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Friman, Josefine. "LGBT-rights : sexual orientation, gender identity and the human rights." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-109324.
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Karlsson, Rebecca. "LGBT and the universal enjoyment of human rights." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-127651.
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Mack, Laura. "Human Rights, LGBT Movements and Identity: An Analysis of International and South African LGBT Websites." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ohiou1125527098.
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Falkenberg, Aron, and Emma Freij. "LGBT-RIGHTS IN DECLINE - A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF THE EXPERIENCES OF LGBT-PEOPLE IN INDONESIA." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-26166.
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The aim of this study is to highlight the situation for LGBT-people in Bali with regard to the political changes in the country. Firstly, the living situation for LGBT-people have been investigated and secondly the possible effects that the newly implemented anti-LGBT policies have had on LGBT-people have been examined through interviews with six informants currently living in Bali. What has been unearthed is that LGBT-people have in the past lived in a climate of relative tolerance with discretion as a caveat; as long as LGBT-identities weren’t officially proclaimed, and same-sex relations were handled discreetly, LGBT-people haven’t been burdened with discrimination and violence. Contemporary research suggests that the current political developments regarding LGBT-rights, marked by swift and sweeping changes of a radical nature, have resulted in LGBT-people in Indonesia now facing discrimination and violence - even when LGBT-people attempt to handle their sexuality with discretion. However, this research suggests that this is not the case, and that LGBT-people aren’t as greatly affected or concerned with the political developments as have been suggested by scholars. As explained, reasons for this appear to be found in how LGBT-people lead their lives with discretion, which is a recurrent theme for many LGBT-people in Indonesia. However, another reason for this can be found in the strength of the LGBT-community, which appear to refute the negative consequences of belonging to a stigmatised and marginalised group for its members. Indeed, many LGBT-people found friendship, emotional support, improved healthcare and employment through the community.
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LIMEIRA, MARCELA DE AZEVEDO. "FREEDOM OF RELIGIOUS CONSCIENCE AND NONDISCRIMINATION LGBT RIGHTS: AN ANALYSIS OF CONFLICTING RIGHTS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=34717@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTITUIÇÕES COMUNITÁRIAS DE ENSINO PARTICULARES
Existe um conflito de direitos entre homossexuais e indivíduos que seguem religiões que pregam que a homossexualidade é contrária às leis divinas e que o casamento é uma união sagrada entre um homem e uma mulher. Esse conflito foi potencializado a partir da legalização do casamento homoafetivo. Por um lado, indivíduos homossexuais têm o direito à igualdade, o que significa que não devem ser discriminados por causa de sua orientação sexual; por outro lado, indivíduos religiosos têm a liberdade de crer em determinada religião e adotar condutas que estejam de acordo com suas crenças. Dentre as situações que podem gerar conflito, três são analisadas neste trabalho: a recusa de um indivíduo religioso a celebrar ou contribuir para uma cerimônia de casamento homoafetivo, com base na perspectiva religiosa sobre o conceito de casamento; a recusa por parte de um psicólogo a atender um paciente homossexual ou casal homoafetivo, sob o fundamento de que suas crenças religiosas o impedem de manifestar aprovação em relação à homossexualidade ou auxiliar uma união homoafetiva durante o atendimento; a recusa religiosamente motivada a fornecer produtos que manifestam apoio ao casamento homoafetivo ou alguma causa LGBT. Além do estudo de doutrina estrangeira sobre o tema, são examinadas dez decisões judiciais referentes a casos concretos ocorridos nos Estados Unidos, Reino Unido e Canadá, com o objetivo de auxiliar na elucidação de parâmetros claros para a melhor resolução da controvérsia em questão, ante a razoável expectativa de que, em breve, conflitos semelhantes surgirão no Brasil.
There is a conflict of rights between homosexuals and individuals who follow religions that preach that homosexuality is contrary to the laws of God and marriage is a sacred union between one man and one woman. This conflict was intensified after the legalization of same-sex marriage. On the one hand, homosexual individuals have the right to equality, which means they must not be discriminated on basis of sexual orientation; on the other hand, religious individuals have the right to believe in a religion and act according to their beliefs. This paper will examine three situations that might cause conflict: the refusal to celebrate or contribute to a same-sex wedding, because of one s religious views on marriage; the refusal to assist a homosexual patient or a same-sex couple, by a psychologist or counselor whose religious beliefs prevent them from affirming homosexuality or assisting a same-sex union; the religiously motivated refusal to print materials that promote same-sex marriage or other LGBT interests. This dissertation will look at foreign studies on the matter, and will examine ten judicial decisions on cases that occurred in the United States, United Kingdom and Canada, in order to help create clear parameters to resolve the controversy, which is likely to soon arise in Brazil.
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Otunba, Ganiyu. "Enhancing LGBT Rights in Africa: a case study of Nigeria." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-229491.
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In the last decade several western countries have greatly enhanced the rights of sexual minorities in their societies. Same-sex marriage is now legal in most states in the United States, while about twenty three countries in Europe presently allow same-sex marriage or some form of civil partnership. Africa on the other hand is witnessing a rise in the number of countries further criminalizing sexual minorities and homophobia is rising across the continent. Homosexuality is illegal in 76 countries in the world, 38 of which are in Africa and of these 38, homosexuality is punishable by death in 4. Though a growing discourse, existing literature and scholarly papers till date have rarely focused on the impediments to LGBT rights in the African continent. The few existing literature have looked at LGBT rights in Africa from the policy perspective without taking the popularity of anti-gay laws into consideration as seen in a country like Nigeria where 98 percent of the population supports anti-gay measures. An explorative qualitative research study was used to explore the impediments to LGBT rights in Nigeria and how they can be addressed. Secondary data from verifiable sources and primary data from semi-structured, formal, open ended interviews with individuals deeply informed of the discourse in Nigeria was used for the research. Data retrieved was analysed using thematic analysis to identify recurrent themes from the interview transcripts before a comprehensive discussion and triangulation of both primary and secondary data was conducted. The research found that religious beliefs and the existence of LGBT knowledge gaps are the major impediments to LGBT rights in Nigeria. The research findings suggests that closing these LGBT knowledge gaps through enlightenment will over time repress the strong religious and ideological views held against LGBTs. With the decline of these views, the research suggests that LGBT rights will naturally emerge. The study also developed three testable hypotheses for future studies.
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Dioli, Irene <1980>. "Labour, LGBT* rights, and Europe. Discourses in Italy and Serbia." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2013. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/5995/.
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At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.
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Mann, Abbey, Kim Case, Patrick Grzanka, and Sarah Mancoll. "LGBT+ Rights at the State/Local Level: Lessons from Tennessee." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6444.
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In 2016, Tennessee Governor Bill Haslam signed into law the “Counseling Discrimination Bill,” which allows a licensed counselor in a private practice to use personal (i.e., religious) beliefs as an reason to terminate care or refer away LGBT+ clients, as long as they refer the client to another counselor. In that same year, the state legislature and governor defunded the University of Tennessee, Knoxville’s Office for Diversity and Inclusion, which had spearheaded a number of LGBT+ activities and initiatives around campus. In this interactive discussion, scholars from different Tennessee institutions (and/ or who were raised and educated in Tennessee) will discuss how their scholarship and activism has been shaped by, and is helping to inform, LGBT+ policy in Tennessee, and how these lessons might be applied in other state/local contexts. The panelists will speak to a number of questions, including: How can my scholarship inform LGBT+ policy in my state? How do I connect with policymakers, practitioners, and organizations that could benefit from my expertise? How can I contribute to local advocacy efforts, and what might be my appropriate role in those efforts? How do I get involved in this arena at different stages of my career? and How can I help interested students get involved?
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Roark, Kendall L. "Authenticity, Citizenship and Accommodation: LGBT Rights in a Red State." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/168269.
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AnthropologyPh.D.
"Authenticity, Citizenship and Accommodation: LGBT Rights in a Red State" examines the discourse around volunteerism, exceptionalism, and queer citizenship that emerged within the context of a statewide (anti-gay) ballot initiative campaign in the American Southwest. I argue that the ways in which local volunteers and activists define themselves and their attempts to defeat the ballot initiative is tied to the struggle over the authority to represent local LGBT organizational culture and an emergent New West identity. In such a way, local debates over authentic western lifestyles that divide regional communities intertwine with intergenerational debates over gay liberation and rights frameworks, and the polarized discourse on blue and red states which have dominated the U.S. political climate of the past decade. While statewide campaign leaders with a base in Phoenix (the state capital) focused on polling data and messaging in order to stop the passage of the amendment, many Tucson activists and organizational leaders tied to the LGBT community center sought to strategize a long-term grassroots approach to change hearts and minds. Within this debate over campaign strategy and internal decision-making, both groups drew attention to the differences between the metropolitan areas. This regional example speaks to the ways in which established theoretical frameworks anthropologists utilize to understand social movements may prove insufficient for understanding the diversity that exists within the everyday processes of collective action. The internal messaging war that spilled outside of the confines of the campaign steering committee meetings into the pages of the statewide gossip and newspaper editorial sections also speaks to the ways in which official declarations of ideological stance should not be taken as the actual intent of those seeking change. One may shape one's personal story to be on message, choose to defy those constraints, or use the rhetorical strategy of the message without actually committing to the underlying premise. The broader national concerns are localized symbolically in the notion of blue and red counties, but also take on a regional flavor in the satirical call to statehood for the Southern Arizona. Here issues of authenticity emerge not only within the context of the campaign disputes around messaging, and by extension, who has the right to speak for and about the LGBT organizational community, but also in the realm of derisive banter that travels back and forth between the two major metropolitan areas over what it means to live an authentic western lifestyle. Within the southern metropolis, this discourse is framed by the notion that the western desert is a different sort of place, with a different sort of people and way of life that is threatened by snowbirds, retirees, Midwestern lifestyles and corporate interests. Often Phoenix to the north is seen as a representation of all these negative influences. In addition, Center-based activists and volunteers, describe their southern city in idealistic terms as an oasis for LGBT community, artists, activists, migrants, refugees, and all manner of progressive politics. Memory enacted through the telling of one's story at a Coming Out Day testimonial, political rallies and in dialogue with an anthropologist are shaped by these notions of difference. These notions of difference also emerge as a pattern in the narrative construction of space, violence and memory within activist life histories. These life histories in turn reveal a fragment of local LGBT organizational culture, in which the process of professionalization transforms the meaning of community, and the act of representation transforms the role of activist into that of the citizen volunteer. The community center in this sense is a memorialization of community and movement culture, and by idealizing what came before it masks material conditions at the same time that it offers up the potential of a more radical present/future. While the community center, Tucson and Pima County are coded as oases of safety, this image is continually disrupted by counter narratives, including the state-wide campaign to stop the marriage amendment; local support for the Protect Marriage and anti-immigrant amendments; and evidence of on-going violence directed against racial, ethnic and religious minorities and those who transgress hetero and gender normative expectations. These disruptions however appear to be cyclical in that they allow both professionals and concerned community members (citizen volunteers) to rally together in a show of strength and solidarity and in so doing represent the authentic, legitimate community. However, these disruptions may also allow for counter narratives to enter into public discourse, thereby offering up a more radical envisioning of community beyond the limits of LGBT organizational culture.
Temple University--Theses
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Herlitz, Gunnarsson Rebecka. "LGBT+ rights and the gender gap : A comparative study of LGBT+ anti-discrimination legislation in the United States." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432117.
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This thesis seeks to examine if there is a connection between female representation among U.S. legislators at state level and support of legislation protecting LGBT+ people from discrimination in terms of adoption and foster care. Using the theories of substantive and descriptive representation, three hypotheses regarding female representation and partisanship were tested. In the analysis, it became clear that there is a positive significant correlation between female legislators and voting in favour of anti-discrimination legislation in terms of LGBT+ rights. In addition to this, the study found that partisanship also has a significant effect of the voting outcome, in fact one that is even greater than the effect of gender.
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Abelove, Samantha. "Coming Out of the Margins: LGBTI Activists in Costa Rica and Nicaragua." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/524.
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For decades LGBTQ rights have been approached purely by a legal strategy, in particular advocating for the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, discrimination and violence against the LGBTQ community continues to be a major issue in Latin America because of cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that uphold a standard of and, in turn, have control over people’s sexuality. Using a human rights approach towards the politics of sexuality, LGBTI activists in Costa Rican and Nicaragua have been successful in transforming public opinion about sexuality and more importantly, sexual diversity. As a result of their egalitarian framework and efforts to educate people about sexual diversity, they have made great advancements toward achieving acceptance and equality for LGBTI people. This study focuses on how Costa Rican and Nicaraguan LGBTI activists have worked around traditional cultural values such as Catholicism and machismo that prevent people from accepting and tolerating LGBTI people. The examples of LGBTI activists in these two countries have important implications for other LGBTI activists and the strategies they use to try to achieve full equality (social and legal) for people whose sexual identity differs from the conventional.
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Holan, Mari Størvold. "Forbidden Identity: : the link between lack of LGBT-rights and marginalisation." Thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Geography, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-5503.
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This thesis contributes to understanding the problematic aspect of heterosexual dominance in leading development discourse, most especially in relation to gender, sexuality and human rights. In order to embrace a full perspective of gender, an expansion of the rights-based approach to include sexual minorities is suggested.
Based on the lived experiences of lesbian, bisexual and transgender women in Kampala, Uganda, it is argued that human rights are constantly negotiated and interpreted to legitimize a social and legal exclusion of selected members of society. Qualitative methodology has been employed to investigate issues of health, participation, employment and personal safety. The voices of the marginalised are explored from a local context and show that discrimination of sexual minorities is institutionalised and difficult to combat as the present human rights framework refrains from directly including this group as right-holders.
The author argues that there is a strong relation between lack of sexual rights and marginalisation, where the latter occurs as a direct result of social and legal pervasive practises of discrimination in society, ranging from the government level to the nuclear family.
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Thoreson, Ryan R. "The politics of brokerage and transnational advocacy for LGBT human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7882b813-7e5a-45a6-9058-9ea6974adffa.
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In this project, I look at the work of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) and the role that brokers at the organization play in constructing, promoting, and institutionalizing a body of LGBT human rights. While a great deal is being written about the diffusion of LGBT politics and human rights discourses from the Global North, there are few ethnographic analyses of who is doing the exporting, how, and toward what ends. Based on a year of fieldwork in IGLHRC’s New York and Cape Town offices, I look at the history of IGLHRC, the interactions among brokers and how these shape their daily work, how brokers understand their mandate and the hybridity that it so often requires, and how partnership with groups in the Global South, the production, verification, and circulation of information, and the possibilities and constraints of the formal human rights arena all shape the work that brokers do. Ultimately, I conclude that human rights advocacy must be understood holistically if it is to be understood at all. Such advocacy always necessarily involves a degree of theoretical elaboration, promotion, and codification by human rights defenders and NGOs, and focusing exclusively on one or another of these aspects paints a skewed portrait of what it means to work within a human rights framework. Drawing from the anthropology of sexuality, queer theory, literature on brokerage, and interdisciplinary studies of transnational advocacy networks, this project aims to deepen understandings of how LGBT NGOs and the brokers that animate them regularly engage in the construction, promotion, and institutionalization of particular understandings of sexuality and the claims that can be made by sexual subjects globally.
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Zettlemoyer, Jaime Nichole, and Jaime Nichole Zettlemoyer. "Trends in LGBT Activism: Defending the Rights of Egypt's Queer Citizens." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625258.
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Egyptians who do not fit into the mold of the ideal, heteronormative citizen as perpetuated by the state face widespread persecution and criminalization. State security forces target homosexual and other queer sexualities and behaviors in the private and public spheres. From fake profiles on dating and social media websites to raids on clubs and private parties, this segment of the Egyptian population struggles to find a space for themselves within Egyptian society. When arrest often means abuse, torture, and coerced confessions, they are further pushed to the fringes of society. Although Egypt has promised to protect certain rights of its citizens, it has frequently failed. This paper presents three major systems of oppression for non-heteronormative Egyptians: the state security apparatus and legal code, nationalist discourses, and the dominant ideologies of Islam within Egypt. After analyzing how queer Egyptians are targeted, criminalized, and persecuted, I analyze different activist methods and strategies in order to present and support the most effective strategies for Egypt.
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Quartey, Nii-Quartelai. "Corporate Activism in the Age of LGBT Equality| The Promise and Limitations of the Modern Executive Champion on LGBT Rights." Thesis, Pepperdine University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10843772.
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Over the course of the last 60 years, the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender (LGBT) rights movement in the United States has become a beacon of light around the world where LGBT persons continue to face intolerance, discrimination, persecution, and death. As this qualitative phenomenological study was being written, LGBT Americans taking advantage of their legal rights to marry, still face employment discrimination, housing discrimination, adoption discrimination, immigration discrimination, and discrimination in public accommodations including a Presidential Executive Order, state, and local legislation forcing transgender people to use the restroom that reflects their assigned gender at birth. In fact, in almost three dozen states an LGBT person could exercise their legal right to get married and still legally get fired from their job, legally get kicked out of their apartment by their landlord, and get denied an adoption simply because they are LGBT without other legal protections. Each of these issues has an effect on employee recruitment, retention, and performance and an effect in terms of creating an organizational culture where all employees can thrive without fear of retaliation, retribution, or being unaffirmed in the workplace. Affirmative corporate activism in the form of company supported LGBT employee resource groups/business resource groups, LGBT serving volunteer efforts, philanthropy, and public policy advocacy efforts combined have helped to make corporate America a critical ally in the movement for LGBT legal equality. This qualitative phenomenological study examines how LGBT employee resource group/business group leaders and executive champions influence corporate activism on LGBT issues. The rise of elected conservative leadership in the United States and around the world challenges the espoused values of corporate leaders on LGBT issues. This conservative revolution challenging the gains of the LGBT movement also creates an opportunity for corporate America to develop standards, practices, and policies. Although LGBT people outside of corporate America are likely to remain far more vulnerable to an increasingly more hostile government, corporate America has a unique opportunity to develop best practices and strategies to keep employees safe, make their customers feel welcome, while testing and learning scalable corporate social responsibility solutions.
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Stoum, Tina Maria Sæteraas. "Sexually (Dis)orientated? : Conceptualizing the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Promotion of LGBT Rights." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for tverrfaglige kulturstudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-19446.
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In the mid-00s, Norway began announcing itself as an international advocator for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights. This thesis takes a close look at the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ policy of LGBT rights promotion in foreign countries. The analytical focus is on how the Ministry conceptualizes sexuality and nationhood in its official documents on the subject. The thesis seeks to identify how the problem of human rights violations of LGBT persons is presented, what assumptions the Ministry’s understanding is based upon, the production of subjects within its reach, as well as potential dilemmas that may come as consequences of the concurrent framework of understanding. The Ministry’s policy can be understood as a continuation of the Gay and Lesbian, now LGBT, movement taking place in Norway over the last couple of decades. In the view of the Ministry, the movement may be successfully exported to places around the world who have not reached as “far” as the Norwegian society. Within this presentation lies a notion of the term sexual orientation as consisting of specific sexual categories/minorities that have a universal, and to some extent permanent, personality characteristic. The thesis also finds a tendency within the Ministry’s documents to present Norway as tolerant and modern in comparison to the recipients of Norway’s LGBT assistance, as these countries are in lack of something the Norwegian state can and will offer. After examining the concurrent understanding of LGBT rights, its subjects, and the representation of Norway, the thesis take use of recent anthropological and ethnographical literary works in an attempt to relate them with the Ministry’s understanding and aims. How do they compare – and may hypothetically these cases of same-sex relations and desire be eligible for Norwegian LGBT support? The measures within the Ministry’s reach are indeed well-intended, but as the policy is based upon particular terms and framework of understanding, the thesis finds a narrower reach than originally sought by the Ministry; advocating LGBT rights and advocating sexual freedom are not necessarily coinciding.Masteroppgave 52,5 stp.
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Oguri, Kota. "Sexual Occidentation and Its Consequences in LGBT Rights Politics: Reverse Orientalism, Homonationalism and Postcolonial Homophobia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1429552752.
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Cooper, Krystal. "Where is the T in LGBT? : exploring the links between the gay and lesbian rights movement and the transgender rights movement." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/20391.
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Master of ArtsSociology, Anthropology, and Social Work
Nadezda Shapkina
Using a historical comparative analysis, this thesis explores the convergence and divergence of the gay and lesbian rights movement and the transgender rights movement. Historically, these movements have been closely related to each other. In the 1960s, the gay and lesbian rights movement and the transgender rights movement had very similar beginnings. However, the organizations that advocated for gay and lesbian rights marginalized the rights of transgender people, even though both movements were working against similar forms of oppression. While the gay and lesbian rights movement began to include transgender rights into organizations in the 1990s there were still indications that the needs of transgender people are not always met in the LGBT movement. The current steps in the LGBT movement have suggested an attempt to be more inclusive of the transgender rights movement, however there are still signs that the needs of more marginalized members of the LGBT movement are not being met. The thesis suggests an importance of coalition building in social movements to be more able to address intersecting forms of discrimination. It also explores how with diverging interests there is conflict in coalition building.
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Gabbard, Sonnet D'Amour Gabbard. "Old Ties and New Binds: LGBT Rights, Homonationalisms, Europeanization and Post-War Legacies in Serbia." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1503313435659318.
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Gorisch, Patrícia Cristina Vasques de Souza. "O reconhecimento dos direitos LGBT como direitos humanos." Universidade Católica de Santos, 2013. http://biblioteca.unisantos.br:8181/handle/tede/1564.
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This term aims to demonstrate the evolution of the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) struggle since the Stone Wall Uprising, when the LGBT people finally imposed their civil rights, making the first gay parade ¿ just to get the attention of the whole society that the LGBT people exist and should be treated as citizens. The evolution of human thought of LGBT rights knocked on the doors of the UN many years ago, but finally in 2011 ¿ the same year that here in Brazil, the Supreme Court considered same-sex couple as a family entity and the Court of Justice allowed the marriage of a pair of lesbians ¿ the United Nations issued a landmark resolution condemning discrimination on sexual orientation and gender identity. We will defend the right to sexuality as inherent human attribute and therefore linked to the right to life, making an analysis of systems of human rights protection such as global and regional as well as national, linking Brazil to this resolution because it as was one of proponents and voters. This historical Resolution, places once and for all the LGBT rights on the map of human rights.
O presente estudo visa demonstrar o desenvolvimento e o avanço da luta LGBT (sigla mais usual para LGBTTIS ¿ lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, transexuais, travestis, transgêneros, intersexos e simpatizantes) com início da Revolta de Stonewall, quando finalmente a comunidade LGBT decidiu impor seus direitos civis, fazendo a primeira parada gay ¿ justamente para chamar a atenção de toda a sociedade de que a comunidade LGBT existia e que deveria ser tratada como pessoas de direito. A evolução deste pensamento humanista dos direitos dos LGBT começou a impactar a ONU há muitos anos, quando finalmente em 2011, no mesmo ano em que aqui no Brasil, o STF reconheceu a união de pessoas do mesmo sexo como entidade familiar, e o STJ permitiu que um par de lésbicas se casassem, a ONU editou uma Resolução histórica condenando a discriminação com base na orientação sexual e identidade de gênero, e reconhecendo os direitos LGBT como Direitos Humanos. Defenderemos o direito à sexualidade como atributo inerente ao ser humano e consequentemente, atrelado ao direito à vida, fazendo uma análise dos sistemas de proteção dos direitos humanos, nacional, global e regionais, bem como do nacional, vinculando o Brasil a essa Resolução, por ter sido um dos propositores e votantes. Essa Resolução histórica pontua os Direitos Humanos LGBT no mapa dos Direitos Humanos.
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Sogunro, Ayodele. "Advocacy, social control, and the criminalisation of same-sex relationships : the evolution and enforcement of ‘anti-gay laws’ in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78375.
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Since the enactment of Nigeria’s Same Sex (Marriage) Prohibition Act of 2013, advocacy for the protection of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria has grown rapidly. This advocacy often toes a line of legal formalism, under an international human rights law framework. This framework uses strategic litigation, petitions before international bodies, presentation of violations reports to the national human rights bodies, and public engagement on the equality of application of human rights norms for sexual and gender minorities. Despite these efforts, political rhetoric and public opinion continue to be antagonistic to advocacy efforts, based on the claim of political and religious leaders that same-sex relationships and non-heteronormative sexuality and gender identity are incompatible with the cultures and religions of the Nigerian population.
This thesis argues that the evolution and enforcement of Nigerian laws criminalising same-sex relationships and non-heteronormative sexuality and gender identity (‘criminalising laws’) are part of a system of wider social control leveraged by the political elite to perpetuate its hegemonic power. Consequently, this thesis proposes that, to advance the legal protection of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria, advocates must critically understand, and take measures to reduce, the underlying power dynamics in the criminalising laws.
Using doctrinal and empirical research, this thesis proposes democratic strategies to challenge and reduce hegemonic power dynamics in Nigeria, and to strengthen existing advocacy for the protection of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria. The research shows that the evolution of laws criminalising same-sex relationships in Nigeria is based on the use of political homophobia by the political elite as a tool of social exclusion. It further concludes that law enforcement authorities in Nigeria are guided by hegemonic considerations in the enforcement of the criminalising laws. The thesis identifies social control linkages between the criminalising laws and the existence of wider social exclusion in Nigeria. An increased awareness by advocates of these underlying hegemonic motivations can lead to a more nuanced, more contextual, and more intersectional advocacy for the rights of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria.Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Centre for Human Rights
LLD
Unrestricted
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Gore, Eleanor. "Between HIV prevention and LGBT rights : an ethnographic study of queer political activism in Accra, Ghana." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7728/.
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This thesis examines the character of queer political activism in Accra, Ghana. It asks what are the key modes of organising, types of action, and political practices that characterise queer activism in this setting. It further considers how ‘universalist’ models of LGBT rights connect (and disconnect) with local forms of queer politics and explores the lived experience of working class queer men, or sasoi. Methodologically, the study is based on thirteen months of ethnographic research. Theoretically, it draws on Foucault’s work on subjectivity, Deleuzean theorising on becoming, and Gramsci’s concept of cultural hegemony. The thesis begins by examining the subjective, linguistic, and embodied practices of saso activists. Here, it invokes Deleuze to conceptualise these as ‘becomings’, that is, as productive and emergent practices of difference. The study then looks at the politics of the LGBT rights CBO, CEPEHRG, delimiting how the political economy of development, heteronormativity, and homophobia mediate their work. Finally, the thesis sets out the political practices of saso community networks and considers how activists experience peer education programmes predicated on voluntarism. This analysis reveals a dislocation between the agendas and modes of operation of global development actors and the needs and priorities of working class sasoi.
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Papy, Jacques. "Les limites de la notion d'"orientation sexuelle" dans la protection des communautés LGBT contre la discrimination /." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80946.
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"Sexual orientation" is increasingly used as a prohibited ground for discrimination. The aim of this thesis is to show that this notion is being challenged both at the theoretical and implementation level. As a ground, "sexual orientation" ought to be replaced by "sex", as meaning the social construction of biological sex, in other words, "gender".First, this thesis exposes the history of "sexual orientation", and then the problems faced by Canadian and international courts when trying to implement it. "Sexual orientation" is then analysed within the broader perspective of the traditional liberal discourse on minorities. That perspective shows that LGBT communities are submitted to criteria established by the majority, therefore regulating their existence.
Finally, the thesis draws on the analysis of scholars who think that those criteria are, in fact, part of a broader discourse aiming at perpetuating the domination of "male" over "female" and that discrimination of LGBT communities is in fact motivated by "gender".
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Osterbur, Megan E. "When is it Our Time?: An Event History Model of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Rights Policy Adoption." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2012. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1471.
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Gays and lesbians have long struggled for their rights as citizens, yet only recently has their struggle been truly politicized in a way that fosters mobilization. When and why social movements coalesce despite the many obstacles to collective action are fundamental questions in comparative politics. While examining social movements is worthwhile, it is important to examine not only when and why a social movement forms, but also when and why a social movement is successful. This dissertation tackles the latter of these objectives, focusing on when and why social movements have success in terms of their duration from the time of their formation until their desired policy output is produced.
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Zhdanov, Alekcander. "The Paradoxical Interrelationship of Church and State in Post-Communist Russia: The Rise and Manifestation of Power via the Prism of LGBTQIA Rights." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20486.
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The Russian Orthodox Church is seeking to reestablish a leadership role in the spiritual health of the citizenry in post-Communist Russia via a concerted effort to forge an alliance with the Russian government, regardless of the secular constitution. Commencing with perceived preferential legislation, the Church has risen to heightened influence that is subsequently being used to disenfranchise non-traditional sexual communities. This paper offers an extensive cross-examination of legislation and intersectionality that highlights the incongruities of this alliance via international, federal, and religious documents, legal case law, polling data and more to purport that the Church encompasses a higher degree of complexity than was previously assumed, including non-religious self-identification. Ultimately, this paper concludes that the Church, in its current form, functions more as an agency of the State than as a religious entity. Lastly, this paper neither defends nor anathematizes the merits of any theological tenet.
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Obenga, Peter. "Transnationalism, an idea of human rights approach to violence against vulnerable groups (case study LGBT communities in Uganda)." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22251.
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This paper investigates the development of transnational human rights activists’ networks and how they operate and influence LGBTI human rights activist networks in Uganda against violence on the Ugandan LGBTI communities. The case study, employs semi structured interviews to investigate, how transnational networks are used as a mobilization too in promoting LGBTI human rights in Uganda. Further investigation is done on how transnational networks influence different social networks within local LGBTI activist groups when dealing with violence against the LGBTI communities. The study is taken from a view point of different local LGBTI activist groups and their close link with other international organizations and human rights bodies specifically from countries such as Sweden. Theories surrounding transnational networks and social networks are used in order to frame both cross border relations and local networks among the LGBTI groups. The study also calls for further research on other actors such as transnational migrants and individual activist including social media activist and their impact on the rights of LGBTI in Uganda.
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Bui, Ngoc Quang H. "Dworkinian Liberalism & Gay Rights: A Defense of Same-Sex Relations." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/71.
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Recent changes in the politics of gay rights have led to a gay rights demand for liberal governments: i) decriminalization of sodomy and ii) full governmental recognition of civil, same-sex marriages. Challengers to liberalism argue that a neutral liberalism cannot satisfy the gay rights demand. I argue that the liberal political framework put forth by Ronald Dworkin can adequately fulfill the gay rights demand. Dworkinian liberalism, which is neutral with respect to the ethical life, need not be neutral with respect to moral and non-ethical values. I argue for the more modest claim that Dworkinian liberalism has the conceptual tools and principles for satisfying the gay rights demand. In arguing for my claim, I discuss the internal criticisms of Carlos Ball and Michael Sandel and the external criticism of John Finnis. I argue that these concerns are surmountable. Dworkinian liberalism is capable of offering a robust defense of same-sex relations.
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Deng, Kai. "A Comparative Study on the Future Developments of Human Rights for Tongzhi in China." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31149.
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There is an increasing movement recognizing LGBT rights in the international arena. In China, “tongzhi” (a Chinese term for LGBT) still face massive discrimination due mainly to the Chinese government’s repressive indifference policy. This thesis follows Kees Waaldijk’s developmental pattern theory of the recognition of gay rights, starting from decriminalisation, anti-discrimination, and reaching partnership legislation. It examines this theoretic pattern in relation to the development of sexual minority rights in the United Nations (UN), European and Canadian human rights law systems. Although every jurisdiction has its own unique aspects, each basically followed Waaldijk’s pattern. The thesis concludes that the application of privacy, equality and non-discrimination principles have helped sexual minorities to achieve equal rights in a variety of fields.
The thesis further examines whether the experiences within these three human rights systems can be adopted in the Chinese context. Since the UN laws are soft laws, they will help influence legal reform for tongzhi rights in China but will not be a decisive factor. With regard to the regional human rights model, unlike Council of Europe and the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is unlikely to push the development of human rights in China due to the lack of a strong tie between China and ASEAN member states. The Canadian experience is inspiring but will not be easily duplicated due to the lack of democratic institutions and the absence of an effective judicial review system and judicial independence in China.
It is anticipated that the Waaldijk pattern cannot be reproduced in the Chinese context. China will take a top-down reform route in terms of the tongzhi rights development. The central authorities will likely adjust relevant policies to the tongzhi group once a crisis has generated sufficient social pressure that would influence the central authorities to consider changing their repressive indifference policy. Same-sex marriage law is anticipated to be the first tongzhi human right legislation in China due to the Chinese traditional culture of tolerance, the support found among academics, and the current political environment.
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Wisely, Karen S. ""When We Go to Deal with City Hall, We Put on a Shirt and Tie": Gay Rights Movement Done the Dallas Way, 1965-2003." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404513/.
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This dissertation examines the gay rights movement occurring in Dallas, Texas, from the mid-twentieth century to present day by focusing on the work of the Dallas Gay and Lesbian Alliance (DGLA), previously known as the Dallas Gay Political Caucus and the Dallas Gay Alliance. Members of that group utilized a methodology they called "the Dallas Way" that minimized mass protests and rallies in favor of using backroom negotiations with the people who could make the changes sought by the movement. The fact that most of the members of the DGLA were white, professional men aided in the success of their methodology. Particularly useful in this type of effort is the use of legal action. The Dallas community supported several lawsuits that attempted to overthrow various versions of sodomy laws in the Texas Penal Code that criminalized an entire population of gay men and lesbians in the state.
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Öhlén, Hannah. "Nationality, Sexuality & Liberation : A Field Study of the Interconnections of Feminism and Nationalism in Palestine." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-272516.
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This thesis investigates the interconnections of feminism and nationalism in the context of Palestine, and is based on a Minor Field Study of interviews with Palestinian women working for women’s rights. The study investigates their views and opinions when it comes to issues related to sexual proprietariness; the view that men own women and their reproductive abilities (Taylor & Jasinski, 2011:249f), and demography in relation to the Palestinian national struggle against the Israeli occupation. The women interviewed in this study argue for the importance of struggling for women’s and Palestinian rights in parallel, partly because the Israeli occupation is said to hinder the work for women’s rights in different ways. The ideology of the Palestinian women’s rights activists interviewed in this study can be said to be an example of nationalist feminism (McClintock, 1997:109) since they are trying to combine feminism and nationalism. By basing their rhetoric on the concept freedom from oppression combining feminism and nationalism is made possible, especially within national liberation movements. The thesis concludes with a discussion about why it might not be nationalism per se that is negatively correlated with women’s rights, but rather conservatism, and it argues that finding a way to theoretically connect individual and collective rights is of great importance in order to manage the struggles.
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Luz, Fernanda Ferreira Canfield da. "Diversidade afetiva: uma leitura sobre os movimentos sociais LGBT de Porto Alegre." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2011. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/4101.
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Os movimentos sociais geralmente caracterizam-se como movimentos de contracultura, que busca, na sua luta cotidiana, provocar alguma mudança de paradigma, da cultura que os oprime no meio social em que atuam. O movimento de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Transexuais e Travestis ó LGBT não é diferente. No município de Porto Alegre onde a investigação deste estudo ocorreu, os movimentos envolvidos, quais sejam: NUANCES ó Movimento pela Livre Expressão Sexual, SOMOS ó Comunicação Saúde e Sexualidade e Liga Brasileira de Lésbicas do Rio Grande do Sul ó LBL/RS, lutam por direitos e por reconhecimento social contra uma heteronormatividade imposta culturalmente. Essa heteronormatividade construída socialmente delimita e caracteriza a norma social pelo padrão heterossexual, excluindo quaisquer outras formas de manifestação da diversidade sexual expressa. No entanto, a discussão dessas diversidades conhecida como as homossexualidades não tem permitido um debate em relação aos direitos humanos de cunho afetivo e não apenas sexual, no que aparentemente concentram-se as lutas do movimento LGBT de Porto Alegre. Diante disso, o objetivo deste estudo é analisar se os movimentos sociais LGBT contribuem para uma mudança de cultura relacionada ao universo homossexual, principalmente no que tange a homo afetividade. Á proposição dos aportes teóricos que norteiam a temática, por intermédio do método comparativo foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa com entrevistas em profundidade, por meio de questionário estruturado com questões abertas, além da análise de documentos, discursos e matérias jornalísticas, os quais permitiram obter um panorama da realidade dos movimentos quanto as suas ações, objetivos e abrangência frente ‡ luta que travam no município, refletindo as ações dos movimentos como instrumentos de uma possível transformação cultural. A partir deste estudo, conclui-se que os movimentos sociais LGBT também se configuram como agentes de transformação cultural, contribuindo com suas ações para uma reflexo acerca da diversidade afetivo-sexual.
Social movements are usually characterized as a counterculture movement that seeks, in its daily struggle, causing a paradigm shift of the culture that oppresses them in the social environment in which they operate. The movement of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Tansexuais - LGBT is no different. In the city of Porto Alegre where the investigation of this study occurred, the involved movements are: NUANCES ó Movement for Free Sexual Expression, SOMOS ó Health, Communication and Sexuality and Lesbian Brazilian League of Rio Grande do Sul ó LBL / RS. They fight for rights and social recognition against a culturally enforced heteronormativity. This socially constructed heteronormativity defines and characterizes the social norm by the heterosexual pattern, excluding any other manifestations of expressed sexual diversity. However, the discussion of these differences known as homosexuality has not allowed a debate on the emotional nature of human rights and not just sex, in which apparently are focused the struggles of the LGBT movement in Porto Alegre. Thus, the aim of this study is to analyze whether the LGBT social movements contribute to a culture change related to the homosexual universe, especially when it comes to homoaffection. To the proposition of the theoretical framework, which guide the subject, through the comparative method it was conducted a qualitative research with in-depth interviews through structured questionnaire with open questions, besides the analysis of documents, speeches and newspaper articles, which have yielded a picture of the reality of those movements and their actions, objectives and scope of their fight in the city, reflecting the actions of movements as instruments of a possible cultural transformation. From this study, we conclude that the LGBT social movements also stand as cultural transformation agents, contributing their shares to a reflection on the affective and sexual diversity.
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Sun, Yushuang. "Exploring the Failure of Aid Conditionality." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/518.
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Since the drafting of Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality bill in 2009, the condition for LGBT individuals has deteriorated. In response, Obama administration unveiled several punitive measures to pressure Ugandan government to drop the legislation, including the withdrawal of development aid. This article will essentially consider and assess the effect of US policy to link aid conditionality to a country’s record on LGBT rights. Is aid conditionality an effective instrument in yielding meaningful political and social changes? Under what conditions can transnational advocacy help transform international LGBT norms into domestic practices? What is the role of state in discourses about sexualities? The diffusion of LGBT rights requires not only external pressure from international actors to ensure compliance but also an understanding of domestic moral and political discourses that might challenge the validity of the norm itself.
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Olsen, Preston Trent. "Inclusive guise of 'gay' asylum : a sociolegal analysis of sexual minority asylum recognition in the UK." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22983.
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The United Kingdom’s acceptance of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) refugees has been heralded as a progressive shift in asylum law. Indeed, the scope for the protection of sexual minorities under the Refugee Convention has expanded. The interpretation of the Convention definition of refugee in Article 1A(2) has been continuously adapted, especially the “particular social group” (PSG) category as well as the recognised scope of “well-founded fear of being persecuted.” This thesis interrogates how “gay” refugees have been accepted under the Convention. The analysis considers the ways judicial decision-making has constructed the PSG and persecution of sexual minority asylum seekers. The sample consists of 22 appeals from 1999-2011 which were identified as major legal developments, beginning with the first significant recognition of “homosexual” refugees. Several additional tribunal determinations and key international cases are also considered. A socio-legal approach is taken to study the tensions between fluid sociological images of gender and sexuality and the fixed notions of identity found in the law (whether arising from individual cases, formal practice, or state imperatives). Through an examination of the legal discourse in the texts examined, the research deconstructs the jurisprudential debates in order to assess their impact on sexual minorities seeking asylum. This contextual, rather than doctrinal, approach reveals how the jurisprudence often obscures sociologically problematic assumptions made by adjudicators. This analysis offers an original contribution, concluding that UK protection is grounded on the assumption that sexual and gender identity are “immutable.” Far from opening the UK to persecuted sexual minorities, the prevalence of this assumption significantly narrows the apparently “inclusive” construct of the refugee. Building on the findings, the thesis proposes that adjudication should focus on the persecutory intent to suppress non-conforming acts and identities (or norm deviance) in order to identify sexual minority refugees rather than the categories of LGBT. Additionally, framing determination in the terms of relational autonomy develops a better understanding of the conditions necessary to realise a non-conforming sexual and gendered life free of persecution. The concept of norm deviance decentres the assumption of a knowable truth of identity, and relational autonomy asserts that the deprivation of self-determination and rights to relate may constitute a well-founded fear of persecution.
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Páez, Ramírez Manuel Yasser. "Violencia y discriminación contra las personas LGBT. Los derechos de las víctimas." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/673088.
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La investigación pretende ofrecer elementos de juicio para cuestionar los alcances actuales de las garantías de las víctimas de violaciones a los derechos humanos en el caso de los sujetos con orientaciones sexuales y percepciones de género divergentes. Con tal fin, precisa elementos básicos de los discursos sobre la sexualidad humana que facilitaron su emancipación política a partir del siglo XX. Luego, desarrolla a profundidad los significados las identidades homosexual, lesbiana, bisexual y trans. Posteriormente, analiza las violencias particulares que soportan en el ámbito universal y en Cataluña. Por último, estudia el funcionamiento convencional del sistema de derechos humanos frente a las personas LGBT y reconstruye los estándares internacionales en materia de justicia, verdad y reparación, para someterlos a discusión con los hallazgos precedentes y formular algunas conclusiones sobre la necesidad de reforma legal.The present work aims to offer theorical and practical evidence to challenge the current scope of the victims’ rights to a remedy, truth, and reparation in the case of individuals with dissident sexual orientations and gender identities. To that end, it begins by describing basic notions of the alternative discourses on human sexuality which promoted those subject’s political emancipation during the 20th century. Subsequently, it elaborates the meanings of homosexual, lesbian, bisexual and trans identities, describing their historical roots, and inquiring into personal adscription processes. In addition, it examines the specific dynamics of violence they endure both worldwide and in the Spanish region of Catalonia. Finally, the study addresses the conventional functioning of the human rights system vis-à-vis LGBT people, detailing the international standards of the rights to a remedy, truth, and reparation, in order to analyze them in the light of the previous findings and offer proposals for legal reform.
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Lopez, Victor. "LGBT Civil Rights vs. Religious Freedom: Determining the Constitutionality of Statutes that Prohibit Discrimination on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Grounds in Areas of Public Accommodations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1594.
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In this thesis I argue that First Amendment free speech and exercise claims do not grant religious business owners the ability to bypass statutes that prohibit discrimination on sexual orientation and gender identity grounds in areas of public accommodations. My arguments focus on the constitutional claims made in the case Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission. Furthermore, I determine that Congress can rely on both the Commerce Clause and the Fourteenth Amendment to pass legislation that prohibits discrimination on sexual orientation and gender identity grounds in areas of public accommodations. I argue that despite the Court’s holding in the Civil Rights Cases, Congress can regulate discrimination by private actors, not just state sponsored discrimination, through the Fourteenth Amendment. I analyze the potential avenues religious business owners can use to undermine both state and federal antidiscrimination statutes and have their discriminatory practices legally sanctioned. I conclude by arguing that religious exemptions do not belong in antidiscrimination statutes.
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DIAS, Tainah Biela. "SOBRE RELIGIÃO, ESTADO LAICO E CIDADANIA LGBT+: A FRENTE PARLAMENTAR EVANGÉLICA E A DEFESA DA VERDADE SOBRE A FAMÍLIA." Universidade Metodista de Sao Paulo, 2017. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/1647.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the construction of a discourse of truth about the family by the evangelical parliamentarians who form the Evangelical Parliamentary Front (FPE). In order to achieve this objective, Law Projects (LP) and Legislative Decree Projects (LDP) have been proposed by FPE members that aimed at institutionalizing legally and politically the heterosexual and monogamous family as the only legitimate one, to the detriment of other arrangements, especially those formed by individuals that integrate the LGBT+ population. Speeches given by them have also been used and are available in the Diaries of the Chamber of Deputies. This research used a qualitative approach to reach the proposed objectives, through the explanation of the discourses of truth and later analysis with the necessary theoretical reference. We concluded that the defense of a truth about the family aims at perpetuating a traditional sexual morality based on the submission of the woman to the man and that is put in check by families formed by LGBT+ people, as they question the social roles attributed to men and Women in society. In addition, we came to the conclusion that this defense, made by political and religious agents, sets challenges to secularism, democracy and the consolidation of the citizenship of LGBT+ people.
A presente dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar como se dá a construção de um discurso de verdade sobre a família por parte dos parlamentares evangélicos que compõem a Frente Parlamentar Evangélica (FPE). Para viabilizar tal objetivo, foram utilizados Projetos de Lei (PL) e Projetos de Decreto Legislativo (PDC) propostos pelos membros da FPE e que visam institucionalizar jurídico e politicamente a família heterossexual e monogâmica como única legítima, em detrimento de outros arranjos, sobretudo aqueles formados por indivíduos que compõem a população LGBT+. Também foram utilizados discursos proferidos por estes e que se encontram disponíveis nos Diários da Câmara dos Deputados. Esta pesquisa se utilizou de abordagem qualitativa para atingir aos objetivos propostos, através da explicitação dos discursos de verdade e posterior análise munida do referencial teórico necessário. Concluímos que a defesa de uma verdade sobre a família objetiva perpetuar uma moral sexual tradicional baseada na submissão da mulher ao homem e que é colocada em cheque por famílias formadas por pessoas LGBT+, na medida em que estas questionam os papéis sociais atribuídos a homens e mulheres na sociedade. Além disso, concluímos que esta defesa, feita por agentes políticos e religiosos, coloca desafios à laicidade, à democracia e à consolidação da cidadania das pessoas LGBT+.
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Ortolano, Fábio. "Concepções de sexualidade e direitos humanos: uma análise psicopolítica a partir das paradas do orgulho LGBT de São Paulo e Campinas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-14032015-023023/.
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A presente Dissertação traz uma análise psicopolítica das concepções de sexualidade e direitos humanos a partir das Paradas do Orgulho LGBT de São Paulo e Campinas, sendo nossa perspectiva epistemológica a produção de sentidos e significados no cotidiano. Inicialmente, apresentamos nosso marco teórico, as concepções de sexualidade e direitos humanos, com base em autores referências na área; em seguida, descrevemos nossa metodologia, a constituição de um survey e o uso da análise de discurso como recurso técnico-teórico para aferir os dados das questões abertas. Na sequência, apresentamos o perfil de nossos respondentes e definimos o campo onde construímos nossa pesquisa, mostrando como a psicologia política nos representa uma possibilidade de estudo interdisciplinar. E, finalmente, apresentamos uma discussão entre o marco teórico e os dados obtidos com o survey, concluindo com uma análise psicopolítica entre os resultados e o cenário político atual, na dimensão dos DDHH de LGBT no Brasil, que nos implica a compreensão dos posicionamentos dos sujeitos políticos que participam desta ação coletiva e nos oferece possibilidades de ações no campo das políticas públicas e da educação para os direitos humanos.The thesis presented here brings a psicopolitical analysis over the conceptions of sexuality and human rights from the LGBT Pride Parades in São Paulo and Campinas, in a epistemological perspective on the production of senses and meanings in the daily life. Initially, we present our theoretical research, the conceptions of sexuality and human rights, based on the work of references in this field; thereafter, we describe our methodology, which is based on a survey and in the analysis of the discourse as technical-theoretical method in which is possible to assess relevant data. Thus, we present our respondents profiles and we define our research field, showing how political psychology is, for us, a way of interdisciplinary studies. Finally, we show the discussion between the theory firstly presented and the data collected through the survey and our respondents discourses collected through the open questions, concluding the psicopolitical analysis of the results and the current political scenario over LGBTs DDHH in Brazil, which implies an understanding of the positions of political subjects participating in this collective action and offers us possibilities for public policy and education for human rights.
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PEREIRA, Cleyton Feitosa. "Direitos humanos de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis e transexuais em Pernambuco: o caso do Centro Estadual de Combate à Homofobia." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18891.
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CAPES
O presente trabalho é uma tentativa de entender as políticas públicas voltadas para a população de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis e transexuais no estado de Pernambuco, a partir da implantação e das experiências do Centro Estadual de Combate à Homofobia (CECH). Através do debate em torno das temáticas dos direitos humanos, da cidadania, da participação social e das políticas de identidade, pretende-se analisar e compreender como o CECH atua para minimizar a violência contra a população LGBT, a sua estrutura, organização e dinâmica internas, estratégias políticas, serviços ofertados, atividades desenvolvidas e interações estabelecidas com outros setores do Estado e do Movimento LGBT. Baseados em uma abordagem qualitativa de pesquisa, na aplicação de entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com membros e ex-membros do órgão e análises em documentos produzidos pelo Governo de Pernambuco, nosso argumento central é o de que as trajetórias individuais dos gestores e gestoras da política LGBT - que compreendem as filiações a partidos políticos, movimentos sociais, experiências profissionais, as interações com o Estado, a conjuntura de implementação da política pública, entre outros - explicam a adesão deles/as a determinados projetos políticos que, em interlocução com fatores externos, contradições, disputas e projetos conservadores, influem e moldam a execução da política pública. A pesquisa visa colaborar com os debates em torno da construção democrática, das relações, trânsitos e deslocamentos entre sociedade civil e Estado e das escolhas políticas dos movimentos sociais após a entrada dos partidos de centroesquerda no Estado brasileiro neste princípio de Século.
The present work aims to understand the public policies directed to the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender population in the state of Pernambuco, by analyzing the implementation and the experiences developed by the State Center for fighting Homophobia (CECH). By using the debate on human rights issues, citizenship, social participation and politics on identity, we intend to analyze how the CECH acts to minimize the violence against the LGBT population. We will also investigate CECH’s structure, organization, as well as its internal dynamics, political strategies, services offered, developed activities and interactions established along with other sectors of the State and the local LGBT movement. For this purpose, and based on a qualitative approach, we will rely on semi-structured interviews applied to the members and ex-members of the CECH. We will also include the analysis of documents produced by the Government of Pernambuco. The main hypothesis is that the individual trajectories of the managers of the LGBT policies – which comprise affiliations to political parties, social movements, professional experiences, interactions with the State agencies, the environment in which the public policy has been implemented, among others – explain their support to certain political projects. These political projects will influence and shape the way this particular public policy was implemented, alongside with other variable, such as external events, contradictions, disputes and even reactions from conservative oriented projects. This research also intends to contribute to the debate about democracy construction and the relationships, transits and shifts between civil society and State, and the political choices of social movements in a context of a center-left government in Contemporary Brazil.
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Aguião, Silvia 1982. "Fazer-se no "Estado" : uma etnografia sobre o processo de constituição dos "LGBT" como sujeitos de direitos no Brasil contemporâneo." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281317.
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Orientador: Maria Filomena GregoriTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese analisa parte do processo de constituição da população designada, no momento, "LGBT", como sujeitos de direitos no Brasil contemporâneo. Através de uma abordagem que prevê "o Estado" não como uma dada unidade coesa, mas justamente busca investir na análise de processos de criação e recriação de morfologias de Estado-governo, indaga-se como certos "direitos" corporificam certas "identidades" - e vice-versa - e quais os formatos da administração governamental acionados para gerir determinados sujeitos. Os objetivos mais específicos da pesquisa struturaram-se em torno de dois grandes eixos de questionamento: i) a dinâmica própria de constituição de direitos para determinados sujeitos; ii) as táticas e as estratégias de organização e performances do fazer político, envolvendo a replicação de formatos deste mesmo fazer entre movimentos sociais, disputas internas aos próprios movimentos, bem como a circulação desses formatos para cenários governamentais. A investigação foi desenvolvida através da análise de documentos, da observação de eventos e do acompanhamento de uma política especialmente direcionada para "população LGBT". Tratou-se, enfim, de tomar como espaço de pesquisa a interseção entre os próprios elementos que transitam pelo campo que vem legitimando a "coletividade LGBT" no Brasil contemporâneo
Abstract: This thesis analyses part of the process of constitution of the population currently known as "LGBT" as subjects of rights in contemporary Brazil. Instead of looking at the "State" as a single coherent entity, this investigation tracks the (re)creation processes of state-government morphologies, inquiring into the way certain "rights" embody specific "identities," and vice-versa, as well as into the government administration formats set in motion to manage certain subjects. Two main aspects of this phenomenon are addressed: (i) the dynamics of rights-making for certain subjects; ii) the tactics and strategies of organization and performances in political affairs. The latter involve the reproduction of state politics by social movements; the movements own internal conflicts; and the circulation of the latter into government scenarios. Research procedures included the analysis of documents, and observation at events, following the implementation of policies specifically directed towards the "LGBT population". In sum, the sources for this research project were found at the intersection between the very elements which, in their transit between one field and another, construct the legitimacy of a "LGBT collective" in contemporary Brazil
Doutorado
Ciencias Sociais
Doutora em Ciências Sociais
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Marjorie, Lea Larney Sanders Douglas. "Protecting the human rights of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgnder) american secondary school students : a legal and political struggle of denial, engagement, and abandonment /." Abstract, 2007. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2550/cd401/4637831.pdf.
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Gomes, José Cleudo Gomes. "Direitos humanos, educação e cidadania LGBT: uma análise das ações do programa Brasil sem homofobia em João Pessoa/PB." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8520.
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Brazil have been experiencing a reconnaissance phase of the human rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transsexuals (LGBT), a segment of the population that has historically placed the margins of society, segregated from state actions and discriminated both in the private and public spheres. The focus of this study was to “Brasil Sem Homofobia (BSH): Program to Combat Violence and Discrimination against LGBT and Promotion of Homosexual Citizenship”, released in 2004 by the federal government. The program also included the direct participation of activists of the social movement and the government in its preparation. The perspective of this research was to analyze the actions implemented by Brasil Sem Homofobia program in the municipality of João Pessoa, from its transversality with public policies and interfaces to the LGBT movement. Thus, we analyzed the educational activities that have been implemented in thismunicipality, either by municipal public management as by higher education institutions and/or non-governmental organizations. The locus of the research was the city of João Pessoa, Paraíba, however, was identified that some actions benefited participants from other municipalities, although executed in the capital. The research was a qualitative study, taking as its starting point the bibliographical study and the literature review of academic publications related to the subject; authors who theorize about the LGBT movement and educational policies are its theoretical support. Then was performed a documentary analysis of the Brasil sem Homofobia (2004), Cadernos SECAD 4: Gender and Sexual Diversity in School (2007); Brazilian National Program of Human Rights (1996, 2002, 2009); the National Human Rights and Citizenship LGBT Plan (2009) and reports, publications, booklets and brochures produced locally by the institutions of government and civil society that have implemented actions in João Pessoa after the release of BSH between 2004 and 2009. We conducted semi-structured interviews with activists of LGBT organizations and activists, advisors and / or coordinating policies for LGBT projects and/or university extension. Finally, we noticed that public policies developed and implemented for the LGBT population in Brazil are contemporary to our times, conquered from the mobilization of the LGBT movement.
O Brasil vive uma fase de reconhecimento dos direitos humanos de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (LGBT), um segmento da população brasileira que historicamente foi colocado à margem da sociedade, segregados das ações do Estado e discriminado tanto na esfera privada quanto na pública. O foco deste estudo foi o Brasil sem Homofobia (BSH): Programa de Combate à Violência e à Discriminação contra LGBT e Promoção da Cidadania Homossexual, lançado em 2004, pelo Governo Federal. O programa contou a participação direta de militantes do movimento social e do governo em sua elaboração. A perspectiva desta pesquisa foi de analisar as ações implementadas pelo Programa Brasil sem Homofobia no município de João Pessoa, a partir da sua transversalidade com as políticas públicas e das interfaces com o movimento LGBT. Com isso, analisamos as ações educacionais que foram implementadas na cidade, seja pela gestão pública municipal, pelas instituições de ensino superior e/ou por organizações não governamentais. O lócus da pesquisa foi o município de João Pessoa, na Paraíba, porém, identificamos que algumas ações beneficiaram participantes de outros municípios, ainda que executadas na capital. A pesquisa constituiu um estudo qualitativo, tendo como ponto de partida o levantamento bibliográfico e a revisão de literatura da produção acadêmica sobre o tema; autores que teorizam sobre o movimento homossexual e as políticas educacionais constituem seu suporte teórico. Em seguida, foi realizada uma análise documental do Programa Brasil sem Homofobia (2004); do Caderno SECAD 4: Gênero e Diversidade Sexual na Escola (2007); dos Programas Nacionais de Direitos Humanos (1996, 2002, 2009); do Plano Nacional de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania LGBT (2009) e dos relatórios, publicações, cartilhas e folders produzidos no âmbito local pelas instituições do poder público e da sociedade civil que implementaram ações na cidade de João Pessoa após o lançamento do BSH, no período de 2004 a 2009. Realizamos entrevistas semiestruturadas com militantes das entidades LGBT e militantes, assessores e/ou coordenadoras de projetos de políticas para LGBT e/ou de extensão universitária. Por fim, percebemos que as políticas públicas elaboradas e executadas para a população LGBT no Brasil são contemporâneas ao nosso tempo, conquistadas a partir da mobilização do Movimento LGBT.
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Hahlin, Sanna. ""This is my father and he's a woman" : En undersökning av framställningar av transpersoner i tv-serierna Orange Is the New Black och Transparent." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-134684.
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The purpose of this essay is to examine how transgender people are represented in modern day popular fiction. To do this, I have analyzed two tv-programmes, Orange Is the New Black and Transparent. To do this, I have used thematic analysis as well as analyzed the images produced within the programs. The theories that I base my analysis on is largely based on the theories of representation as coined by Stuart Hall as well as queer theory and Judith Butler’s take on gender. I find that they share many common themes such as the process of “coming out” and a clear focus on what transgender peoples’ bodies look like and how they interact with gender. It is mainly trans women who are the subject of fictional movies and tv-programmes and this is perhaps because they are believed to be more approachable and hu-morous than other transgender people. The key to representation is variation and overlook-ing the fact that trans women are somewhat overrepresented, Orange Is the New Black and Transparent portray transgender people in a realistic and intersectional fashion.
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Karsten, Ida. "“We are saying no to homosexuality!”- A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Dialogue Between Zambia and the US Ambassador Regarding LGBT+ Rights Advocacy in a Postcolonial Context." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-20991.
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This thesis analyses a dialogue between the US ambassador to Zambia and two Zambian officials, regarding LGBT+ rights, following the sentencing of a same-sex couple by the Zambian high court. The theoretical framework utilizes postcolonial theory and a few of its concepts, namely cultural imperialism, and colonial discourses. To analyse the material, critical discourse analysis was conducted to examine if colonial discourse is present in the dialogue, and if so, how the discourses are used to reproduce or challenge the uneven power relationship between the West and Zambia. The thesis could conclude that discourses of cultural imperialism as well as colonial discourses were indeed present in the dialogue. The US ambassador reproduced the uneven power structure and the Zambian officials both reproduced as well as challenged it. The findings aim to contribute to the field of global LGBT+ advocacy, especially when conducted in a postcolonial context.
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Gnanzi, Sandra, and Cecilia Öberg. "Today's problem does not have to be tomorrow's concern : A qualitative study about social conditions the organization Young Queer Alliance works under to monitor and secure their rights." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för hälsa och välfärd, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-34246.
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This bachelor thesis in sociology is based on participatory observation and interviews in Mauritius done by two Swedish students who are studying Social change and social sustainability at the University of Halmstad. The aim of this study was to understand the social conditions that affect the organization Young Queer Alliance and their work to monitor and secure human rights regarding discrimination against sexual orientation in Mauritius today. The aim was also to see if Young Queer Alliance has opportunities for change towards a more socially sustainable society regarding this discrimination. The material has been interpreted and analysed by us through Foucault’s theory of power (2008), Jönhill’s dichotomy inclusion/exclusion (2012) and social mobilization (Sundh & Turunen, 2000). In some sections, we have done parallels between Mauritius and Sweden. The result of the empirical collection is complex and multidimensional and showed that; homophobia, religions, traditions, heterosexual norms and government influence the social circumstances for the organization. Paradoxically, a new thinking generation is emerging influenced by globalization and its processes. The “not-knowing-mentality” causes discrimination and can be prevailed with education. The thesis concludes that; the mentality is based on traditional norms and is influenced by history. Our generation cannot change history, but the future is ours to write.
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Jackman, Mahalia. "Living in Sodom's shadow : essays on attitudes towards gay men and lesbians in the Commonwealth Caribbean." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/living-in-sodoms-shadow-essays-on-attitudes-towards-gay-men-and-lesbians-in-the-commonwealth-caribbean(a608cdf2-04e3-4e2a-9a78-506c49c71625).html.
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Over the last few decades, there has been a significant increase in the political and public acceptance of gay men and lesbians. However, this trend of acceptance is not a global phenomenon. Currently over 70 countries still criminalise private consensual same-sex intimacy, among which are 11 of the 12 independent Commonwealth Caribbean states. It should be noted that the anti-gay laws of the Caribbean are rarely used to police consensual private sexual activities. Thus, if private same-sex conduct is rarely penalised, why keep the laws in place, especially in the age where such bans are considered a violation of basic human rights? Many policy makers in the region have cited public opinions about homosexuality as a significant barrier to law reform. However, while a common view is that these laws are anchored by public support, very few studies have emerged to test whether the attitudes and behaviours of the general population are in line with this view. Against this backdrop, this thesis analyses attitudes towards lesbians and gay men and their legal rights in the Commonwealth Caribbean. The thesis begins with an analysis of support for the anti-gay laws in Barbados, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago. The analysis revealed that a majority of the sample supported the maintenance and enforcement of the laws, but did not want same-sex couples to be penalised for having sex in private. This suggests that attitudes may not be as stark as policy makers suggest. The descriptive statistics also show that a significant share of individuals think that the laws (1) reflect moral standards; (2) stop the spread of homosexuality; (3) are important from a public health perspective, and (4) protect young people from abuse. Support for the laws are thus related to beliefs that homosexuality is a 'threat' to the fabric of society. The empirical analysis of support for the laws revealed that religiousness, interpersonal contact and beliefs about the origin of homosexuality were the most reliable predictors of public support. However, age and education were only statistically significant in a few models, and there was no evidence that attitudes varied across religious denominations. This is a contrast to the findings of studies in the West. It was hypothesised that macro-level factors - such as the large share of Evangelicals, anti-gay laws and level of socioeconomic development - could be exerting an influence on attitudes that is stronger than that of these personal characteristics. As such, the study conducted a cross-national analysis of attitudes towards same-sex marriage in 28 countries in the Americas, 6 of which were members of the Commonwealth Caribbean. In general, countries with higher levels of development, smaller shares of Evangelicals and more liberal laws on homosexuality were more approving of same-sex marriage. The results also suggest that the impact of age and/or religion is less prominent in countries with restrictions on same-sex intimacy, lower levels of development and a strong Evangelical presence, confirming the hypothesis that contextual factors could mitigate the impact of some of the individual-level variables. Finally, to get a nuanced view of anti-gay prejudice in the region, a thematic analysis of anti-gay speech in dancehall and reggae - music originating from Jamaica but popular in the region - was presented. The thematic analysis revealed that homosexuality is presented as 'sinful', a 'violation of gendered norms', 'unnatural', a 'threat to society' and a 'foreign lifestyle'. The presentation of homosexuality as a 'foreign' lifestyle suggests that anti-gay prejudice could be related to fears of neo-imperialism and could be a means of rejecting ideological intrusions from the West. This is not surprising, as currently, the fight for the advancement of gay rights is being headed by activists in the West. Based on the thematic analysis, efforts to remove the anti-gay laws should be (or at least appear to be) home-grown to limit public backlash.
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Silva, Tamires Barbosa Rossi. "Experiências multissituadas : entre cursinhos trans e ativismos: quais narrativas, que cidadania é essa? /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152038.
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Orientadora: Larissa Maués Pelúcio SilvaBanca: Anna Paula Vencato
Banca: Luís Antônio Francisco
Resumo: Este trabalho traz em seu corpo, discussões teóricas e etnográficas sobre o universo daspolíticas educacionais, educação não formal e seus desdobramentos e implicações nocampo da militância e do ativismo político de pessoas trans. Situo o contexto das políticaspúblicas educacionais destinadas às pessoas trans e o movimento de travestis etransexuais, tal análise num plano institucional é confrontada com as experiências daetnografia multissituada, que são analisadas pela teoria queer e outros aportes pósestruturalistas. Abordo como o espaço de política e reinvindicação tem sido constituídoem Uberaba, quanto as pautas de gênero e sexualidade, embora nem sempre a resistênciapolítica seja reconhecida. Também registro a rotina de espaços educativos alternativos,os "Cursinhos trans", que através de suas ações constituem um espaço político para aspessoas trans, que garantem novas formas de existência e concebem outros modos deacesso a cidadania. Assim, ao abordar experiências políticas que se constroem para alémde um plano institucionalizado, seja através do "fazer política" ou dos cursinhos, operoalguns deslocamentos sobre o que é fazer política e de como se tecem as negociações eos enfrentamentos. Esse é um trabalho sobre resistência, sobre vidas abjetas, que têm sidoexcluídas e de como essas vidas têm resistido e inventado ao seu próprio modopossibilidades de respirar e de inspirar.
Abstract: This work brings in its body, theoretical and ethnographic discussions about the universe of educational policies, non-formal education and its consequences and implications in the field of militancy and political activism of transpeople. I situate the context of public educational policies for transpeople and the transvestite and transsexual movement, such analysis of an institutional level and confronted with as multi-situational experiences and interpretations, which are analyzed by queer theory and other poststructuralist contributions. I relate how the space of politics and claim have been constituted in Uberaba, as well as the gender and sexuality guidelines, although it is not a recognized political policy. On the other hand, "Trans Cursinhos", which through their actions constitute a political space for transpeople, which guarantee new forms of existence and conceptualize other modes of accessing to citizenship. Thus, when addressing political experiences which are built beyond an institutionalized plan, through "doing politics" or the courses, I operate a few shifts about what is doing politics and how they weave themselves into negotiations and confrontations. This is a work about endurance, about abject lives, which have been excluded and how these lives have been resisted and invented in their own way of breathing and inspiration possibilities.
Mestre
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Lindberg, Annika. "Hivprevention - en rätt(vis) fördelning av statsanslaget? : Diskurser om homo-, bisexuella och andra män som har sex med män." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-15673.
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The purpose of this study is to explore how different discourses about risk linked to HIV prevention is likely to affect the decisions on the distribution of state funding for preventive activities aimed at 'men who have sex with men' (MSM). This by making qualitative interviews with principals that have an impact on this decision. Using a discourse analytic approach, based on both theoretical and methodological foundations, I investigate the discursive constructions of risk of HIV linked to certain groups and behaviors. MSM is found in the material placed into two different formations of groups, on one hand by the behavior on the other hand on the basis of identity. The identity position is organized discursively from a “victim” position while MSM provides an "operator" position. MSM is thus incompatible with the victim's position needed to be taken into account in the allocation of HIV prevention funds. On this basis I argue that the impact of heteronormativity, combined with an unwillingness to stigmatize, threatens to make HIV prevention ineffective when it is distributed on a different premise than epidemiological trends.
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Roghult, Madeleine. "Tolerance or truth? : The good, the bad and the political in the discourse of the American Family Association." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-82444.
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This master’s thesis conducts a discourse analysis on a political organization within the New Christian Right (NCR), the American Family Association (AFA). The purpose of the study is to analyze the conditions of possibility for a politics that aims to prevent progress for LGBT rights and does so by analyzing the political terrain where operations of power produce particular and meaningful political practices. As analytical tools the study relies on a theory of the political by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, who together with Michel Foucault also provide an elaborate theory of power. Theoretical work by Wendy Brown provides insights into how politics can be expressed when social antagonisms are prevented from engaging in political contestation. Results of the discourse analysis trace social antagonisms in AFA discourse to a dislocation of the social where new articulatory practices have established new relationships between elements of discourse and thereby also changed the nature of social intelligibility and interaction. AFA discourse articulates family values based on the privileged signifiers of freedom, democracy and rights, which is utilized both for a separatist politics of discrimination and an inclusive politics of social assimilation. AFA discourse shows many points of antagonism and organizes an enemy in postmodernism. Freedom as a mode of governmentality conditions the political demands that are and can be made which can be traced to a hegemonic neoliberal articulation. AFA discourse challenges neoliberal hegemony through the process of separatism, yet is intimately bound to the hegemonic way of making political demands in order to gain discursive strength and legitimacy.
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Williams, Elliot D. "Out of the Closets and Onto the Campus: The Politics of Coming Out at Florida Atlantic University, 1972-1977." Scholarly Repository, 2011. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/252.
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This thesis examines gay student organizing to understand the role of college students in the burgeoning lesbian and gay movement of the 1970s. Although students are widely recognized as participants in gay activism in this period, few studies have attempted to explore their particular role. The Gay Academic Union (GAU) at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton, FL, is presented as a case study, using archival and oral history research. Lesbian and gay students participated in the construction of a new political strategy based on visibility and community, which positioned “coming out” as its central metaphor. During the early to mid-1970s, students were especially well positioned to play a role in the gay movement, which relied on small, local organizations to spread gay politics throughout the nation. However, in the wake of the Anita Bryant-led effort to repeal Miami-Dade’s gay rights ordinance in 1977, the growth of national gay organizations and a national media discourse on homosexuality began to eclipse the type of organizing at which college students had excelled. By extending the narrative of gay organizing in the 1970s outside of urban centers, the story of the GAU at Florida Atlantic demonstrates that college students played a crucial part in disseminating the new forms of gay identity and culture associated with the gay movement.
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Jefferson, Ashley Nicole. "In Defense of Love and Same-Sex Parenting: Rhetorical Analysis of the Apologia from Children of Same-Sex Couples." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1398947252.
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