant enough to justify placing the academic achievement of mainstream pupils at risk.

The study explores the practicability and usefulness of the Carpe Vitam Concept of Leadership for Learning (LfL) for schools in Pakistan, placing this project amongst the pioneering work that might bring a new insight for practitioners, policy makers and researchers in the South East Asian region and particularly in Pakistan. Data was collected from six public and private secondary schools with a case study approach through interviews, questionnaires and documentary analysis from six headteachers, thirty teachers, three hundred and sixty parents and three hundred and sixty students. Data was analysed with a constant comparison approach that looked for meanings through emerging themes. The study construes how leadership and learning are conceptualized and experienced differently by different stakeholders in public and private schools in Pakistan. The research highlights the importance of dialogue between all stakeholders to establish shared vision for effective learning outcomes where knowledge of self, others, organization and community supplement the entire process at all levels. The study places emphasis on an on-going process of reflection for better resilience, resourcefulness and reciprocity amongst stakeholders for effective outcomes.

This research explores the ways in which local knowledge, attitudes and beliefs surrounding disability influence the socially constructed experience of autism in Ghana. It further explores the impact of these beliefs on educational access, policy and provision as well as on inclusion in wider society for both children with autism and their families. It is argued throughout that conceptualisations of both autism and disability are subtly, and at times unconsciously, shaped by cultural influences as well as individual experiences. Using semi-structured interviews, participatory methods and text analysis, this thesis first examines internationally accepted diagnostic criteria for cultural relevancy and concludes that while 'autism'does indeed transcend cultural barriers, its presentation is nonetheless culturally bound. The presentation of each of autism's 'triad of impairments' is explored in Ghana, namely communication and socialisation impairments alongside a restricted range of interests and repetitive behaviour patterns. Significantly, the experience of autism demonstrated in this thesis, at both a personal and familial level, is linked to, and negotiated through, cultural belief systems. A relatively shared 'worldview', understood as the culturally mediated lens through which autism and impairment are understood and managed in Ghanaian society, is outlined. Traditional values, a deep sense of spirituality and communal kinship responsibilities are highlighted. Next, an exploration of causal attributions, valued and de-valued personhood traits and the expected role of an adult in society each highlights significant influences on the perception and management of autism in Ghana. Throughout, this thesis focuses on the impact of autism, as constructed and understood in urban Ghana, on the individual, one's kin and broader society. The second half of this thesis focuses on educational access, policy and provision with particular attention to Ghana's burgeoning inclusive education efforts. Conceptualisations of disability and difference, as negotiated through Ghanaian culture, norms and history are explored alongside the implications of these beliefs in designing educational provision for students with autism as well as the socio-political pressures to adhere to large scale international movements such as Education for All (EFA). In particular, tensions between local and international conceptualisations of 'disability' and 'inclusion' are highlighted and it is concluded that adoption of international declarations into local policy, and subsequently into local practice, needs to be better negotiated alongside culturally relevant systems and beliefs. International declarations, rooted in a social model of disability, are found to clash with local conceptualisations of disability rooted in an often intuitive understanding of disability consistent with an individual model. However, consistency with an individual model did not equate to biomedical understandings of disability, which was instead mediated through a lens of socialrelational causation and management more consistent with religious or cultural models of disability. It is concluded that acknowledging and respecting Ghanaian understandings of disability is a prerequisite to ensuring inclusion of children with autism, both in education and their community. Adoption of laudable rights based international declarations must also ensure adaptation to local culture and context. Conclusions and recommendations for synergy between advocacy for, and education of, students with autism in Ghana are proffered.

Retaining motivated teachers is a major concern across countries. Ghana, like other Sub- Sahara African countries, has been trying to address challenges, such as the lack of teachers, particularly in rural areas, and the low levels of motivation among them. On the other hand, teachers in developing countries are not necessarily trained and, even if they are, they may not be competent, effective and efficient (Lockheed and Verspoor 1991). Mere enthusiasm and good intentions may not be enough to improve the quality of education. Nevertheless, motivation is necessary, since without it, teachers – especially those facing difficult circumstances – cannot persevere; and, no matter how skilled, without drive, teachers are unable to perform in the long term. As a consequence, without well-motivated teachers, children are less likely to attain the desired level of education. Moreover, if parents/guardians do not believe that education equips their children with the necessary skills and knowledge for a better life, access to and completion of basic education will not increase and government efforts to achieve EFA and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) may be in vain. Teacher motivation is not a new area of research. Extensive quantitative and qualitative research has been carried out, especially in the UK and the US, but not in Sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, in the case of Ghana, most of the research is based on surveys and oneshot interviews and tends to describe why teachers have low job satisfaction and motivation. As working and living conditions for most teachers are challenging, studies into 'motivation' have tended to be superficial. More specifically, little research has been carried out into investigating why some teachers are able to stay motivated in conditions that others do not consider to be conducive to effective practice − or how they are able to manage. In addition, what research has been done has been concentrated in the southern part of the country, which is considered to be better off compared to the northern part according to many gauges. This study has aimed to investigate how basic school teachers‟ perception of teaching as a career is shaped by social and professional environment in rural Ghana. It has also intended to explore local realities with respect to the policy and its implementation for basic education. One-year field research from 2007 to 2008 was conducted by using a mixedmethods approach in two 'deprived'1 districts − one from the north and the other from the south − which are geographically, socio-culturally, and economically different. The methods of data collection involved survey, ethnographic research, interviews, and teacher focus group discussions. This research echoes previous research findings that physical disadvantages − such as the lack of conducive infrastructure, the shortage of teaching and learning materials, and poor salaries − are factors that contribute to a lower commitment to the profession. However, this research also suggests that two other key stakeholders at micro-level − in addition to the teachers themselves − play a role in teacher motivation. These are: colleague teachers, including head teachers; and the communities in which teachers live and work. Support at this level – both material such as the provision of accommodation and food and nonmaterial like morale support – can not only enhance teachers‟ well-being and self-esteem but also help them to see their current positions as a part of their goals. On the other hand, at macro-level, local authorities − the main implementers of policies and strategies formulated at central level and of teacher management − are particularly influential, as it affects teachers‟ long-term vision. They tend to discourage teachers in their operation, mainly due to its organisational culture that teachers perceive neither fair nor rational. With the same reason, strategies put in place to motivate teachers do not always produce the expected outcomes. Moreover, teachers are more likely to be subordinates to the authority even in school management and to feel powerless in the system. Too much emphasis on teacher motivation at school level may overlook the important role of the District Education Offices (DEOs), since teachers‟ lives are much more related to how the DEO manages them than is the case with similar hierarchical relationships in the West.

The main research topic of this study is universities' academic research and knowledge-transfer activities in a catch-up country, particularly the relationship between the two activities, which has been rarely examined in previous research. In order to understand this issue against existing literature, a critical review of previous studies has been attempted, considering the idiosyncratic characteristics of the Korean national innovation system. As a result, at the three analysis levels (i.e. national, organisational and individual levels), we propose three conceptual elements respectively: a tentative historical path of universities in catch-up countries; critical factors influencing knowledge transfer activities of universities in catch-up countries; and academics operating in synergy mode. Thereafter, based on the methodology integrating not only the three analysis levels but also qualitative and quantitative approaches, we analyse the data collected from the interviews with Korean academics, survey responses from Korean academics and government White Papers on the activities of Korean universities. The results show a close and positive relationship between Korean universities' academic research and knowledge-transfer activities across the three levels. Firstly, during the last several decades, the Korean government has strongly encouraged the development of teaching, academic research and knowledge-transfer activities of Korean universities in harmony with the different developmental stages of Korean industry. This has resulted in selective patterns of the universities' three activities (e.g. concentration of scientific activities in certain fields). Secondly, organisational factors such as scientific capacity and industry funding are important for universities' knowledge-transfer activities in a catch-up country, which corroborates the positive relationship between the two activities. Finally, in terms of the factors influencing the synergy mode (i.e. a positive relationship between academic research and knowledge-transfer activities), academics' career stage and disciplines are important. This is related to the rapid expansion of the Korean academic system and the selectivity found in its activities. Based on these findings, it is tempting to conclude that universities in East Asian catch-up countries have developed their own academic system different from those in developed countries, which can be characterised as having strong government control and a high level of interaction with other actors in the national innovation system. Therefore, the application of the controversy over the direct economic contribution of universities in western countries to the context of catch-up countries is quite limited.