Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal Catholic Church'
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Journal articles on the topic "Liberal Catholic Church"
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Zajc, Marko. "Slovenian Press and Russia in the late XIX — early XX centuries: attitude to K.P. Pobedonostsev." Russian-Slovenian relations in the twentieth century, no. IV (2018): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8562.2018.4.2.1.
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Life and work of K.P. Pobedonostsev were known to the Slovenian public, primarily thanks to the German press. The liberal public looked sympathetically at the understanding of the Orthodox Church as a people`s Church and on Pobedonostsev’s faith in the “strong” Russian people. Also, the Catholic Slovenian public emphasized that Russia needed to be understood, and also sympathized to Pobedonostsev’s ideas about the place of faith in society. But on the other hand, especially the Catholic press condemned him for caesaropapism and for persecutions against Catholics. For both liberal and Catholic critics, it was problematic to assess his attitude towards democracy and parliamentarism, although both of them agreed that Pobedonostsev’s criticism was fair.
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Szlachta, Bogdan. "The catholic church in liberal democracy." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, no. 2 (November 24, 2021): 104–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.2.6.
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The concept of human rights, supposedly of universal importance, is usually derived from the tradition referred to as ‘Western’. Although the ‘classic approaches’ – Greek, Roman and Christian, refer to the norms of natural law, making them the basis or limits of the rights of individuals, in modern approaches the relation is reserved, in the manner that rights become primary to norms. Although liberals of the 17th and 18th centuries consider the law of nature as a tool for their protection, starting from the 19th century, the rights (already called human rights) have been increasingly perceived as positive abilities to articulate own, subjective preferences of individuals. This evolution needs to be accounted for in the studies carried out by representatives of various cultures, since the comprehension of an individual (and even a ‘human person’ as in contemporary Catholic social teaching) as an essentially culturally unconditioned one, is its ineradicable element.
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Village, Andrew. "Liberalism and Conservatism in Relation to Psychological Type among Church of England Clergy." Journal of Empirical Theology 32, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341384.
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Abstract Liberalism and conservatism have been important stances that have shaped doctrinal, moral and ecclesial beliefs and practices in Christianity. In the Church of England, Anglo-catholics are generally more liberal, and evangelicals more conservative, than those from broad-church congregations. This paper tests the idea that psychological preference may also partly explain liberalism or conservatism in the Church of England. Data from 1,389 clergy, collected as part of the 2013 Church Growth Research Programme, were used to categorise individuals by church tradition (Anglo-catholic, broad church or evangelical), whether or not they had an Epimethean psychological temperament, and whether or not they preferred thinking over feeling in their psychological judging process. Epimetheans and those who preferred thinking were more likely to rate themselves as conservative rather than liberal. Conservatism was associated with being Epimethean among those who were Anglo-catholic or broad-church, but with preference for thinking over feeling among evangelicals.
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De Stradis, Susanna. "Defending the Nation Under God: Global Catholicism, the Supreme Court, and the Secularist Specter (1946–1963)." Religion and American Culture 32, no. 2 (2022): 267–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2022.9.
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ABSRACTThis essay relies on American and newly available Vatican archival sources to reconstruct the ins and outs of the U.S. Catholic Church's involvement in First Amendment litigation between the 1940s and the 1960s. These reveal how Catholic leaders, far from urging the demise of the de facto Protestant establishment, cooperated with Protestants to protect it from legal challenges. They did so not because gaining the acceptance of their non-Catholic neighbors was their paramount concern, nor because American Catholics were more “liberal” than their Roman counterparts. Rather, they saw the “Nation under God” as effectively addressing traditional Catholic critiques of the liberal principle of church-state separation—and therefore a project worthy of their commitment. Ironically, while pursuing goals fully compatible with Roman orthodoxy, they found themselves allied with evangelist Billy Graham and Gideons International long before the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) and Roe v. Wade (1973).
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Forbes, James. "“A Deplorable Speech”: The Liberal Party vs. Anti-Catholicism during the Alexander Mackenzie Administration, 1873–1878." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 28, no. 1 (August 2, 2018): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050899ar.
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After decades of raising the “no popery” cry and fighting for the strict separation of church and state, Canada’s Liberal Party leaders began in the 1870s to distance themselves from their previous reputation for anti-Catholicism and from their hardline approach to church-state policy. This article examines the Alexander Mackenzie administration’s response to the Argenteuil Speech of 1875, in which Liberal cabinet minister Lucius Huntington called for all Protestants to unite with liberal Catholics to challenge the Roman Catholic Church’s rising political influence in Canada. Although several prominent Protestants applauded the speech, and Prime Minister Mackenzie himself privately admitted his agreement, the administration publicly condemned the speech as anti-Catholic and effectively crushed Huntington’s vision for the party. By forcing the party leaders to choose between their historic principles and their broader electoral appeal, Huntington’s “deplorable speech” facilitated a turning point in the Liberal Party’s approach to religious matters.
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Scholl, Sarah. "Freedom in the Congregation? Culture Wars, Individual Rights, and National Churches in Switzerland (1848–1907)." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720001286.
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AbstractThis paper aims to examine political, ecclesiastic, and theological changes in Switzerland during the time of the nineteenth-century culture wars. It analyzes the reforms of the churches undertaken during that period in correlation with the evolution of various social and cultural elements, in particular the ever-greater confessional diversity within the territory and the demand for religious freedom. After an initial general accounting of the history of Swiss institutions (state, Catholic, and Protestant national churches), the article explores an example of a liberal church reform that took place in Geneva in 1873: the creation of a Catholic Church defined simultaneously as Christian, national, liberal, and related to the German Old Catholic movement. It fashioned a new community in keeping with the idea that freedom of conscience should be implemented within the church, thereby meeting strong resistance from Roman Catholics. The article closes with a return to the broader Swiss context, arguing that freedom of belief and of worship was finally enshrined in the 1874 Swiss constitution as a result of the growing divisions among Christians over the compatibility of liberal values with Christian theology and the subsequent rise of a new confessionalism.
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Meyer Resende, Madalena, and Anja Hennig. "Polish Catholic Bishops, Nationalism and Liberal Democracy." Religions 12, no. 2 (January 30, 2021): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020094.
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The alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government has been widely reported and resulted in significant benefits for the Church. However, beginning in mid-2016, the top church leadership, including the Episcopal Conference, has distanced itself from the government and condemned its use of National Catholicism as legitimation rhetoric for the government’s malpractices in the fields of human rights and democracy. How to account for this behavior? The article proposes two explanations. The first is that the alliance of the PiS with the nationalist wing of the Church, while legitimating its illiberal refugee policy and attacks on democratic institutions of the government, further radicalized the National Catholic faction of the Polish Church and motivated a reaction of the liberal and mainstream conservative prelates. The leaders of the Episcopate, facing an empowered and radical National Catholic faction, pushed back with a doctrinal clarification of Catholic orthodoxy. The second explanatory path considers the transnational influence of Catholicism, in particular of Pope Francis’ intervention in favor of refugee rights as prompting the mainstream bishops to reestablish the Catholic orthodoxy. The article starts by tracing the opposition of the Bishops Conference and liberal prelates to the government’s refugee and autocratizing policies. Second, it describes the dynamics of the Church’s internal polarization during the PiS government. Third, it traces and contextualizes the intervention of Pope Francis during the asylum political crisis (2015–2016). Fourth, it portrays their respective impact: while the Pope’s intervention triggered the bishops’ response, the deepening rifts between liberal and nationalist factions of Polish Catholicism are the ground cause for the reaction.
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Etchegaray, Roger Cardinal, and Translated by Mei Lin Chang. "The Catholic Church Vis-à-Vis Liberal Society." Common Knowledge 25, no. 1-3 (April 1, 2019): 357–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7299474.
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Cardinal Etchegaray argues here that the dialogue between church and state, with both parties rooted in sometimes conflicting absolute claims and values, has become more recently a wider-ranging dialogue between the church and a pluralist, relativist liberal society. The very definition of “liberal society” is open to argument, and the church may find elements to commend or oppose in any given definition. Since the nineteenth century the church has often found itself in opposition to various ideas of “liberty,” especially those that represent an idolatry of absolute rights that push aside Christian spiritual and moral concerns. Now that liberalism has become the pervasive model for society, the church finds it may more easily express its critique, with the aim of making society more conducive to allowing people to become fully human. Indeed, the church provides a necessary check on the excesses of liberal society, particularly those of capitalism and democratic populism. Its essential point is the transcendent dimension of the human person—our connection with the divine. The pursuit of economic and political ends needs to be governed by a concern for the ethical, itself founded on the divine. Liberal society will only live up to its own highest aspirations through promoting self-mastery and an awareness that humanity’s freedom is ultimately found only in God.
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McGrath, Michael. "The narrow road: Harry Midgley and Catholic schools in Northern Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 119 (May 1997): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013249.
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The Ministry of Education was, and remains, the most important government department for the Catholic church in Northern Ireland. As Cormack, Gallagher and Osborne note, The Department of Education in Northern Ireland occupies a distinctive place in terms of the general relationships between the government and the Catholic community. Throughout the period since the creation of Northern Ireland, the most significant social institution over which the Catholic community has exercised control, principally through the Catholic church, has been the Catholic education system.The devolved government appeared to recognise Catholic educational interests by usually appointing as Minister of Education one of the more liberal figures within the Ulster Unionist Party such as Lord Londonderry, Lord Charlemont and Samuel Hall-Thompson. However, in the first week of 1950 Sir Basil Brooke ‘surprised everyone, and appalled Catholics’ by appointing Harry Midgley, an avowed opponent of the Catholic clergy and autonomous Catholic schools, as Northern Ireland’s sixth Minister of Education.
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Tinikashvili, David. "Saint George the Hagiorite and the Roman Church." Kadmos 5 (2013): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32859/kadmos/5/28-43.
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The article focuses on the liberal attitude of a Georgian Orthodox saint toward the Roman Catholic Church after Great schism in 1054. The views in favour of Roman Catholics were expressed by George the Hagiorite in a speech delivered by him before the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Doukas in 1065. He declared that “no heresy has ever been introduced" into the Roman Church. It is also well-known that St. George has translated the Athanasius’ Creed of Faith which clearly contains a filioque clause. No comment had been made to inform readers that the filioque was unacceptable for the Eastern Orthodox Church. Saint George had a loyal attitude towards Roman Catholic practice as well.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberal Catholic Church"
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Shuttlesworth, William T. (William Theron). "Lord Acton and the Liberal Catholic Movement, 1858-1875." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500577/.
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John Dalberg Acton, a German-educated historian, rose to prominence in late Victorian England is an editor of The Rambler and a leader of the Liberal Catholic Movement. His struggle against Ultramontanism reached its climax at the Vatican Council, 1869-1870, which endorsed the dogma of Papal Infallibility and effectively ended the Liberal Catholic Movement. Acton's position on the Vatican Decrees remained equivocal until the Gladstone controversy of 1874 forced him to take a stand, but even his statement of submission failed to satisfy some Ultramontanists. This study, based largely on Acton's published letters and essays, concludes that obedience to Rome did not contradict his advocacy of freedom of conscience, which also placed limits on Papal Infallibility.
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Coffey, Quinn. "The political, communal and religious dynamics of Palestinian Christian identity : the Eastern Orthodox and Latin Catholics in the West Bank." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9598.
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Despite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society. This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.
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Roca, René. "Bernhard Meyer und der liberale Katholizismus der Sonderbundszeit Religion und Politik in Luzern (1830-1848) /." Bern : Lang, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51654915.html.
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Dolezal, James E. "Unity without uniformity taking account of John Owen's nonconformity /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2007. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p036-0388.
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SANA, Peter. "A dimens?o educativa do pensamento e da a??o de D. Adriano Hyp?lito nas lutas sociais da Baixada Fluminense no per?odo da ditadura militar (1964-1985)." Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro, 2015. https://tede.ufrrj.br/jspui/handle/jspui/2063.
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The work titled as "The educational dimension of the thought and the action D. Adriano Hyp?lito in the social struggles of the Baixada Fluminense during the military dictatorship (1964-1985)", investigated since the formation of the thought of the Catholic Church in Brazil, it's share the colonial, imperial and republican education to date that corresponds to the decision-making by senior ecclesiastical hierarchy, depending on the situation which was driven to coexist in opting for the poorest in society. During the first half of the twentieth century Church, with its conservative nature, seeks the most influential means to ally and so take him a role in active participation of society, whether in the case of formal education means such as schools and seminars, even in the informal means such as the press, radio and television media. The political education now has an importance for the Church in as observing situation in Latin America, it is noticed that the less affluent classes of society suffered from injustice and social inequality. It was in this way that there were some sectors of the Catholic Church, strengthened by the Vatican Council and the Medellin and Puebla conferences, sought more active forms of political activity in the mobilization and politicization of the masses, uniting faith to fight for social justice. In this context that the figure of the Bishop Adriano Mandarino Hyp?lito in the Baixada Fluminense, when in 1966, already observing the political structure set up after the 1964 coup, took over the Nova Igua?u Diocese and joined the movement called Liberation Theology and spent to take a leadership attitude toward the union, social movements, and lay and religious who sought social equality and improvements in the most important sectors of society such as education, health, sanitation, land reform and policy, etc. The participation of Nova Igua?u bishop made the conservative sectors of the Church reacted against his bishopric, as well as the current military government and the economic elite, seeking to end the wave of political awareness of the people, exploited by organizations such as the Christian Communities Base and Neighborhood Friends Movement, these who had the guidance and funding for the Church proposed by Don Adriano de bishopric in line with the situation of struggle and resistance against the military regime and social inequalities and injustices caused by the current system.
No trabalho intitulado como "A dimens?o educativa do pensamento e da a??o de D. Adriano Hyp?lito nas lutas sociais da Baixada Fluminense no per?odo da ditadura militar (1964-1985)", investigamos desde a forma??o do pensamento da Igreja Cat?lica no Brasil, sua participa??o na educa??o colonial, imperial e republicana at? o momento que corresponde ? tomada de decis?o por parte da alta hierarquia eclesi?stica, em fun??o da conjuntura a qual foi impulsionada a coexistir, em optar pelos mais pobres da sociedade. Durante a primeira metade do s?culo XX a Igreja com seu car?ter conservador busca os meios mais influentes para aliar-se e assim tomar para si uma import?ncia na participa??o ativa da sociedade, quer seja no ?mbito dos meios formais de educa??o como escolas e semin?rios, at? nos meios informais como a m?dia impressa, radiof?nica e televisiva. A forma??o pol?tica passou a ter uma import?ncia para a Igreja na medida que observando conjuntura da Am?rica Latina, percebe-se que as classes menos abastadas da sociedade sofriam com a injusti?a e desigualdade social. Foi desta maneira que surgiram alguns setores da Igreja Cat?lica que, fortalecidos pelo Conc?lio Vaticano e as Confer?ncias de Medell?n e Puebla, buscaram formas mais ativas de atua??o pol?tica na mobiliza??o e politiza??o das massas, unindo f? ? luta por justi?a social. Neste contexto que surgiu a figura do Bispo Dom Adriano Mandarino Hyp?lito na Baixada Fluminense, quando no ano de 1966, j? observando a estrutura pol?tica montada ap?s o golpe de 1964, assumiu a Diocese de Nova Igua?u e aderiu o movimento denominado Teologia da Liberta??o e passou a ter uma postura de lideran?a diante dos movimentos sindicais, sociais, e dos leigos e religiosos que buscavam igualdade social e melhorias nos setores mais importantes da sociedade como a educa??o, sa?de, saneamento b?sico, reforma agr?ria e pol?tica, etc. A participa??o do bispo de Nova Igua?u fez com que os setores conservadores da pr?pria Igreja reagissem contra seu bispado, assim como o governo militar vigente e a elite econ?mica, buscando terminar com a onda de conscientiza??o pol?tica do povo, instrumentalizada por organiza??es como as Comunidades Eclesiais de Base e Movimento Amigos de Bairro, estes que tiveram a orienta??o e financiamento pela Igreja proposta pelo bispado de Dom Adriano em conson?ncia com a conjuntura de luta e resist?ncia contra o regime militar e as desigualdades e injusti?as sociais provocadas pelo sistema vigente.
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Pereira, Danillo Rangell Pinheiro. "Concep??es da hist?ria na Teologia da Liberta??o e conflitos de representa??o na Igreja Cat?lica (1971-1989)." Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana, 2013. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/278.
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In this research we seek to study some main intellectual elaborations of Liberation Theology. From reading some of the works of two important theologians of this current, Clodovis Boff and Leonardo Boff, we reflect on the conceptions of history that are present in their writings published between the years from 1971 to 1989. Such theological formulations defended by the two authors are part of a non-hegemonic current within the Catholic Church. Attempting to contextualize more widely the dialogue between the movement in question and the History, we analyze the contributions of the Comiss?o de Estudos e Hist?ria da Igreja na Am?rica Latina (CEHILA) for the historiography of religion in Brazil and also its contributions to think critically and self-criticism the history of Christianity in Latin America. Lastly we also discuss some reactions to the theologians of Liberation and its incorporation of historiography and marxism, by other segment theologians, of that Church. About significant group of those critics, we limit ourselves to analyze the criticisms of Liberation Theology through documents published by four of these defenders of Catholic Orthodoxy: Joseph Ratzinger, Friar Boaventura Kloppenburg, Urban Ziles and Karl Josef Romer. The intention is to identify the different conceptions of history and the conflicts of representation within the Catholic Church.
Nesta pesquisa buscamos estudar algumas das principais elabora??es intelectuais da Teologia da Liberta??o. A partir da leitura de algumas das obras de dois importantes te?logos desta corrente, Clodovis Boff e Leonardo Boff, refletimos sobre as concep??es de Hist?ria presentes nos seus escritos publicados entre os anos de 1971 a 1989. Tais formula??es teol?gicas defendidas pelos dois autores fazem parte de uma corrente n?o hegem?nica no interior da Igreja Cat?lica. Na tentativa de contextualizar mais amplamente o di?logo entre o movimento em quest?o e a Hist?ria, analisamos as contribui??es da Comiss?o de Estudos e Hist?ria da Igreja na Am?rica Latina (Cehila) para a historiografia sobre a religi?o no Brasil e suas contribui??es, tamb?m, para se pensar de maneira cr?tica e autocr?tica a Hist?ria do Cristianismo na Am?rica Latina. Por fim discutimos algumas rea??es aos Te?logos da Liberta??o e sua incorpora??o da historiografia e do marxismo, por parte de outro segmento de te?logos, da referida Igreja. No significativo contingente destes cr?ticos nos limitamos ? an?lise das cr?ticas feitas a Teologia da Liberta??o por meio de documentos publicados por quatro desses defensores da ortodoxia cat?lica: Joseph Ratzinger, Frei Boaventura Kloppenburg, Urbano Ziles e Karl Josef Romer. A inten??o foi identificar as distintas concep??es da Hist?ria e os conflitos de representa??o no interior da Igreja Cat?lica.
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"The liberal spirit and anti-liberal discourse of John Henry Newman." 2010. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5894474.
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Mong, Ih-ren Ambrose.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-144).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1. --- "What, then, does Dr. Newman mean by Liberalism?" --- p.7
Chapter 2 --- Biographical Sketch --- p.22
Chapter 3 --- A Critic of Liberalism --- p.46
Chapter 4 --- The Liberalism of Newman --- p.80
Chapter 5 --- Newman's Liberalism in the Context of Contemporary Pluralism --- p.103
Conclusion --- p.131
Bibliography --- p.139
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Delgado, Laura E. "Intellectual in flux the development of liberal Catholic thought in Alceu Amoroso Lima /." Diss., 2010. http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/available/etd-03312010-151416/.
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Mijangos, Pablo. "The lawyer of the Church : Bishop Clemente de Jesús Munguía and the ecclesiastical response to the liberal revolution in Mexico (1810-1868)." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2009-08-176.
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This dissertation examines the Catholic Church’s response to the mid-nineteenth century Mexican liberal Reforma through a study of the life and work of Bishop Clemente de Jesús Munguía (1810-1868), one of the most influential yet least-known ecclesiastical intellectuals of the period. A lawyer by profession, Clemente Munguía was first professor and then rector of the Morelia diocesan seminary, where he undertook a major reform of the school’s curriculum and also composed several textbooks on a variety of subjects, including grammar, literature, rhetoric, philosophy, theology, and law. Appointed Bishop of Michoacán in October 1850, Munguía distinguished himself for his staunch opposition to the state’s encroachment on the Church, as well as for his insistence on the need for religious intolerance in what he imagined as an “exclusively Catholic” nation. His protests against the 1857 Constitution and the liberal legislation enacted by President Ignacio Comonfort were a key factor in the outbreak of the Civil War of the Reform (1858-1860) and the subsequent French intervention (1862-1867), which resulted in the separation of Church and state and the collapse of Mexican conservatism.
Unlike previous studies, this dissertation argues that Bishop Munguía’s opposition to the Reforma derived not from a blind “reactionary” intransigence, but instead from his desire to emancipate the Church from the subordinate status it had under the colonial ancien régime. Far from the stereotype of a backward and parochial intellectual, Munguía was a sophisticated scholar who sought to reconcile Catholicism with the larger currents of thought of the Atlantic Republic of letters. Indeed, he believed that the liberal revolution should be countered “with its own weapons,” a conviction which first led him to frame the defense of ecclesiastical prerogatives in the language of modern natural law, and then to claim for the Church the very power of constitutional interpretation. Although Munguía’s ideal of a “Catholic republic” became unfeasible after the liberals’ final victory in 1867, his efforts at consolidating ecclesiastical independence paved the way for both the Romanization and the social activism that characterized the Mexican Church during the latter half of the nineteenth century.text
Books on the topic "Liberal Catholic Church"
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Patrick, Jordan, and Baumann Paul, eds. Commonweal confronts the century: Liberal convictions, Catholic traditions. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1999.
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Catholic social thought and liberal institutions: Freedom with justice. 2nd ed. New Brunswick, U.S.A: Transaction, 1989.
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John, Deltete Robert, ed. A brief, liberal, Catholic defense of abortion. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000.
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Cárdenas, Eduardo. América Latina: La iglesia en el siglo liberal. Santafé de Bogotá: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 1996.
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Toribio, José Manuel Cuenca. La Iglesia española ante la revolución liberal. Madrid: CEU Ediciones, 2011.
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Before infallibility: Liberal Catholicism in Biedermeier Vienna. Rutherford, [N.J.]: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1990.
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Cuestión religiosa: España y México en la época liberal. Santander: Ediciones Universidad Cantabria, 2013.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Liberal Catholic Church"
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de Kadt, Emanuel. "Liberalism in the Roman Catholic Church." In Liberal Religion, 74–94. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in religion ; 64: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351185639-4.
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Dawes, Helena. "The Italian State, the Catholic Church and Women." In Catholic Women’s Movements in Liberal and Fascist Italy, 8–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137406347_2.
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García Portilla, Jason. "d) Colombia: Extreme Negative Case Study." In “Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”, 319–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_21.
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AbstractThe vital role of Roman Catholicism in establishing the social, political, institutional, and religious status quo in Colombia is plainly evident and well-documented. Since the Middle Ages, no other country has enforced such a complete integration of church and state (ideal medieval Christendom), as reflected in Colombia’s Concordat. In Colombia, liberal attempts failed repeatedly and resulted in violent conflicts in which the Roman Catholic Church-State closed ranks with conservatives and imposed a corporatist medieval-like state. The largely successful project pursued by the Roman Church-State in Colombia (so-called Christilandia) consists of three pillars: (1) political (a confessional state); (2) economic (a corporatist state); and (3) cultural (a Catholic and conservative “Hispanicism”).In the 1991 Constitution, Protestantism allied itself with liberal forces. This alliance made it possible to finally introduce religious freedom, among others, by removing most of the contentious articles from the Concordat (nevertheless, the Concordat remains valid, as does institutional corporatism). In spite of these reforms, the Colombian government is still required to pay a fee to the Roman See. Religious instruction in public schools according to the Roman Church Magisterium for Catholics also remains firmly in place. Colombia remains one of the most inequitable and dangerous countries in the world.
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García Portilla, Jason. "Summary Overview of the Four Case Studies." In “Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”, 329–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_22.
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AbstractThis chapter presents a brief comparative summary overview of the four cases.In Switzerland, most conservative Catholics escaped modernisation and centralism by relocating to the mountains, while Liberals and Protestants mostly remained in flat areas that became industrialised (Obinger, 2009). The federal government has been mainly liberal (anti-clerical) and close to Protestantism. Likewise, the Protestant population was in the majority until the 1970s. Currently, the Protestant cantons are the most competitive, while the mountainous Roman Catholic cantons are the least competitive.Uruguay exhibits the highest levels of social progress in Latin America (Sect. 10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_4#Sec2) as well as high safety. Along with Chile, it is the only country in Latin America with low perceptions of corruption. Further, Uruguay is by far Latin America’s most secular country with the lowest religiosity and lowest proportion of Roman Catholics on the continent. The Roman Catholic Church-State did not significantly establish itself in Uruguay, unlike in most Latin American countries. After gaining independence in 1828, Uruguay continued a secular direction with the recognition of civil unions in 1837. In 1917, the Uruguayan constitution completely separated church and state.Cuba ranks in the middle of world distribution on the transparency index. Compared to the cases studied (Europe and the Americas), the countries clustering with Cuba exhibit moderate to high corruption due to their Socialist Legal Origin.Colombia is one of the most inequitable and dangerous countries in the world. A “Catholic and conservative hegemony” has existed in Colombia until 1991, when the Constitution of Rights was promulgated and religious pluralism became legally recognised. However, as a result of centuries of hegemony, the Roman Catholic Church-State still enjoys ample privileges with the Colombian state.
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Waltman, Jerold. "Boerne, Texas, and St. Peter Apostolic Catholic Church." In Congress, the Supreme Court, and Religious Liberty, 31–45. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137300645_3.
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García Portilla, Jason. "a) Switzerland: Extreme Positive Case Study (Worldwide)." In “Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”, 269–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_18.
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AbstractHistorically, Switzerland’s population and cantonal system have been characterised by mixed denominational distribution (Roman Catholics and Protestants). Even if the two main denominations have not always coexisted harmoniously, and despite internal differences, Switzerland is nowadays the most competitive (prosperous) country worldwide with well-recognised political, economic, and social stability.The Swiss case explored the nexuses of prosperity and of a religiously mixed society in which the Protestant Reformation played a prominent historical role in shaping federal institutions. Following the 1848 anti-clerical Constitution, many Conservative Catholics remained in mountainous and rural areas, in an attempt to keep the ancient order. The Catholic ancient order included maintaining the pervasive influence of the Roman Church-State on virtually every moral and social aspect, including education (i.e. the “maintenance of ignorance”). In turn, liberals and Protestants mostly remained in flat areas that were subsequently industrialised. Currently, the historical Protestant cantons tend to be the most competitive, and the mountainous Roman Catholic cantons the least competitive, in the Swiss Confederation. Historically mixed confessional cantons (e.g. Thurgau and St. Gallen) perform in the middle of the cantonal ranking of competitiveness (11th and 13th, respectively, out of 26 cantons). Protestantism in Switzerland may have also contributed to prosperity via democratisation, state secularism and the creation of trust and moral standards. Yet, the influence of Protestantism owes more to its accumulated historical impact on institutions than to the proportion of current followers.
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Oftestad, Bernt T. "Church – freedom – history." In The Catholic Church and Liberal Democracy, 113–37. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229102-9.
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Oftestad, Bernt T. "Revolution, religion and Church." In The Catholic Church and Liberal Democracy, 30–41. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229102-3.
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Schmidt, Regin. "The FBI and the Catholic Church." In FBI and Religion. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520287273.003.0007.
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The relationship between the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Catholic Church was complex and changed over time. It is well-known that the bureau and the hierarchy of the church cooperated and supported each other during the early part of the Cold War. However, there is more to the story than that. This chapter explains how the bureau, for a number of reasons, pursued a relationship with Catholics during the late 1930s and World War II. As the author explains, however, the Catholic Church was never a monolithic entity, and the bureau maintained surveillance of progressive and radical Catholics who questioned the Cold War consensus. This chapter will focus on a little-known event at the end of World War II when the bureau played an important role in influencing the hierarchy of the Catholic Church to abandon its traditional liberal (or positive) anticommunism for a conservative (or negative) anticommunism.
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Oftestad, Bernt T. "Introduction." In The Catholic Church and Liberal Democracy, 1–16. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229102-1.
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