Academic literature on the topic 'LGBT rights'

This paper analyzes two landmark judgments on the right to privacy and LGBTQ+ rights in India. Both of these judgments form part of the same picture, the article analyses these judgments and their decision-making approach in light of natural justice theory. The Supreme Court’s recognition of the right to privacy paves way for the protection of LGBT rights in India. The cumulative effect of the two judgments under analysis demonstrate the need for an expansive interpretation of fundamental and natural rights using natural justice theory.

Why do some Christian colleges and universities approve lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) groups and inclusive nondiscrimination policies while others resist them? Scholars are beginning to develop models to explain LGBT inclusion in schools, but they have undertheorized the role of religion in facilitating or impeding LGBT inclusion. In this article, I draw from the literature on religion and the “culture wars,” especially insights into religions’ theological orientations, to explain Christian colleges and universities’ inclusion of LGBT students. I show that communal orientations—theological emphases on social justice—strongly predict the adoption of LGBT groups and inclusive nondiscrimination policies at Christian colleges and universities. By contrast, individualist orientations—theological emphases on personal piety—impede the adoption of such groups and policies. Importantly, I find little support for alternative explanations of Christian colleges and universities’ inclusion of LGBT students that focus on liberal or conservative teachings on same-sex relationships. Beyond bridging literatures on the political sociology of LGBT rights and religion and the culture wars, the article supports an emerging theoretical framework for understanding the role of religion in a wide range of social justice debates.

Human rights applied in Indonesia do not conflict with Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution and religion, and are relative-particularistic. All citizens have the basic rights to freedom. However, the freedom they possess has limits that apply to all citizens without exception, including for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people. The purpose of this research is to analyze the treatment and views of the society and the implementation of human rights on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender. The method used was non-doctrinal research method. The results of the research showed that the presence of LGBT people is still accepted, but their behavior is not acceptable in society. In conclusion, human right is basically the basic right that every human being has from the womb, born until his death and this right is irrevocable for any reason, except by the Almighty God as the Creator. Indonesia strictly forbids LGBT because it is not in accordance with Pancasila and contradicts with Indonesian cultural values. Yet, in Human Rights Law context, LGBT should get the same rights as other citizens. Human Rights Law in Indonesia protects all citizens� rights, without exception, especially their civil rights.Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) yang berlaku di Indonesia tidak bertentangan dengan Pancasila, Undang Undang Dasar 1945 dan agama, serta bersifat partikularistik relatif. Semua manusia memiliki hak asasi atas kebebasan. Namun, kebebasan yang dimiliki memiliki batas-batas yang berlaku bagi semua orang tanpa terkecuali, termasuk bagi kaum lesbian, gay, biseksual, transgender (LGBT). Tujuan penelitian ini yaitu merumuskan perlakuan dan pandangan masyarakat serta implementasi hukum hak asasi manusia terhadap lesbian, gay, biseksual, transgender. Metode penelitain yaitu mengunakan penelitian non doktrinal. Hasil dari penelitian yang diperoleh menyatakan bahwa kaum LGBT kehadirannya masih diterima tetapi perilaku mereka tidak dapat diterima di dalam masyarakat. Simpulan yaitu bahwa Pada dasarnya hak asasi manusia merupakan hak dasar yang dimiliki setiap manusia sejak dalam kandungan, lahir sampai kematiannya yang tidak dapat dicabut dengan alasan apapun juga kecuali oleh Tuhan Yang Maha Esa sebagai penciptanya. Indonesia melarang keras LGBT karena tidak sesuai dengan Pancasila dan bersimpangan dengan nilai budaya Indonesia, tetapi dalam konteks Hukum Hak Asasi Manusia, LGBT seharusnya mendapatkan hak yang sama dengan masyarakat lain. Hukum Hak Asasi Manusia di Indonesia melindungi seluruh hak masyarakatnya, tanpa terkecuali, terutama hak sipilnya.

This Brief considers the tension between the right to freedom of religion and LGBT rights in the context of the landmark ‘wedding cake case’ decided by the US Supreme Court in June 2018 and the Australian Marriage Amendment (Definition and Religious Freedoms) Act 2017. The author proposes a proportionality approach for balancing claims between LGBT rights and freedom of religion, drawing on international norms, case law and the work of progressive religious leaders and academics. The author further suggests that the practical utility of this approach could be bolstered through diverse cross-cultural dialogues between members of LGBT groups and religious groups, with the aim of developing an ‘overlapping consensus’ on core human rights norms.

This article discusses Pride Järva, a ‘gay pride’ march organised by right-wing publicist Jan Sjunnesson in Stockholm’s northern suburbs. Analysing the event, and in particular a speech made by Sjunnesson during the parade in July 2016, I argue that it is indicative of the specific ways in which right-wing actors in Europe increasingly enlist LGBT rights in nationalist, xenophobic and racist projects of exclusion. As markers of tolerant and progressive ‘Europeanness’, they are used to construct and reproduce dangerous racialised and Islamic others along lines of sexuality and gender, a narrative that resonates with established notions of Swedish gender exceptionalism as well as homonationalist-orientalist narratives of threat and protection. Despite their history of actively opposing the expansion of LGBT rights, Sjunnesson and his political associates combine these narratives with a conceptualisation of LGBT issues as private and depoliticised to produce themselves as the ‘true’ protectors of LGBT rights in Sweden.

Sexual minorities’ rights in PolandThe article covers actions of Polish LGBT movement and the situation of non-heterosexual people in Polish society. These issues are put in a context of problematics of civil rights, part of which sexual rights are. The introduction to the article serves as a short presentation of the concept of sexual citizenship. Afterwards, the history of LGBT activists’ organisational work in Poland is outlined, here presented as a fight for three fundamental rights: right to form registered partner­ships, right to thorough education and right to protection against discrimination and hate speech. For over 25 years those demands remain intact, since none of these rights has been guaranteed to sexual minorities yet.

This paper addresses the status of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) persons in Ghana. Firstly, it examines the effects of Ghana’s laws and law enforcement practices on the ability of members of the LGBT community to live openly and freely and to enjoy all the rights guaranteed other citizens. Secondly, it explores the current state of affairs within the country as regards the LGBT population, addressing specifically, how members of the community are treated by Ghanaian society. On the whole, the paper advocates for the recognition of members of the LGBT community as equal members of Ghanaian society, deserving of the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

LGBT rights have come to be seen as allied with the idea of “Europe” and a European identity, particularly in the process of European Union enlargement to the East. Scholars have examined the ways in which external norms interact with more local, often “traditional” norms and identities. In this process, nationalism and conceptions of national identity and gender/sexuality norms can be seen as important factors that influence the domestic adoption of LGBT rights, particularly in the post-war Balkans. Croatia and Serbia (from approximately 2000 to 2014) present two interesting and different cases to analyze how discourses and dynamics of national and state identity construction, nationalism, and LGBT rights relate to discourses of “Europeanness” and European identity and how these affect the political dynamics of LGBT rights. This article finds that in Croatia, national identity was constructed in terms of convergence with European norms and identity, homonationalism was used to distinguish themselves from a “Balkan” identity, and there was a lower threat perception of the LGBT community framed primarily as a “threat to the family.” In Serbia, state and national identity was constructed in opposition to Europe and homosexuality had stronger threat perception, framed primarily as “threat to the nation.” In short, nationalism and national identity were less disadvantageous as a domestic constraint to LGBT rights in Croatia than in Serbia. The dynamics between nationalism and LGBT rights played out, for example, in the politics of the marriage referendum, Pride Parades, and public discourse more generally. This research contributes to the scholarship on LGBT rights and nationalism by empirically analyzing the different ways that nationalism, gender/sexuality, and European identity interrelate and influence LGBT rights change in a changing post-war identity landscape and how domestic constraints affect human rights norm diffusion.

The aim of this study is to highlight the situation for LGBT-people in Bali with regard to the political changes in the country. Firstly, the living situation for LGBT-people have been investigated and secondly the possible effects that the newly implemented anti-LGBT policies have had on LGBT-people have been examined through interviews with six informants currently living in Bali. What has been unearthed is that LGBT-people have in the past lived in a climate of relative tolerance with discretion as a caveat; as long as LGBT-identities weren’t officially proclaimed, and same-sex relations were handled discreetly, LGBT-people haven’t been burdened with discrimination and violence. Contemporary research suggests that the current political developments regarding LGBT-rights, marked by swift and sweeping changes of a radical nature, have resulted in LGBT-people in Indonesia now facing discrimination and violence - even when LGBT-people attempt to handle their sexuality with discretion. However, this research suggests that this is not the case, and that LGBT-people aren’t as greatly affected or concerned with the political developments as have been suggested by scholars. As explained, reasons for this appear to be found in how LGBT-people lead their lives with discretion, which is a recurrent theme for many LGBT-people in Indonesia. However, another reason for this can be found in the strength of the LGBT-community, which appear to refute the negative consequences of belonging to a stigmatised and marginalised group for its members. Indeed, many LGBT-people found friendship, emotional support, improved healthcare and employment through the community.

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTITUIÇÕES COMUNITÁRIAS DE ENSINO PARTICULARES
Existe um conflito de direitos entre homossexuais e indivíduos que seguem religiões que pregam que a homossexualidade é contrária às leis divinas e que o casamento é uma união sagrada entre um homem e uma mulher. Esse conflito foi potencializado a partir da legalização do casamento homoafetivo. Por um lado, indivíduos homossexuais têm o direito à igualdade, o que significa que não devem ser discriminados por causa de sua orientação sexual; por outro lado, indivíduos religiosos têm a liberdade de crer em determinada religião e adotar condutas que estejam de acordo com suas crenças. Dentre as situações que podem gerar conflito, três são analisadas neste trabalho: a recusa de um indivíduo religioso a celebrar ou contribuir para uma cerimônia de casamento homoafetivo, com base na perspectiva religiosa sobre o conceito de casamento; a recusa por parte de um psicólogo a atender um paciente homossexual ou casal homoafetivo, sob o fundamento de que suas crenças religiosas o impedem de manifestar aprovação em relação à homossexualidade ou auxiliar uma união homoafetiva durante o atendimento; a recusa religiosamente motivada a fornecer produtos que manifestam apoio ao casamento homoafetivo ou alguma causa LGBT. Além do estudo de doutrina estrangeira sobre o tema, são examinadas dez decisões judiciais referentes a casos concretos ocorridos nos Estados Unidos, Reino Unido e Canadá, com o objetivo de auxiliar na elucidação de parâmetros claros para a melhor resolução da controvérsia em questão, ante a razoável expectativa de que, em breve, conflitos semelhantes surgirão no Brasil.
There is a conflict of rights between homosexuals and individuals who follow religions that preach that homosexuality is contrary to the laws of God and marriage is a sacred union between one man and one woman. This conflict was intensified after the legalization of same-sex marriage. On the one hand, homosexual individuals have the right to equality, which means they must not be discriminated on basis of sexual orientation; on the other hand, religious individuals have the right to believe in a religion and act according to their beliefs. This paper will examine three situations that might cause conflict: the refusal to celebrate or contribute to a same-sex wedding, because of one s religious views on marriage; the refusal to assist a homosexual patient or a same-sex couple, by a psychologist or counselor whose religious beliefs prevent them from affirming homosexuality or assisting a same-sex union; the religiously motivated refusal to print materials that promote same-sex marriage or other LGBT interests. This dissertation will look at foreign studies on the matter, and will examine ten judicial decisions on cases that occurred in the United States, United Kingdom and Canada, in order to help create clear parameters to resolve the controversy, which is likely to soon arise in Brazil.

In the last decade several western countries have greatly enhanced the rights of sexual minorities in their societies. Same-sex marriage is now legal in most states in the United States, while about twenty three countries in Europe presently allow same-sex marriage or some form of civil partnership. Africa on the other hand is witnessing a rise in the number of countries further criminalizing sexual minorities and homophobia is rising across the continent. Homosexuality is illegal in 76 countries in the world, 38 of which are in Africa and of these 38, homosexuality is punishable by death in 4. Though a growing discourse, existing literature and scholarly papers till date have rarely focused on the impediments to LGBT rights in the African continent. The few existing literature have looked at LGBT rights in Africa from the policy perspective without taking the popularity of anti-gay laws into consideration as seen in a country like Nigeria where 98 percent of the population supports anti-gay measures. An explorative qualitative research study was used to explore the impediments to LGBT rights in Nigeria and how they can be addressed. Secondary data from verifiable sources and primary data from semi-structured, formal, open ended interviews with individuals deeply informed of the discourse in Nigeria was used for the research. Data retrieved was analysed using thematic analysis to identify recurrent themes from the interview transcripts before a comprehensive discussion and triangulation of both primary and secondary data was conducted. The research found that religious beliefs and the existence of LGBT knowledge gaps are the major impediments to LGBT rights in Nigeria. The research findings suggests that closing these LGBT knowledge gaps through enlightenment will over time repress the strong religious and ideological views held against LGBTs. With the decline of these views, the research suggests that LGBT rights will naturally emerge. The study also developed three testable hypotheses for future studies.

At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.

In 2016, Tennessee Governor Bill Haslam signed into law the “Counseling Discrimination Bill,” which allows a licensed counselor in a private practice to use personal (i.e., religious) beliefs as an reason to terminate care or refer away LGBT+ clients, as long as they refer the client to another counselor. In that same year, the state legislature and governor defunded the University of Tennessee, Knoxville’s Office for Diversity and Inclusion, which had spearheaded a number of LGBT+ activities and initiatives around campus. In this interactive discussion, scholars from different Tennessee institutions (and/ or who were raised and educated in Tennessee) will discuss how their scholarship and activism has been shaped by, and is helping to inform, LGBT+ policy in Tennessee, and how these lessons might be applied in other state/local contexts. The panelists will speak to a number of questions, including: How can my scholarship inform LGBT+ policy in my state? How do I connect with policymakers, practitioners, and organizations that could benefit from my expertise? How can I contribute to local advocacy efforts, and what might be my appropriate role in those efforts? How do I get involved in this arena at different stages of my career? and How can I help interested students get involved?

Anthropology
Ph.D.
"Authenticity, Citizenship and Accommodation: LGBT Rights in a Red State" examines the discourse around volunteerism, exceptionalism, and queer citizenship that emerged within the context of a statewide (anti-gay) ballot initiative campaign in the American Southwest. I argue that the ways in which local volunteers and activists define themselves and their attempts to defeat the ballot initiative is tied to the struggle over the authority to represent local LGBT organizational culture and an emergent New West identity. In such a way, local debates over authentic western lifestyles that divide regional communities intertwine with intergenerational debates over gay liberation and rights frameworks, and the polarized discourse on blue and red states which have dominated the U.S. political climate of the past decade. While statewide campaign leaders with a base in Phoenix (the state capital) focused on polling data and messaging in order to stop the passage of the amendment, many Tucson activists and organizational leaders tied to the LGBT community center sought to strategize a long-term grassroots approach to change hearts and minds. Within this debate over campaign strategy and internal decision-making, both groups drew attention to the differences between the metropolitan areas. This regional example speaks to the ways in which established theoretical frameworks anthropologists utilize to understand social movements may prove insufficient for understanding the diversity that exists within the everyday processes of collective action. The internal messaging war that spilled outside of the confines of the campaign steering committee meetings into the pages of the statewide gossip and newspaper editorial sections also speaks to the ways in which official declarations of ideological stance should not be taken as the actual intent of those seeking change. One may shape one's personal story to be on message, choose to defy those constraints, or use the rhetorical strategy of the message without actually committing to the underlying premise. The broader national concerns are localized symbolically in the notion of blue and red counties, but also take on a regional flavor in the satirical call to statehood for the Southern Arizona. Here issues of authenticity emerge not only within the context of the campaign disputes around messaging, and by extension, who has the right to speak for and about the LGBT organizational community, but also in the realm of derisive banter that travels back and forth between the two major metropolitan areas over what it means to live an authentic western lifestyle. Within the southern metropolis, this discourse is framed by the notion that the western desert is a different sort of place, with a different sort of people and way of life that is threatened by snowbirds, retirees, Midwestern lifestyles and corporate interests. Often Phoenix to the north is seen as a representation of all these negative influences. In addition, Center-based activists and volunteers, describe their southern city in idealistic terms as an oasis for LGBT community, artists, activists, migrants, refugees, and all manner of progressive politics. Memory enacted through the telling of one's story at a Coming Out Day testimonial, political rallies and in dialogue with an anthropologist are shaped by these notions of difference. These notions of difference also emerge as a pattern in the narrative construction of space, violence and memory within activist life histories. These life histories in turn reveal a fragment of local LGBT organizational culture, in which the process of professionalization transforms the meaning of community, and the act of representation transforms the role of activist into that of the citizen volunteer. The community center in this sense is a memorialization of community and movement culture, and by idealizing what came before it masks material conditions at the same time that it offers up the potential of a more radical present/future. While the community center, Tucson and Pima County are coded as oases of safety, this image is continually disrupted by counter narratives, including the state-wide campaign to stop the marriage amendment; local support for the Protect Marriage and anti-immigrant amendments; and evidence of on-going violence directed against racial, ethnic and religious minorities and those who transgress hetero and gender normative expectations. These disruptions however appear to be cyclical in that they allow both professionals and concerned community members (citizen volunteers) to rally together in a show of strength and solidarity and in so doing represent the authentic, legitimate community. However, these disruptions may also allow for counter narratives to enter into public discourse, thereby offering up a more radical envisioning of community beyond the limits of LGBT organizational culture.
Temple University--Theses

This thesis seeks to examine if there is a connection between female representation among U.S. legislators at state level and support of legislation protecting LGBT+ people from discrimination in terms of adoption and foster care. Using the theories of substantive and descriptive representation, three hypotheses regarding female representation and partisanship were tested. In the analysis, it became clear that there is a positive significant correlation between female legislators and voting in favour of anti-discrimination legislation in terms of LGBT+ rights. In addition to this, the study found that partisanship also has a significant effect of the voting outcome, in fact one that is even greater than the effect of gender.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.

This rapid review synthesises evidence on the bilateral and multilateral donors promoting and protecting the human rights of LGBT+ people on a global scale. It focusses on those donors that have policies, implementation plans and programmes on LGBT+ rights. This review also examines the evidence on the impact of their work. The bilateral donors providing the most support for LGBT+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, +) communities in 2017-18 are the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), UK Department for International Development (DFID), The Netherlands Development Cooperation, Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad), and the European Commission (EC). Whilst the multilateral donors providing the most support for LGBT+ are the UN and World Bank. The United Nations (UN) is doing a huge amount of work on LGBT+ rights across the organisation which there was not scope to fully explore in this report. The UN Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights (UNOCHR) in particular is doing a lot on this theme. They publish legal obligation information, call attention to rights abuses through general assembly resolutions. The dialogue with governments, monitor violations and support human rights treaties bodies. The work of the World Bank in this area focuses on inclusion rather than rights. A small number of projects were identified which receive funding from bilateral and multilateral donors. These were AMSHeR, International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA), and Stonewall. This rapid review focused on identifying donor support for LGBT+ rights, therefore, searches were limited to general databases and donor websites, utilising non-academic and donor literature. Much of the information comes directly from websites and these are footnoted throughout the report. Little was identified in the way of impact evaluation within the scope of this report. The majority of projects found through searches were non-governmental and so not the focus of this report.

This review looks at the extent to which LGBT rights are provided for under law in a range of Small Island Developing States (SIDS), and the record on implementation/enforcement, as well as approaches to promote LGBT rights and inclusion. SIDS covered are those in the Caribbean, Pacific, and Atlantic-Indian Ocean-South China Sea (AIS) regions. The review draws on a mixture of grey literature (largely from international development agencies/NGOs), academic literature, and media reports. While the information on the legal situation of LGBT people in SIDS was readily available, there was far less evidence on approaches/programmes to promote LGBT rights/inclusion in these countries. However, the review did find a number of reports with recommendations for international development cooperation generally on LGBT issues. Denial of LGBT rights and discrimination against LGBT people is found to varying extents in all parts of the world. It is important that LGBT people have protection in law, in particular the right to have same-sex sexual relations; protection from discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation; and the right to gender identity/expression. Such rights are also provided for under international human rights conventions such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, while the Sustainable Development Goals are based on the principle of ‘leave no one behind'.

This report sheds light on challenges faced by Transgender persons in Indian prisons. The report analyses the international and legal frameworks in the country which provide the foundation for policy formulations with regard to confinement of LGBT+ persons, with particular reference to the Transgender community. This report also documents the responses received to right to information requests filed to prison headquarters across the country, which in addition to providing the number of Transgender prisoners in Indian prisons between 1st May 2018 to 30th April 2019, also provides relevant information on compliance within prisons with existing legal frameworks relevant to protecting the rights of Transgender persons in prisons, especially in terms of recognition of a third gender, allocation of wards, search procedures, efforts towards capacity building of prison administrators etc. The finalisation of this report has involved an intense consultative process with individuals and experts, including representatives from the community, community-based organisations as well as researcher and academicians working on this issue. This report aims to enhance the understanding of these issues among stakeholders such as prison administrators, judicial officers, lawyers, legal service providers as well as other non-state actors. It is aimed at better informed policy making, and ensuring that decisions made with respect to LGBTI+ persons in prisons recognize and are sensitive of their rights and special needs.