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Journal articles on the topic 'Liber Pontificalis'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Nowak, Jacek. "Liturgia w Liber Pontificalis The liturgy in “Liber Pontificalis”." Liturgia Sacra. Liturgia - Musica - Ars 58, no. 2 (December 9, 2021): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/ls.4566.

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Artykuł Liturgia w „Liber Pontificalis” rozpoczyna się od ukazania historii Liber Pontificalis, która pokazuje, że nie można mówić o jednym autorze tej księgi. Opracowanie jest podzielone na pięć części: 1. Msza Święta; 2. Sakrament święceń; 3. Rok liturgiczny; 4. Przestrzeń; 5. Inne przejawy związane z liturgią. Cztery części zawierają zagadnienia, które są w nich pogrupowane tematycznie, ponieważ dają pewną całość. Natomiast ostatnia część obejmuje problematykę występującą w pojedynczych zapisach. Krytyczne podejście do Liber Pontificalis, w zestawieniu biogramów z innymi źródłami historycznymi, ukazuje, że nie wszystkie normy przypisywane niektórym papieżom są wiarygodne. Te anachronizmy wynikają z faktu, że księga nie pochodzi od jednego autora, a szczególnie początkowe pontyfikaty były spisywane dużo później. Poza tym w tym dziele oprócz liturgii znajdują się informacje dotyczące innych dziedzin, które nie były przedmiotem badań tego opracowania.

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2

Ludewicz, Michal Jan. "“There was a great mortality in Rome, more serious than is recalled in the time of any other pontiff”. Plagues and diseases in the "Liber Pontificalis"." Vox Patrum 78 (June 15, 2021): 347–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.12190.

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The aim of this article was to describe how were plagues and illnesses perceived by the authors of the Liber Pontificalis. In the first part circumstances in which the first draft of the Liber Pontificalis was composed were analysed. Attention was given particularly to disadvantages that affected the population of Italy in the 6th century. The second part was devoted to plagues recorded in the Liber Pontificalis. When dealing with the plague the authors of the Liber Pontificalis used several terms like: pestilentia, clades, mors. Usually plagues were presented as caused by natural factors, but there was also a fragment attributing the eruption of the pestilence to divine disfavor. The third part was concerned with diseases that had affected individuals. The majority of cases where diseases were mentioned in the Liber Pontificalis referred to the health of the popes. In the collection of papal biographies there were also descriptions of diseases that had affected other people: an emperor, bishop, soldier, clerk. Some of the illnesses appeared terminal but all of them affected the person`s life.

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3

McKitterick, Rosamond. "The Popes as Rulers of Rome in the Aftermath of Empire, 476–769." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.5.

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This article explores the degree to which the rule and style of the bishops of Rome after the deposition of the last Roman emperor in the West in 476 had any imperial elements, in the light of the evidence contained within the Liber pontificalis. Papal rule in Rome was cast as a replacement of imperial rule in religious matters, an opportunity for the bishop to assume political responsibility and also a deliberate emulation of imperial behaviour. This is manifest above all in the textual record in the Liber pontificalis of the papal embellishment of Rome, and in the physical evidence of the extant basilicas of the city. The deliberately imperial elements of papal self-presentation and the importance of Rome's primacy, apostolic succession and orthodoxy, all articulated so emphatically within the Liber pontificalis, indicate the multitude of strands by which the papacy wove the fabric of its own imperium or power.

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4

Bauer, Stefan. "The Liber pontificalis in the Renaissance." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 82, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/27074374.

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5

McKitterick, Rosamond. "The Church and the Law in the Early Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.2.

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Two case studies from eighth-century Rome, recorded in the early medieval history of the popes known as the Liber pontificalis, serve to introduce both the problems of the relations between secular or public and ecclesiastical or canon law in early medieval Rome and the development of early medieval canon law more generally. The Synod of Rome in 769 was convened by Pope Stephen III some months after his election in order to justify the deposition of his immediate predecessor, Pope Constantine II (767–8). Stephen's successor, Pope Hadrian, subsequently presided over a murder investigation involving Stephen's supporters. The murders and the legal process they precipitated form the bulk of the discussion. The article explores the immediate implications of both the murders and the convening of the Synod of Rome, together with the references to law-making and decree-giving by the pope embedded in the historical narrative of the Liber pontificalis, as well as the possible role of the Liber pontificalis itself in bolstering the imaginative and historical understanding of papal and synodal authority. The wider legal or procedural knowledge invoked and the development of both canon law and papal authority in the early Middle Ages are addressed. The general categories within which most scholars have been working hitherto mask the questions about the complicated and still insufficiently understood status and function of early medieval manuscript compilations of secular and canon law, and about the authority and applicability of the texts they contain.

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6

Franklin, Carmela Vircillo. "Reading the Popes: The Liber pontificalis and Its Editors." Speculum 92, no. 3 (July 2017): 607–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/692789.

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7

Leslie Brubaker and Chris Wickham. "Agnelli Ravennatis: Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis (review)." Catholic Historical Review 94, no. 2 (2008): 330–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0054.

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8

Montinaro, Federico. "Les fausses donations de Constantin dans le Liber pontificalis." Millennium 12, no. 1 (November 27, 2015): 203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2015-0109.

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9

McKitterick, Rosamond. "THE PAPACY AND BYZANTIUM IN THE SEVENTH- AND EARLY EIGHTH-CENTURY SECTIONS OF THE LIBER PONTIFICALIS." Papers of the British School at Rome 84 (September 20, 2016): 241–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246216000076.

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The Liber pontificalis, the serial biography of the popes running from Saint Peter to the end of the ninth century, first compiled in Rome during the ‘Gothic Wars’ in the sixth century and continued at various stages in the next three centuries, offers a distinctive narrative of the history of Rome and of the papacy in the early Middle Ages. This paper argues that the seventh- and early eighth-century sections, too often simply mined for nuggets of information about church buildings, represent the pope in a particular way both in relation to Byzantium in theological and political terms, and as the successor to Saint Peter in Rome. The papal narrative undermines the usual assumptions about the so-called ‘Byzantine Reconquest’ and the Roman perception, if not the reality, of the degree to which ‘Byzantine rule’ was exercised in Italy between the middle of the sixth and first half of the eighth century. Lastly, these ‘continuations’ have important implications for any interpretation of the purpose and construction of the Liber pontificalis, and of its dissemination beyond Rome in the seventh and eighth centuries.

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10

Deliyannis, Deborah. "The Roman Liber Pontificalis, Papal Primacy, and the Acacian Schism." Viator 45, no. 2 (July 2014): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.1.103910.

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11

Dyer, Joseph. "Psalmi ante sacrificium and the origin of the introit." Plainsong and Medieval Music 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2011): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137111000027.

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ABSTRACTThe biography of Pope Celestine I (422–32) in the first edition of the Liber pontificalis (c.530) credits him with introducing the singing of ‘psalmi ante sacrificium’ at Mass. Several decades later, the second edition added that these psalms were sung ‘antephanatim ex omnibus’. Since the early ninth century, these statements have been interpreted to mean that Celestine introduced the introit chant, a conclusion challenged for the first time about twenty-five years ago. The new interpretation of the passage proposed that Celestine did not introduce the introit, but the responsorial psalm sung between the (two) readings at Mass. An analysis of the terminology used in Celestine's biography, especially the word sacrificium, indicates that the Liber pontificalis author did most likely intend to attribute to him the introduction of the introit, which was certainly in existence by the early sixth century. The presence of a processional solea in certain churches of Rome and the North Adriatic littoral indicates that architectural accommodations were being made for the entrance procession by the fifth century. Psalmic texts form the basis of the repertoire, and non-psalmic introits give every indication of post-dating those with texts drawn from the Psalter.

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12

Franklin, Carmela Vircillo. "History and Rhetoric in the Liber Pontificalis of the Twelfth Century." Journal of Medieval Latin 23 (January 2013): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.1.103770.

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13

Noble, Thomas F. X. "Joaquín Martínez Pizarro. Writing Ravenna: The Liber Pontificalis of Andreas Agnellus." Journal of Medieval Latin 08 (January 1998): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.2.304103.

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14

Parton, Frances. "Rome Awards: The Liber Pontificalis and Franco-papal relations 824–91." Papers of the British School at Rome 77 (November 2009): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200000246.

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15

BROWN, TOM. "Agnelli Ravennatis. Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis - Edited by Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis." Early Medieval Europe 19, no. 1 (January 26, 2011): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2010.00314_1.x.

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16

Moffatt, Ann. "Writing Ravenna: The Liber Pontificalis of Andreas Agnellus (review)." Parergon 16, no. 2 (1999): 308–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1999.0085.

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17

Аникьев, И. И. "КЛИРИКИ И МИРЯНЕ В РИМЕ IV–VI вв. ПО «КНИГЕ ПАП», "Средние века"." Средние века, no. 4 (2021): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7868/s0131878021040012.

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В статье поднимается вопрос о существовании в Риме в VI в. городского духовенства как особой общности, отличной от папского окружения. Автор доказывает, что сборник папских биографий, известных как «Книга пап» (Liber Pontificalis), отражает взгляды и особенности социальных представлений этой общности. Среди них: противопоставление себя не только мирянам, но и другим общностям, таким как монашество; защита своих прав и привилегий посредством создания системы ритуалов, соблюдение внутренней иерархии духовенства и конструирования собственной картины церковной истории.

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18

Dalewski, Zbigniew. "Bratankowie Karola Wielkiego i rytuał królewskiego namaszczenia." Kwartalnik Historyczny 129, no. 2 (July 29, 2022): 275–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/kh.2022.129.2.01.

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Wychodząc od zawartej w Liber Pontificalis relacji o zabiegach władcy Longobardów Dezyderiusza, zmierzających do skłonienia papieża Hadriana I do namaszczenia na królów Franków bratanków Karola Wielkiego, artykuł podejmuje kwestię znaczenia rytuału królewskiego pomazania w legitymizacji władzy pierwszych karolińskich monarchów. Pokazuje, w jaki sposób zarówno na dworze karolińskim, jak i papieskim w drugiej połowie VIII w. i w początkach IX postrzegano ceremonię namaszczenia i udział w niej papieża oraz jakie treści łączono z nią w praktyce działań politycznych.

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19

Herbers, Klaus. "Das Ende des alten Liber pontificalis (886) – Beobachtungen zur Vita Stephans V." Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 119, no. 1-2 (June 2011): 141–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/miog.2011.119.12.141.

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20

Dawczyk, Maciej. "Obraz Longobardów w "Liber Pontificalis". Od inwazji na Italię do upadku królestwa (568/569–774)." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 19, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.19.01.01.

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Artykuł dotyczy obrazu Longobardów w Liber Pontificalis, kronice pontyfikatów papieży, reprezentującej punkt widzenia biskupów Rzymu i ich otoczenia. W biogramach papieży z końca VI w. Longobardowie pojawiają się stosunkowo często, jako najeźdźcy pustoszący Italię. Jednak ze względu na ogólnie lakoniczny i sprawozdawczy charakter tych vitae informacje dotyczące ludu są krótkie i pozbawione wyraźnych cech retorycznych. W biogramach z VII w. Longobardowie są nieobecni. Związane jest to najprawdopodobniej z faktem, że w tym czasie przestali stanowić dla Rzymu bezpośrednie zagrożenie. Longobardowie stali się ponownie przedmiotem zainteresowania autorów biogramów papieży w VIII w., wraz ze wznowieniem longobardzkiej presji militarnej. Biogramy z tego okresu są bardzo rozbudowane literacko i skupiają się głównie na poczynaniach władców longobardzkich. Obraz królów jest dość zróżnicowany, choć wszyscy traktowani są jako zagrożenie dla Stolicy Apostolskiej. W przypadku Liutpranda odnotowywane są jednak także elementy, które stawiają go w pozytywnym świetle. Podobny jest wizerunek Ratchisa. W skrajnie negatywny sposób przedstawiony został Aistulf, dążący otwarcie do zdobycia Rzymu. Wypadkową wizerunków Liutpranda i Aistulfa jest natomiast obraz ostatniego longobardzkiego króla – Dezyderiusza. Słuszne jest twierdzenie, że za negatywny obraz Longobardów w tym okresie odpowiada w pewnym stopniu brak wcześniejszych intensywnych kontaktów między nimi a papiestwem, potęgujący poczucie obcości i pamięć o zagrożeniu, jakie stwarzali pod koniec VI w. Wydaje się jednak, że kluczowym czynnikiem, wpływającym na wizerunek Longobardów w Liber Pontificalis, była po prostu konieczność przedstawienia w jak najlepszym świetle kolejnych papieży i podejmowanych przez nich działań, co odbywało się kosztem stanowiących zagrożenie Longobardów.

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21

Urbaniec, Arkadiusz. "Postać cesarzowej Teodory w źródłach łacińskich (Chronicon Wiktora z Tunnuny, Breviarium Liberatusa z Kartaginy oraz Liber Pontificalis)." Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, no. 2(13) (2022): 41–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2022.02.13.02.

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The following article analyzes the presentation of Empress Theodora – the wife of Emperor Justinian and the most popular woman in the history of Byzantium – in contemporary Latin sources. Victor of Tunnuna, Liberatus of Carthage, and the author of selected biographies in Liber Pontificalis focused in their works primarily on the issues of religious policy of the empire and described the person of the ruler throughout this prism. Considerations on the parallel monophysite source tradition allow for a hypothesis about the schematicism of creating the image of Theodora as the main enemy of Chalcedonian orthodoxy.

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22

Vircillo Franklin, Carmela. "Rome and the Invention of the Papacy: The Liber Pontificalis by Rosamond McKitterick." Journal of Late Antiquity 14, no. 2 (2021): 542–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2021.0035.

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23

Bruce, Scott G. "Rome and the Invention of the Papacy: The Liber Pontificalis by Rosamond McKitterick." Journal of Late Antiquity 15, no. 1 (2022): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2022.0016.

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24

Martiniani-Reber, Marielle. "Tentures et textiles des églises romaines au haut Moyen Âge d'après le Liber pontificalis." Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome. Moyen-Age, Temps modernes 111, no. 1 (1999): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1999.3695.

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25

Neil, Bronwen. "Death and the Bishop of Rome. From Hormisdas to Sabinian." Scrinium 11, no. 1 (November 16, 2015): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00111p12.

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The sixth to early seventh centuries was a dangerous period to be crowned a bishop of Rome. Over the course of ninety-two years, from 514 to 606, there were no fewer than fifteen bishops of Rome, including one anti-pope. In the decade from 526 to 536, six popes went to their graves. Very few of these bishops died in their beds. Their deaths were as significant as their lives for what they can tell us about the processes of election and the protections that their office afforded them, as well as the risks to which they were exposed. In many cases the sole witness to the manner and timing of their deaths is the Liber Pontificalis.1

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26

Poccardi, Grégoire. "Un bain public D’Antioche, propriété de Saint-Pierre de Rome (Liber Pontificalis, XXXIIII. Sylvestre, 19)." Syria, no. 86 (November 1, 2009): 281–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/syria.536.

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27

Deliyannis, Deborah Mauskopf. "A Biblical Model for Serial Biography: the Books of Kings and the Roman Liber Pontificalis." Revue Bénédictine 107, no. 1-2 (January 1997): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.4.00038.

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28

Price, Richard. "Constantinople III and Constantinople IV: Minorities Posing as the Voice of the Whole Church." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 49, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04901007.

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Abstract Decisions at ecumenical councils required ‘unanimous’ consensus. This paper treats two councils, Constantinople III (680–81) and Constantinople IV (869–70), which issued decrees where the claim to unanimity was particularly contrived. Although the Acts of Constantinople III try to hide the fact, the account in the Liber pontificalis shows that it took imperial pressure and months of debate before the bishops of the patriarchate of Constantinople came over to the ‘orthodox’, dyothelete side. At Constantinople IV the lack of support for its anti-Photian decrees is shown by minimal number of bishops who chose to attend. These two councils are examples of ‘ecumenical’ decisions that, so far from being unanimous, enjoyed the genuine support of only a minority.

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Аникьев, И. И. "МАК-КИТТЕРИК Р. РИМ И ИЗОБРЕТЕНИЕ ПАПСТВА: КНИГА ПАП. Кембридж: Кембридж Юниверсити Пресс, 2020. 271 с., "Средние века"." Средние века, no. 4 (2020): 214–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7868/s0131878020040133.

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Рецензия посвящена книге известной английской медиевистки Р. Мак-Киттерик по истории раннесредневекового папства, рассмотренной через призму конкретного источника – «Книги пап» (Liber Pontificalis), которая была создана в первой половине VI в. и дополнялась до конца в. Анализируется структура монографии, аргументация и выводы автора, уделяется внимание общеисторическим взглядам автора, важным для изучения данной проблемы. Изучая этот важнейший для истории папства источник, его содержание, контекст и распространение, Р. Мак-Киттерик фокусирует свое внимание на том облике раннесредневековой папской власти, который создает «Книга пап», а также на нарративных стратегиях, позволявших создать и распространить это представление о папстве. Изучается контекст создания и распространения «Книги пап» в Западной Европе в раннее Средневековье. Рецензент отмечает высокое качество исследования, фиксируя при этом некоторые недочеты: восприятие всего раннесредневекового папства и его самоосмысления как статичного явления и недостаточное внимание к анализу языка и стиля источника.

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30

Cohen, Samuel. "Schism and the Polemic of Heresy: Manichaeism and the Representation of Papal Authority in the Liber Pontificalis." Journal of Late Antiquity 8, no. 1 (2015): 195–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2015.0000.

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De Caro, Liberato, Fernando La Greca, and Emilio Matricciani. "The Search of St. Peter’s Memory ad catacumbas in the Cemeterial Area ad Duos Lauros in Rome." Heritage 4, no. 1 (March 6, 2021): 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4010029.

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The purpose of our study is to research Peter’s memory ad catacumbas. According to the Depositio Martyrum—a document of the late Emperor Constantine period—there was no memory of the first St. Peter’s Basilica on the Vatican Hill. We start with a critical analysis on the Roman Basilica attributed to Emperor Constantine in Liber Pontificalis, then we deepen the search of Peter’s memory in the catacombs of the Sts. Marcellinus and Peter (ad Duos Lauros), also known as Tor Pignattara. Indeed, the basilica and mausoleum built in this cemeterial area are the only buildings attributable, with certainty, to Emperor Constantine, who wished to be buried in the mausoleum, close to an apostle. Besides some striking archeological finds on Peter’s memory already discovered near a particular cubicle in these catacombs, a geometrical and mathematical study of the unusual architectonic characteristics of the basilica and mausoleum of Tor Pignattara shows that the buildings were part of a single architectonic plan, very likely designed for coding data useful to locate Peter’s burial site unambiguously, in the area of the cubicle mentioned.

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Fabbro, Eduardo. "Charlemagne and the Lombard Kingdom That Was: the Lombard Past in Post-Conquest Italian Historiography." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 25, no. 2 (September 2, 2015): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1032839ar.

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The Carolingian conquest of Lombard Italy (774) was preceded by a massive effort on the part of the Church to convince the Frankish court of the legitimacy of the invasion. Relying on a terminology borrowed from Gregory I, the papal court produced an offensive portrait of the Lombards, depicted as treacherous, vile, and heathen. This article analyzes eighth-century papal epistolary and the Liber Pontificalis in order to establish the strategies behind this campaign. In a second moment, we turn to the Lombard response after the conquest, and the efforts of Paul the Deacon as well as the anonymous author of the Origo Langobardorum codicis Gothanis to question the papal portrait of the Lombards and to reclaim the Christian past of their people. Both Paul and the Gotha Origo focused on the importance of the conversion — and especially the role of Gregory the Great — in the rehabilitation of the Lombards. Their works, this article suggests, represent an attempt of the Lombards to dissociate their Christian faith from the conquest and to reclaim the narrative about their own past.

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Coates-Stephens, Robert. "The Walls and Aqueducts of Rome in the Early Middle Ages, A.D. 500–1000." Journal of Roman Studies 88 (November 1998): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300810.

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Our knowledge of the city of Rome after the fall of the Western Empire is largely determined by its position as the seat of the Papacy. Historical studies are based principally upon the Liber Pontificalis and the writings of the popes themselves, while architectural and archaeological research has concentrated on the city's numerous churches, many of which for the period A.D. 500–850 are remarkably well-preserved. The best known modern syntheses in English from each field are probably Peter Llewellyn's Rome in the Dark Ages (1971) and Richard Krautheimer's Rome. Profile of a City (1980). If we look beyond the purely ecclesiastical, however, we find very little Archaeological studies of Rome's urban infrastructure—walls, roads, bridges, aqueducts, sewers, housing—tend to stop, at the latest, with the Gothic Wars of the mid-sixth century. The lack of research, and therefore lack of data, have in turn been interpreted as a sign that early medieval Rome was a city bereft of an artificial watersupply, and of the resources necessary to maintain such structures as the Aurelianic Walls. Studies of medieval urbanism have been affected by this dearth of evidence proposing, for example, settlement models with the population of the city crowded into the Tiber bend in order to obtain water.

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Mieczkowski, Janusz. "Geneza i historia fermentum." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 63, no. 2 (June 30, 2010): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.167.

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Since the priests who serve the titles cannot be with the Pope at his solemn Sunday mass, he sends to each of them a particle of the bread which he has just consecrated, and this particle is called fermentum. It is carried by acolytes in linen bags to the churches inside the city, and when the celebrant receives it he places it in the chalice. This unites his mass with that of the pope. Introduction of this custom is attributed by Liber Pontificalis (VI century) to Miltiades (311–314) and to Siricius (384–399). Such fermentum disappeared in the VII century, surviving only in the case of a stational mass celebrated in the absence of a pope by a priest or bishop, and for the mass celebrated by priests in their own churches on Holy Saturday. The custom of such fermentum lasted in Rome to the VIII or IX century. At this time appeared a new custom – sancta. It was the fragment reserved from the Eucharist consecrated at the last mass in that church, and brought to the altar at the introit (or offertory) to symbolize the perpetual identity of the sacrifice offered in the Eucharist, was placed in the chalice to partake. The longest, to the XIII or XIV century, fermentum survived in the holy orders bishops, priests and consecrated maids.

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Scholz, Sebastian. "Klaus Herbers / Matthias Simperl (Hrsg.), Das Buch der Päpste. Liber pontificalis. Ein Schlüsseldokument europäischer Geschichte. (Römische Quartalschrift. Supplementband 67.) Freiburg im Breisgau, Herder 2020." Historische Zeitschrift 315, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2022-1305.

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Nowacki, Edward. "The Latin antiphon and the question of frequency of interpolation." Plainsong and Medieval Music 21, no. 1 (March 2, 2012): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137111000192.

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ABSTRACTThe theory that the antiphon is a kind of refrain and that its original purpose was to be inserted between all the verses of its respective psalm was articulated by Giuseppe Maria Tommasi in the seventeenth century and has been transmitted by liturgical historians with little criticism ever since that time. The present article examines the evidence on which that theory rests, with special attention to the writings of Amalar of Metz, and finds it to be inconclusive or positively contrary to the claims that have been built upon it. The article considers the evidence of antiphonal psalmody at Mass, as transmitted in Ordo Romanus I, and finds support there for the view that antiphons were normally performed only at the beginning and end of their respective psalms. After considering briefly the Liber Pontificalis and the tradition of psalmodic differentiae, the article turns to the treatment of antiphonal psalmody by the liturgical historians Guillaume Durand and Radulph de Rivo in the late Middle Ages and finds in their writings no evidence of a belief that frequent interpolation was the authentic primitive practice. The article concludes that two iterations of the antiphon, once at the beginning and once at the end of the psalm, suited its original thematic intent and that the theory of reiteration after every verse – effectively conflating antiphonal and responsorial psalmody – may be no older than the liturgical scholarship of Tommasi in the late seventeenth century.

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Noble, Thomas F. X. "Rome and the Invention of the Papacy: The Liber Pontificalis . By RosamondMcKitterick. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2020. xvii + 271pp. $39.99. ISBN 9781 108 83682 1." Early Medieval Europe 29, no. 3 (June 9, 2021): 444–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/emed.12493.

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GOODSON, CAROLINE J. "Das Bild der Stadt Rom im Frühmittelalter. Papstiftungen im Spiegel des Liber Pontificalis von Gregor dem Dritten biz zu Leo dem Dritten - By Franz Alto Bauer." Early Medieval Europe 17, no. 3 (July 21, 2009): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2009.00281_1.x.

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Coates-Stephens, Robert. "Dark age architecture in Rome." Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (November 1997): 177–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200010631.

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ARCHITETTURA DELLA DARK AGE A ROMANonostante un notevole numero di recenti scavi e ricerche, la visione generalmente accettata dell'architettura della Roma alto medievale resta quella di Richard Krautheimer. Il suo quadro ciclico consiste di una serie di fasi distinte che vanno dalla ‘basilica costantiniana a forma di T’, attraverso il ‘rinascimento sistino’ della metà del quinto secolo, al periodo bizantino del sesto e dell'inizio del settimo secolo, seguito dalla ‘Dark Age’ della durata di un secolo, ed infine, dal tardo ottavo secolo, il ‘rinascimento carolingio’. L'architettura del decimo secolo resta sconosciuta. Un chiaro contrasto viene delineato tra le tendenze occidentali e classicizzanti e quelle bizantine, tipicamente orientali, ed anche tra la minima attività dei periodi 640-772 e 860-1000 — le due dark ages — e la prolifica attività costruttiva del periodo carolingio. Quest'articolo fornisce dati sulle costruzioni del periodo, finora trascurato, delle due dark ages. Un corpus di chiese è presentato; questo si basa in parte su una nuova lettura delle notizie costruttive del Liber Pontificalis (640–772), ed anche sulle variegate ma scarse informazioni storiche sulle chiese del decimo secolo, così come sulle descrizioni degli oramai scomparsi palazzi del sedicesimo secolo e dei periodi successivi. Molte nuove informazioni derivanti da rilevamenti e recenti ricerche archeologiche viene presentata per specifici monumenti quali San Giorgio in Velabro, San Gregorio Nazianzeno, San Tommaso in Formis e San Cosimato. I risultati mostrano una sostanziale continuità di attività architettoniche in entrambi i periodi. L'accelerato programma costruttivo del cosiddetto ‘rinascimento carolingio’ sembra esser cominciato durante il pontificato di Gregorio III (731–41), e molte delle distinzioni, finora considerate chiare, tra l'architettura ‘carolingia’ e quella ‘orientale’ vengono messe in dubbio. Il decimo secolo si rivela essere un periodo di notevole attività, per lo più derivante da finanziamento privato.

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Coolidge, Robert T. "The Lives of the Ninth-Century Popes (Liber Pontificalis). Translated and commentary by Raymond Davis. Translated Texts for Historians 20. Liverpool, U.K.: Liverpool University Press, 1995. xvi + 334 pp." Church History 66, no. 3 (September 1997): 558–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169472.

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Landau, Peter. "Liber Pontificalis nella recensione di Pietro Guglielmo OSB e del card. Pandolfo glossato da Pietro Bohier OSB, vescovo di Orvieto. Introduzione — Testo — Indici a cura di Ulderico Prerovsky. 3 vol." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 72, no. 1 (August 1, 1986): 441–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgka.1986.72.1.441.

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Noble, Thomas F. X. "Agnelli Ravennatis. Liber pontificalis ecclesiae ravennatis. Edited by Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis. (Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis, 199.) Pp. 396. Turnhout: Brepols, 2006. €175. 2 503 04991 5; 2 503 03000 9." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 58, no. 3 (July 2007): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046907000942.

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Anlezark, Daniel. "Gregory the Great: Reader, Writer and Read." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001212.

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An episode unique to the late ninth-century Life of Gregory the Great by John the Deacon reports a famine that occurred in the year of Gregory’s death; a hostile party blamed the lavish generosity of the late pope for Rome’s suffering. The fury of the people was roused and they set out to burn Gregory’s books. However, the deacon Peter, Gregory’s familiarissimus, intervened to dissuade them, telling the people that Gregory’s works were directly inspired by God. As proof he asked God to take his life, and promptly dropped dead. This episode is not found in the earlier accounts of Gregory’s life: the brief account in the mid seventh-century Liber pontificalis, the early eighth-century Life by an anonymous monk of Whitby, and the mid eighth-century account by Paul the Deacon. Doubtful as John the Deacon’s account of the exchange between Peter and the mob may be, it does tell us something about the status of Gregory and his works in the mid 870s, when Pope John VIII commissioned the new hagiography. Gregory the Great became one of the most widely read authors of the Middle Ages, and even in his lifetime some of his works were eagerly sought after. With his popularity and influence Gregory not only added to the body of Christian literature, but also made a lasting contribution to the debate over what kinds of works it was appropriate for Christians to read. This essay will survey his works and discuss his ideas on reading and literature, and on the establishment of a Christian literary canon. The influence of Gregory’s works and ideas will be examined in relation to one particular medieval nation - Anglo-Saxon England. As the instigator of the Anglo-Saxon mission, Gregory enjoyed a great reputation as an author in Anglo-Saxon England, where his ideas on literature and society had a lasting impact.

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Bolton, Brenda. "‘A Faithful and Wise Servant’? Innocent III (1198–1216) Looks at his Household." Studies in Church History 50 (2014): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001649.

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Arriving at the Lateran on 8 January 1198, officials conducted Innocent III (born Lotari dei Conti di Segni) ceremonially to his apartments within the palace, there to rest, pray and dine.’ Foremost amongst his concerns was the household, last reformed by Gregory I (590–604). Whilst Innocent clearly adopted Gregory as his model, both for the shaping of his personal life as pope and for his understanding of the papal office, the young pope’s efforts to make his household as exemplary as that of his great predecessor have not received the attention they undoubtedly deserve. Gregory’s finest Life, composed c.875 by John, a Roman deacon, uses material from the early vitae, thus avoiding the ‘scrappy and grudging’ biography of the Liber pontificalis. Instead, John draws extensively on Gregory’s letters and the crumbling but then still extant papyrus volumes of the Registrum to demonstrate how this pope transformed his household into monastery, hospice and refuge. Three centuries later, the author of the Gesta Innocentii or Deeds of Innocent III could do no better than to adapt portions of John’s Life to highlight reforms not evidenced since the sixth century Like Gregory, Innocent wished to restore the ideas of the apostolic age to the Church. And where better to begin the spiritual renewal than within a reformed household? His inaugural sermon as pope on St Matthew’s faithful and wise servant accords perfectly with John the Deacon’s view of Gregory as paterfamilias Domini, head of the Lord’s household. Innocent, therefore, regarded the household not only as a metaphor for the congregation of the faithful but also, like Gregory before him, as a model to be used by missionaries to plant and nurture the faith throughout Christendom. Whilst the ongoing conversion of Livonia would provide Innocent with a rare opportunity to inculcate the Christian household within a pagan society, in the Patrimony of St Peter he diverged from Gregory’s path by purposeful itineration with his familia, thus initiating a public role for the household.

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Toubert, Pierre. "Le livre des papes. Liber pontificalis (492-891) , trad. et prés. par Michel AUBRUN, Turnhout, Brepols, 2007 ; 1 vol. in-8°, 326 p. ( Miroir du Moyen Âge ). ISBN : 978-2-503-52654-6. Prix : € 45,00." Le Moyen Age Tome CXIV, no. 2 (November 14, 2008): XXIX. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rma.142.0369zc.

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McKitterick, Rosamond. "The lives of the eighth-century popes {Liber pontificalis). Translated and edited by Raymond Davis. (Translated Texts for Historians, 13.) Pp. xx + 266 incl. 3 maps. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1992. £10. 0 85323 018 8." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 2 (April 1994): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900013269.

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Godden, M. R. "The Anglo-Saxons and the Goths: rewriting the sack of Rome." Anglo-Saxon England 31 (December 2002): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675102000030.

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On 24 August 410 the Goths under their king Alaric entered the city of Rome and spent three days pillaging it. They then moved south towards Sicily, possibly in the hope of escaping to Africa, but Alaric died and the Goths retreated back through Italy to Gaul, from where they were driven into Spain by Roman forces in 414. The sack of Rome was by all accounts of little material significance in the long and complex history of Roman engagement with barbarians; it was in fact the Goths' third visit to the city in three years, and on the previous occasion the senate had allowed them into Rome and collaborated with them in setting up the prefect of the city as emperor in opposition to Honorius, whose administration was based in Ravenna. Contemporary historians emphasized that the forces of the western empire had recovered their dominance within just three or four years at most, and recent historians have seen the attack on Rome as representing a failure on the part of the Goths, who had hoped to use the threat to Rome as a bargaining tool with the emperor in their pursuit of land and supplies. Honorius and his government seem to have been relatively untroubled. On the day after Alaric's seizure of Rome Honorius had time, from his palace in Ravenna, to issue an edict ordering that religious dissension among Christians in North Africa should cease and summoning a conference of all the Catholic and Donatist bishops to examine their dierences. The Liber pontificalis manages to give a quite detailed account of the time of Pope Innocent I (402–17) and his good works without once mentioning the Goths or the attack on Rome (Orosius explains that he happened to be away in Ravenna at the time). But the event acquired remarkable prominence, and a distinctive significance, in the Anglo-Saxon perception of their past, especially in the Alfredian period: it is mentioned prominently in two of Bede's historical works, in four of the Old English prose works associated with King Alfred, and in Æthelweard's Chronicle; it is the context and end-point of the Old English version of Orosius's History of the World; and it is the starting-point of King Alfred's account of Boethius. I want here to explore its developing significance for the Anglo-Saxons, and particularly for the Alfredian world.

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Harries, Jill. "Raymond Davis (tr.): The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis). The Ancient biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to AD 715. (Translated Texts for Historians, Latin Series, 5.) Pp. xlvii + 130; 2maps. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989. Paper, £8.50." Classical Review 41, no. 1 (April 1991): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00278426.

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Bougard, François. "Rosamond McKitterick, Rome and the Invention of the Papacy: The “Liber Pontificalis.” (The James Lydon Lectures in Medieval History and Culture.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. xvii, 271; 2 figures. $39.99. ISBN: 978-1-1088-3682-1." Speculum 97, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/717708.

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Lynch, John E. "The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to A.D. 715. Edited and translated by Raymond Davis. Translated Texts for Historians, Latin Series 5. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989. xlviii + 129 pp. £8.50." Church History 60, no. 1 (March 1991): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168576.

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