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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal Catholic Church'
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1
Zajc, Marko. "Slovenian Press and Russia in the late XIX — early XX centuries: attitude to K.P. Pobedonostsev." Russian-Slovenian relations in the twentieth century, no. IV (2018): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8562.2018.4.2.1.
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Life and work of K.P. Pobedonostsev were known to the Slovenian public, primarily thanks to the German press. The liberal public looked sympathetically at the understanding of the Orthodox Church as a people`s Church and on Pobedonostsev’s faith in the “strong” Russian people. Also, the Catholic Slovenian public emphasized that Russia needed to be understood, and also sympathized to Pobedonostsev’s ideas about the place of faith in society. But on the other hand, especially the Catholic press condemned him for caesaropapism and for persecutions against Catholics. For both liberal and Catholic critics, it was problematic to assess his attitude towards democracy and parliamentarism, although both of them agreed that Pobedonostsev’s criticism was fair.
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Szlachta, Bogdan. "The catholic church in liberal democracy." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 9, no. 2 (November 24, 2021): 104–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2021.2.6.
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The concept of human rights, supposedly of universal importance, is usually derived from the tradition referred to as ‘Western’. Although the ‘classic approaches’ – Greek, Roman and Christian, refer to the norms of natural law, making them the basis or limits of the rights of individuals, in modern approaches the relation is reserved, in the manner that rights become primary to norms. Although liberals of the 17th and 18th centuries consider the law of nature as a tool for their protection, starting from the 19th century, the rights (already called human rights) have been increasingly perceived as positive abilities to articulate own, subjective preferences of individuals. This evolution needs to be accounted for in the studies carried out by representatives of various cultures, since the comprehension of an individual (and even a ‘human person’ as in contemporary Catholic social teaching) as an essentially culturally unconditioned one, is its ineradicable element.
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Village, Andrew. "Liberalism and Conservatism in Relation to Psychological Type among Church of England Clergy." Journal of Empirical Theology 32, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341384.
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Abstract Liberalism and conservatism have been important stances that have shaped doctrinal, moral and ecclesial beliefs and practices in Christianity. In the Church of England, Anglo-catholics are generally more liberal, and evangelicals more conservative, than those from broad-church congregations. This paper tests the idea that psychological preference may also partly explain liberalism or conservatism in the Church of England. Data from 1,389 clergy, collected as part of the 2013 Church Growth Research Programme, were used to categorise individuals by church tradition (Anglo-catholic, broad church or evangelical), whether or not they had an Epimethean psychological temperament, and whether or not they preferred thinking over feeling in their psychological judging process. Epimetheans and those who preferred thinking were more likely to rate themselves as conservative rather than liberal. Conservatism was associated with being Epimethean among those who were Anglo-catholic or broad-church, but with preference for thinking over feeling among evangelicals.
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De Stradis, Susanna. "Defending the Nation Under God: Global Catholicism, the Supreme Court, and the Secularist Specter (1946–1963)." Religion and American Culture 32, no. 2 (2022): 267–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2022.9.
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ABSRACTThis essay relies on American and newly available Vatican archival sources to reconstruct the ins and outs of the U.S. Catholic Church's involvement in First Amendment litigation between the 1940s and the 1960s. These reveal how Catholic leaders, far from urging the demise of the de facto Protestant establishment, cooperated with Protestants to protect it from legal challenges. They did so not because gaining the acceptance of their non-Catholic neighbors was their paramount concern, nor because American Catholics were more “liberal” than their Roman counterparts. Rather, they saw the “Nation under God” as effectively addressing traditional Catholic critiques of the liberal principle of church-state separation—and therefore a project worthy of their commitment. Ironically, while pursuing goals fully compatible with Roman orthodoxy, they found themselves allied with evangelist Billy Graham and Gideons International long before the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) and Roe v. Wade (1973).
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Forbes, James. "“A Deplorable Speech”: The Liberal Party vs. Anti-Catholicism during the Alexander Mackenzie Administration, 1873–1878." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 28, no. 1 (August 2, 2018): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050899ar.
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After decades of raising the “no popery” cry and fighting for the strict separation of church and state, Canada’s Liberal Party leaders began in the 1870s to distance themselves from their previous reputation for anti-Catholicism and from their hardline approach to church-state policy. This article examines the Alexander Mackenzie administration’s response to the Argenteuil Speech of 1875, in which Liberal cabinet minister Lucius Huntington called for all Protestants to unite with liberal Catholics to challenge the Roman Catholic Church’s rising political influence in Canada. Although several prominent Protestants applauded the speech, and Prime Minister Mackenzie himself privately admitted his agreement, the administration publicly condemned the speech as anti-Catholic and effectively crushed Huntington’s vision for the party. By forcing the party leaders to choose between their historic principles and their broader electoral appeal, Huntington’s “deplorable speech” facilitated a turning point in the Liberal Party’s approach to religious matters.
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Scholl, Sarah. "Freedom in the Congregation? Culture Wars, Individual Rights, and National Churches in Switzerland (1848–1907)." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720001286.
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AbstractThis paper aims to examine political, ecclesiastic, and theological changes in Switzerland during the time of the nineteenth-century culture wars. It analyzes the reforms of the churches undertaken during that period in correlation with the evolution of various social and cultural elements, in particular the ever-greater confessional diversity within the territory and the demand for religious freedom. After an initial general accounting of the history of Swiss institutions (state, Catholic, and Protestant national churches), the article explores an example of a liberal church reform that took place in Geneva in 1873: the creation of a Catholic Church defined simultaneously as Christian, national, liberal, and related to the German Old Catholic movement. It fashioned a new community in keeping with the idea that freedom of conscience should be implemented within the church, thereby meeting strong resistance from Roman Catholics. The article closes with a return to the broader Swiss context, arguing that freedom of belief and of worship was finally enshrined in the 1874 Swiss constitution as a result of the growing divisions among Christians over the compatibility of liberal values with Christian theology and the subsequent rise of a new confessionalism.
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Meyer Resende, Madalena, and Anja Hennig. "Polish Catholic Bishops, Nationalism and Liberal Democracy." Religions 12, no. 2 (January 30, 2021): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12020094.
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The alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government has been widely reported and resulted in significant benefits for the Church. However, beginning in mid-2016, the top church leadership, including the Episcopal Conference, has distanced itself from the government and condemned its use of National Catholicism as legitimation rhetoric for the government’s malpractices in the fields of human rights and democracy. How to account for this behavior? The article proposes two explanations. The first is that the alliance of the PiS with the nationalist wing of the Church, while legitimating its illiberal refugee policy and attacks on democratic institutions of the government, further radicalized the National Catholic faction of the Polish Church and motivated a reaction of the liberal and mainstream conservative prelates. The leaders of the Episcopate, facing an empowered and radical National Catholic faction, pushed back with a doctrinal clarification of Catholic orthodoxy. The second explanatory path considers the transnational influence of Catholicism, in particular of Pope Francis’ intervention in favor of refugee rights as prompting the mainstream bishops to reestablish the Catholic orthodoxy. The article starts by tracing the opposition of the Bishops Conference and liberal prelates to the government’s refugee and autocratizing policies. Second, it describes the dynamics of the Church’s internal polarization during the PiS government. Third, it traces and contextualizes the intervention of Pope Francis during the asylum political crisis (2015–2016). Fourth, it portrays their respective impact: while the Pope’s intervention triggered the bishops’ response, the deepening rifts between liberal and nationalist factions of Polish Catholicism are the ground cause for the reaction.
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Etchegaray, Roger Cardinal, and Translated by Mei Lin Chang. "The Catholic Church Vis-à-Vis Liberal Society." Common Knowledge 25, no. 1-3 (April 1, 2019): 357–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7299474.
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Cardinal Etchegaray argues here that the dialogue between church and state, with both parties rooted in sometimes conflicting absolute claims and values, has become more recently a wider-ranging dialogue between the church and a pluralist, relativist liberal society. The very definition of “liberal society” is open to argument, and the church may find elements to commend or oppose in any given definition. Since the nineteenth century the church has often found itself in opposition to various ideas of “liberty,” especially those that represent an idolatry of absolute rights that push aside Christian spiritual and moral concerns. Now that liberalism has become the pervasive model for society, the church finds it may more easily express its critique, with the aim of making society more conducive to allowing people to become fully human. Indeed, the church provides a necessary check on the excesses of liberal society, particularly those of capitalism and democratic populism. Its essential point is the transcendent dimension of the human person—our connection with the divine. The pursuit of economic and political ends needs to be governed by a concern for the ethical, itself founded on the divine. Liberal society will only live up to its own highest aspirations through promoting self-mastery and an awareness that humanity’s freedom is ultimately found only in God.
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McGrath, Michael. "The narrow road: Harry Midgley and Catholic schools in Northern Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 119 (May 1997): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013249.
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The Ministry of Education was, and remains, the most important government department for the Catholic church in Northern Ireland. As Cormack, Gallagher and Osborne note, The Department of Education in Northern Ireland occupies a distinctive place in terms of the general relationships between the government and the Catholic community. Throughout the period since the creation of Northern Ireland, the most significant social institution over which the Catholic community has exercised control, principally through the Catholic church, has been the Catholic education system.The devolved government appeared to recognise Catholic educational interests by usually appointing as Minister of Education one of the more liberal figures within the Ulster Unionist Party such as Lord Londonderry, Lord Charlemont and Samuel Hall-Thompson. However, in the first week of 1950 Sir Basil Brooke ‘surprised everyone, and appalled Catholics’ by appointing Harry Midgley, an avowed opponent of the Catholic clergy and autonomous Catholic schools, as Northern Ireland’s sixth Minister of Education.
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Tinikashvili, David. "Saint George the Hagiorite and the Roman Church." Kadmos 5 (2013): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32859/kadmos/5/28-43.
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The article focuses on the liberal attitude of a Georgian Orthodox saint toward the Roman Catholic Church after Great schism in 1054. The views in favour of Roman Catholics were expressed by George the Hagiorite in a speech delivered by him before the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Doukas in 1065. He declared that “no heresy has ever been introduced" into the Roman Church. It is also well-known that St. George has translated the Athanasius’ Creed of Faith which clearly contains a filioque clause. No comment had been made to inform readers that the filioque was unacceptable for the Eastern Orthodox Church. Saint George had a loyal attitude towards Roman Catholic practice as well.
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Leal, Manuel M. Cardoso. "A clivagem Estado-Igreja na Monarquia Liberal (1820-1910)." História: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 10, no. 2 (2020): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0871164x/hist10_2a2.
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After the serious conflict that opposed the Catholic Church to the liberal State in the 1820s and 1830s, in Portugal, the Church was deprived of its economic base and subject to the state control in the appointment of bishops and parish priests. But unlike other European countries, this cleavage did not, as has been tried, give rise to a relevant “catholic” party. To this end, the State (with the consent of the main parties) avoided any break in the country's Catholic identity, keeping the Catholic religion as an official religion and integrating the hierarchy and other clergy into political functions. At the end of the regime, republicanism grew inspired by a secular anti-clericalism
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Hofstetter, C. Richard, John W. Ayers, and Robert Perry. "The Bishops and Their Flock: John Kerry and the Case of Catholic Voters in 2004." Politics and Religion 1, no. 3 (October 27, 2008): 436–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048308000400.
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AbstractThis study evaluates the extent to which the 2004 well publicized Catholic Bishops' warnings and the Church Doctrinal Note mandating that parishioners oppose candidates who supported policies contrary to Church doctrine influenced Catholic support for presidential candidate John Kerry. Data were drawn from a 2004 national survey of 493 Catholic adults using random digit dial procedures and commissioned by Time magazine. Multivariate analyses indicate that the influence of the Bishops' warnings and the Doctrinal Note diverged by respondents' religious belief. Liberal Catholics exposed to these messages were more likely to support Kerry while conservative Catholics exposed to these messages were more likely to support Bush. The net effect of leaders' messages appeared to have helped rather than hurt Kerry. Our findings point to a multiplicity of effects for religious leaders' messages and should provide a note of caution for religious leaders who take pronounced stances on political affairs.
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von Arx, Jeffrey. "Engaging the liberal state: Cardinal Manning and Irish home rule." British Catholic History 35, no. 1 (April 8, 2020): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2020.2.
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In the course of his long career (1865–1892) as Archbishop of Westminster and head of England’s Catholic Church, Henry Edward Manning articulated a position on the engagement of voluntary religious organizations like the Church with the liberal state, now understood, at least in the British context, as religiously neutral and responsive to public opinion through increasingly democratic forms of government and mediated through political parties. The greatest test and illustration of this position was his involvement in Irish Home Rule, where he deferred to the Irish hierarchy in their support of Charles Stuart Parnell’s Irish Parliamentary Party against his own inclinations and the immediate interests of the Catholic population in England. Manning’s position was in sharp contrast to that of Pope Leo XIII, who negotiated directly with Otto von Bismarck, and over the heads of the hierarchy and Germany’s Catholic Centre Party, to end the Kulturkampf. Thus Manning worked out a modus vivendi for the Church in relation to the liberal, democratic state that anticipates in many ways the practice of the Church in politics today.
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Connolly, John R. "Theology in a Catholic University: Newman's Significance for Today." Horizons 29, no. 2 (2002): 260–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900010136.
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The article presents an analysis of Newman's understanding of theology and its role in the Catholic University of Ireland. In explaining Newman's understanding of university theology, the article focuses on two elements of Newman's thought. The first is Newman's understanding of theology as a form of liberal knowledge. An application of the elements of liberal knowledge to theology reveals the main characteristics of Newman's understanding of university theology. The second is Newman's understanding of the relationship between the church and the university. Newman distinguishes between the mission of the Catholic Church and the mission of the Catholic university. The distinct mission of the university indicates that the objective of university theology is different from the teaching mission of the magisterium. In the final section, the article examines the significance of Newman's ideas for Catholic universities in the United States today.
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J. Hunt, Stephen. "BETWIXT AND BETWEEN: THE POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS OF ROMAN CATHOLIC NEO-PENTECOSTALS." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0202027h.
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This paper has argued that over some four decades the Catholic charismatics have been pulled in different directions regarding their political views and allegiances and that this is a result of contrasting dynamics and competing loyalties which renders conclusions as to their political orientations difficult to reach. To some degree such dynamics and competing loyalties result from the relationship of the charismatics in the Roman Church and the juxtaposition of the Church within USA politico-religious culture. In the early days of the Charismatic Renewal movement in the Roman Catholic Church the ‘spirit-filled’ Catholics appeared to show an indifference to secular political issues. Concern with spiritually renewing the Church, ecumenism and deep involvement with a variety of ecstatic Christianity drove this apolitical stance. If anything, as the academic works showed, the Catholic charismatics seemed in some respects more liberal than their non-charismatic counterparts in the Church. To some extent this reflected their middle-class and more educated demographic features. More broadly they adopted mainstream cultural changes while remaining largely politically inactive. As they grew closer to their Protestant brethren in the Renewal movement Catholic neo-Pentecostals tended to express more conservative views that were then part of the embryonic New Christian Right - the broad Charismatic movement becoming more overtly politicised in the 1980s. Somewhat later the Catholics were being pulled towards the traditional core Catholicism at a time the Renewal movement found itself well beyond its peak and influence in the mainstream denominations including the Roman Church. The Catholic charismatics were ‘returning to the fold’. During this period too the New Christian Right increased its attempt to marshal a broad coalition of conservative minded Protestants and Catholics. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s this proved to be largely ineffectual. The 2004 American Presidential election saw the initiation of the second office of George Bush. It seems clear that without the support of the New Christian Right - fundamentalist, Evangelicals, Pentecostals, charismatics - the victory would not have been secured. Based on research in South Carolina, however, suggests that the CR continues to be inwardly split and quarrels with other wings of the Republican Stephen J. Hunt: BETWIXT AND BETWEEN: THE POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS OF ROMAN CATHOLIC NEO-PENTECOSTALS • (pp. 27-51) THE CONTEMPORARY ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND POLITICS 49 Party, particularly business interests are evident.59 It is also apparent that into the twenty-first century there has proved to be an uneasy alliance in the New Christian Right, threatening to split along lines already observable in the 1970s and 1980s. For one thing the some of the political and social, if not moral teachings of the Catholic Church are at variant with such organizations as the Christian Coalition. The re-invention of the New Christian Right has not fully incorporated conservative Catholics nor Catholic charismatics. A further dynamic is that lay Catholics, charismatics or otherwise, have increasingly adopted a ‘pick and choose’ Catholicism in which there is a tendency to exercise personal views over a range of political issues irrespective of the formal teachings of the Church. To conclude, we might take a broader sweep in our understanding of the role of Catholicism in USA politics, in which the Catholic charismatics are merely one constituency. Recent scholarly work has pointed to the often under-estimated political influence of Roman Catholics in the USA. Genovese et al.60 show how today, as well as historically, Catholics and the Catholic Church has played a remarkably complex and diverse role in US politics. Dismissing notions of a cohesive ‘Catholic vote,’ Genovese et al. show how Catholics, Catholic institutions, and Catholic ideas permeate nearly every facet of contemporary American politics. Swelling with the influx of Latino, Asian, and African immigrants, and with former waves of European ethnics now fully assimilated in education and wealth, Catholics have never enjoyed such an influence in American political life. However, this Catholic political identity and engagement defy categorization, being evident in both left-wing and right-wing causes. It is fragmented and complex identity, a complexity to which the charismatics within the ranks of the Catholic Church continue to contribute.
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Kieniewicz, Stefan. "Polish Revolutionaries of the Nineteenth Century and the Catholic Church." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 6 (1990): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001241.
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The subject of my paper lies in a field of studies seldom pursued in Church historiography. Catholic historians in Poland are concerned principally with the study of the Church itself: its spiritual life, organization, political role, and contribution to national life. Much less attention is given to adversaries of the Church; so that, generally speaking, the study of non-Catholic (and non-Christian) trends or sectors in society is currently left to Marxist or liberal scholars. This is a pity.
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Walker, Jennifer. "Church, State and an Operatic Outlaw: Jules Massenet's Hérodiade." Cambridge Opera Journal 31, no. 2-3 (July 2019): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586720000014.
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AbstractWhen Jules Massenet began work on Hérodiade in the late 1870s, he likely expected to see his work premiered at the Paris Opéra. But the coveted Parisian premiere was not to be. Based on a liberal reworking of the infamous tale of Herod, Salome and John the Baptist, Hérodiade undoubtedly challenges traditional Catholic doctrine. Yet Massenet's opera was not as ‘secular’ as it may seem. I argue here that it draws instead on a Republican-friendly brand of Catholicism that encouraged individual religiosity as an anticlerical strategy. Herein, I argue, lay the reasons why Hérodiade was outlawed. It was not so much the libretto's liberal transformations of biblical characters as what those transformations represented both to the Catholic Church and to the French state: in the end the representation of a simultaneously Republican and Catholic Christ presented a dangerous analogue to the country's strained political situation.
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Martin, Simon. "From Cycling Priests to the ‘Sportsman's Pope’. Italy, Sport and the Catholic Church." European Review 19, no. 4 (August 30, 2011): 545–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000184.
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This article surveys the Catholic Church's exploitation of sport in Liberal (1861–1922), Fascist (1922–1943), and post-war Italy. It examines how and why the Church overcame its initial reticence to embrace sport and turn it into a fundamental pillar of an alternative culture that challenged the monopoly of national sporting federations. Following the rise of Fascism, sport became one of the principal means by which the Church resisted a complete takeover by the regime. Analysis of the devout Catholic cyclist Gino Bartali reveals how the Church maintained its identity and tradition of sporting independence despite the inevitable suppression of Catholic sporting organisations. Culminating in an examination of the ‘immortalisation’ of Bartali after his win in the 1948 Tour De France – a victory popularly credited with saving Italy from civil war – the article illuminates the processes by which sport became a central feature of Catholicism in national life. It highlights the Church's contribution to the development of Italian sport, assesses the wider impact of sport's role in forming alternative cultures, and argues that sport perfectly positioned the Church to respond to the demands of Reconstruction Italy and provided opportunities to secure a post-war Christian Democratic society.
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Perry, Michael J. "Liberal Democracy and the Right to Religious Freedom." Review of Politics 71, no. 4 (2009): 621–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509990714.
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AbstractThe Roman Catholic Church was famously late to embrace the right to religious freedom. Some have plausibly maintained that when, in 1965, the cardinals and bishops at the Second Vatican Council overwhelmingly adopted the Declaration on Religious Freedom—known by the first two words of its official Latin version: Dignitatis Humanae—the church betrayed one of its most traditional and established theological teachings. The right to religious freedom, according to international law, rests in part on respect for human dignity. Thus there is a prima facie link between the liberal democratic justification and the church's 1965 justification. But, as I will argue, the appeal to human dignity is not a preserve of modern liberal democracy. Indeed, we can imagine a government that limits religious freedom because it wishes to save souls, and this precisely out of a respect for human dignity. A similar view was held by the pre-Vatican II church. Thus the appeal to human dignity is not evidence of a fundamental shift by the church. What then does account for the church's undeniable change of direction? Human dignity by itself cannot provide the fundamental justification for the right to religious freedom. Another ingredient is needed: distrust, born of long historical experience, of government authority to adjudicate questions of religious truth. The church in Dignitatis Humanae accepted this lesson of history, a lesson available to believers of a variety of stripes as well as nonbelievers.
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Village, Andrew, and Leslie J. Francis. "An Anatomy of Change: Profiling Cohort Difference in Beliefs and Attitudes among Anglicans in England." Journal of Anglican Studies 8, no. 1 (July 10, 2009): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355309990027.
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AbstractConservatism in theological belief, moral values and attitude toward ecclesiastical practices was measured in a sample of 5967 ordained and lay Anglicans in the Church of England. Average scores were compared between those who classed themselves as Anglo-catholic, broad church or evangelical, and by six different age cohorts. Overall, most measures of conservatism showed decline among more recent cohorts, but there were marked differences between traditions. Younger evangelicals showed little or no decline in theological or moral conservatism, and, in the case of Bible beliefs, were more conservative than their older counterparts. In ecclesiastical variables, however, Anglo-catholics were often more conservative and younger evangelicals showed less conservatism than other traditions or older evangelicals. The findings suggest that the divide between traditions is increasing among younger generations mainly because those in Anglo-catholic and broad-church traditions are becoming more liberal on theological or moral matters, whereas evangelicals are maintaining traditional conservative views of theology and morality but becoming less traditional in matters ecclesiastical.
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King, Geoffrey. "Limits and Hopes: Catholics and Religious Freedom in the People's Republic of China." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 2, no. 2 (June 1989): 175–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x8900200204.
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Despite the more liberal policies of the present Chinese government, the Catholic Church in China remains very limited in its activities. It can have no voice on matters of public policy; Catholics can give no external expression to their belief in the primacy of the Pope. This state of affairs is determined as much by Chinese tradition and the economy as by Marxist ideology. But a mission of “presence” remains possible, and there seem to be no insuperable obstacles to a model of church communion which respects both papal primacy and the Chinese desire for “autonomy”.
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Laddach, Agnieszka. "Sexuality and Gender Diversity in the Liberal Catholic Discourse in Poland in the Pastoral Perspective." Open Theology 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 368–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0165.
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Abstract One of the most important questions in the Roman Catholic Church is the question of sexual and gender diversity. Therefore, the article presents the results of qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Catholic sociocultural periodical Więź (Bond) from 2007 to 2020, which is the leading forum for liberal Catholic debates in Poland. The goal was to analyze the period’s narration toward current Church’s instructions on sexuality and gender diversity. Five dominant postulates were identified in Więź: (1) a discussion about people with the need to revise their or the Church’s narration on and experience of sex and gender; (2) a reevaluation of the significance and consequence of sexual revolution in Poland; (3) an organization of the understanding of body, sex, sexuality, and gender; (4) a promotion of the idea of encounter; and (5) a settlement of cases of sexual abuse in the Church. The article concludes that the presence of social dialogue on sexuality and gender diversity in the current pastoral approach of the Church in Poland requires a suspension of moral judgment and an openness from Church with a strong traditional, and rigid viewpoint to better understand the difficult spiritual and social situation of people who live contrary to the moral teachings of the Church or whose views go against these teachings.
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Village, Andrew, and Leslie J. Francis. "Shaping Attitudes toward Church in a Time of Coronavirus: Exploring the Effects of Personal, Psychological, Social, and Theological Factors among Church of England Clergy and Laity." Journal of Empirical Theology 34, no. 1 (October 28, 2021): 102–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341423.
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Abstract This paper reports on the effect of personal, psychological, social, and theological factors in shaping attitudes toward church buildings, the lockup of churches, and the trajectory into virtual church among 4,374 clergy and lay people from the Church of England during the first UK COVID-19 lockdown in 2020. Data from an online survey were used to create three scales, Pro Church Buildings, Anti Church Lockup, and Pro Virtual Church, which were shown to have adequate internal consistency reliability. Five sets of predictor variables were tested using hierarchical multiple regression: personal factors (sex and age), psychological factors (psychological type scores), social location (ordination status, education, geographic location), theological stance (modern versus traditional worship, liberal versus conservative doctrinal belief, liberal versus conservative views on morality), and Church tradition (Anglo-Catholic, Broad Church, Evangelical, and Charismaticism). The three scales were predicted by slightly different sets of variables, but in each case personal factors and psychological factors retained some predictive power after controlling for other sorts of factors. The results suggest that those most likely to embrace a future with a significant role for church life online are women (rather than men), the middle-aged (rather than younger or older people), intuitive (rather than sensing) and feeling (rather than thinking) psychological types, clergy (rather than laity), those living outside the inner cities, those who prefer modern (rather than traditional) forms of worship, those with more liberal (rather than conservative) views on doctrine and morality, and those who embrace Evangelical and Charismatic (rather than Anglo-Catholic) church traditions.
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Damberg, Wilhelm. "Entwicklungslinien des europäischen Katholizismus im 20. Jahrhundert." Journal of Modern European History 3, no. 2 (September 2005): 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2005_2_164.
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Developmental Aspects of European Catholicism in the 20th Century European Catholicism retained into the 1960s essential principles it had formed in the 19th century as a European social movement against economic liberalism and socialism. It focused on the Catholic idea of an ideal society, a utopia critical of modernity, on the evolution of manifold social and socio-political activities as well as on the centralisation and modernisation of Church organisation according to the model of the modern nation state. The development of specific milieus or exclusive societies in this kind of Catholicism was successful in particular in those countries of Central and Northwestern Europe where Catholics formed the minority. World War I introduced a process of depolitising Catholicism, individualising religious ties and developing Catholic professional and elite organisations. World War II marked the end of the corporatist social utopia as well as the rise of Christian democratic parties. The Second Vatican Council concluded the cultural struggle between the Catholic Church and the liberal-pluralistic nation state in Europe. It introduced the orientation toward a global society, which has, since then, been accompanied in Europe by vastly differentiated changes in religious practice, organisational forms and Catholic values.
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Šokčević, Šimo, and Tihomir Živić. "Newman and Strossmayer on the Relationship Between the Church and the State (I)." Anafora 7, no. 1 (2020): 225–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.29162/anafora.v7i1.11.
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The relationship between the Catholic Church and the state, and between the Church and the state in general, is a very topical issue, and theoreticians at the present time provide various models that render assistance to the comprehension of that relationship. The complexity and extensiveness of the problem necessitates that it should be dealt with in two parts (articles). Basically, our objective was to represent the deliberations of John Henry Newman (1801‒1890) and Josip Juraj Strossmayer (1815‒1905), which we consider to be exceptionally valuable and relevant even today. Through such an analysis, we intended to examine how the deliberations of these two great thinkers of the nineteenth century may contribute to a better cooperation between the Catholic Church and the state in present‐day Europe. In this, the first article, in which we deal with Newman’s and Strossmayer’s perceptions of the relationship between the Catholic Church and the state, at the very outset we feature the context in which Newman and Strossmayer each take a closer look at that relationship. This context is characterized by liberalism, but with numerous negative connotations that suffocate the originally positive meaning of liberalism. A negative context of liberalism is an aggravating circumstance in the comprehension of the relationship between the Catholic Church and the state, and on the other hand, from the position of a modern liberal state, Newman’s and Strossmayer’s comprehension of history, in whose center is the principle of God’s Providence, is also qualified in this way, which simultaneously renders the Catholic Church consistent and authentic, unlike the modern liberal state, which frequently assumes utopian and ideological characteristics. For this very reason, that difference regularly seems insurmountable. Finally, we observe that the issues are additionally complicated by the erroneous notion of the Dogma of Papal Infallibility, which is not understood in the spirit of harmony between the conscience and an Authority.
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Willsky-Ciollo, Lydia. "Henry Whitney Bellows and “A New Catholic Church”." Church History and Religious Culture 98, no. 2 (July 12, 2018): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09801001.
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Abstract This article examines the evolution of Bellow’s proposal for a newly reformed Unitarian “catholic” church during the 1850s and 1860s. For Bellows in particular, political, cultural, and ecclesiastical matters collided in his efforts to transform a diffuse set of liberal Christian churches in fellowship into a denomination of national, even global, caliber. The creation of this “new catholic church” would, in turn, help to heal an ailing nation. There are two questions driving this narrative. First, how did Bellows arrive at the conclusion that Unitarianism was the future of Christendom, the more “Protestant-Protestantism,” or even more boldly, the “more Catholic-Catholicism?” Secondly, how did Bellows arrive at the conclusion that uniting Christendom under a “catholic” Unitarian banner could unite a fractured country? During the early 1860s, the language of nationalism and catholicity merged in Bellows’ organization of the National Convention.
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Herzog, Dagmar. "Anti-Judaism in Intra-Christian Conflict: Catholics and Liberals in Baden in the 1840s." Central European History 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010220.
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This essay examines the paradoxical relationship between Jewish emancipation and the revival of Catholic neoorthodoxy in the years preceding the revolutions of 1848/49. My focus is on the Grand Duchy of Baden, renowned as the most liberal of all the nineteenth-century German states. The rise of neoorthodoxy in Baden provoked political liberals to rethink the relationship between church and state and, consequently, through a conjunction of circumstance, to make Jewish emancipation a central plank in their political platfrom. The Jewish emancipation implemented by the liberals in the revolutionary years, however, would be heavily burdened from its inception by the manner in which the new Catholic “religious right” deployed anti-Jewish rhetoric in its struggle for religious and political influence.
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Faggioli, Massimo. "Reading the Signs of the Times through a Hermeneutics of Recognition:Gaudium et Spesand Its Meaning for a Learning Church." Horizons 43, no. 2 (November 8, 2016): 332–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2016.109.
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The pastoral constitutionGaudium et Spesof Vatican II represents a significant shift for the church, not only ecclesiologically but also intellectually, with deep consequences for the culture of the church and especially for Catholic institutions of higher education. This change has clear implications for the core curriculum of a learning Catholic Church—and of every learning Catholic. In the “modern cosmopolitan culture” of the church of Vatican II, the liberal arts have a central place. The ability to make a judgment on “the signs of the times” requires a cultural awareness that is the opposite of utilitarianism. Care for the “common good” requires “core knowledge” because the world—as it is presented inGaudium et Spes—is nontransparent, ambiguous, and ever changing. In this sense the pastoral constitution is an antipositivistic manifesto for humanization that needs to be rediscovered.
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Carr, James M. "Does Vatican II Represent a U-Turn in the Catholic Church’s Teaching on Liberal Democracy?" International Journal of Public Theology 6, no. 2 (2012): 228–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973212x634911.
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Abstract This article analyses the attitude of the Roman Catholic Church towards liberal democracy since the nineteenth century, charting shifts in emphasis and tone under Pope Leo XIII in the late nineteenth century and under Pius XII during the Second World War. It then examines how, if at all, church teaching in this area changed during and after the Second Vatican Council. Attention is paid to the historical context and doctrinal status of these teachings. It is argued that the church position on democracy over the last two centuries is characterized by development and continuity rather than disjuncture and contradiction. This position was neither as hostile in the nineteenth century nor as sympathetic in the twentieth century as is claimed by those who regard Vatican II as a ‘U-turn’ in church teaching. Liberal democracy remains a contested terrain and the church position towards it remains one of critical dialogue.
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Lunkin, R., and S. Filatov. "Christian Churches and the Antiidentist Revolution." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-97-108.
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The article analyzes the ideological contradictions of liberal democracy, or neoliberalism (antiidentism), and traditionalism (identism) on the example of Christian churches. Antiindentism considers traditional religiosity to be hostile: it should be reformed to conform to neoliberal values, and it should be banished from public space. At the same time, antiidentism does not want to eliminate religion, because it is one of the identities that have to be redone like other human identites. The article examines anti-Christian movements (like the “Black Lives Matter”) as well as conservative and liberal movements within various confessions. The authors emphasize that the antiidentist demands are based on the Christian values of respect for any person, for women and men, regardless of anything, for humane methods of raising children, mercy for any categories of people, regardless of their sexual orientation, etc. On the other hand, the demands of antiidentists go far beyond Christian principles and even common sense (not to quote inconvenient passages of the Bible, to change the rules of church life and the appointment of clergy). The article proposes a classification of confessions by direction and by territorial feature, depending on specifics of divisions based on the attitude to antiidentism (American Churches, the Catholic Church, Lutherans and Anglicans as well as diversity of Orthodox churches that are also touched by the antiidentist wave). The authors conclude that the Christian churches, despite the existence of liberal factions, are primarily a traditionalist force in modern politics. Because of fundamental ideological differences, the consolidation of diverse Christian forces is a difficult task. However, there is some progress in this direction. Evangelicals, traditional Catholics, who make up the majority of the Catholic Church, as well as the majority of Orthodox Christians, are a serious political and, what perhaps more important, ideological force.
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Hernández, Bonar L. "Reforming Catholicism: Papal Power in Guatemala during the 1920s and 1930s." Americas 71, no. 2 (October 2014): 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0129.
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The status of Catholicism in Guatemala is truly deplorable,” remarked one Vatican diplomat as he gathered information about the Catholic Church in Guatemala in the 1920s. Its sorry condition, another papal representative contended, originated from the Liberal reform of the 1870s.
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Otto, Martin. "Bismarck als Projektionsfläche oder Verfassung als Kunst des Möglichen?" Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.29.
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Otto von Bismarck was not a liberal politician at all but had a lot of liberal admirers. German liberal politicians like Gustav Stresemann or Otto Graf Lambsdorff and even Social Democrats like Willy Brandt presented themselves as at least partial admirers of Bismarck and his politics. It is surprising at first sight, because Bismarck had strong conservative roots and never pretended to be liberal. On the other hand, some effects of his politics were deeply accepted and even desired by German liberals: the creation of a strong German national state, political fight against small blimpish duchies or catholic church. Bismarck was rather a pragmatic (and sometimes opportunist) than a theorist, defining politics as „Kunst des Möglichen“ (‚art of art of the possible, the attainable – the art of the next best‘). Due to his lack of ideology, for many a benchmark of Liberalism, conservative Bismarck could make successful liberal politics, but also its opposite, e. g., in social politics. By his pragmatic approach and his flexibility, Bismarck became a projection screen for many liberal politicians.
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Aalders, M. J. "H.J. Spijker (1802-1870). Een Kennismaking." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 81, no. 1 (2001): 46–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820392x00608.
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AbstractH. J. Spijker (1801-1870) was one of the most important liberal administrators of the Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk (Netherlands Reformed Church) of the second half of the nineteenth century. He was first heard of in a discussion about a revision of the 'Algemeen Reglement van de Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk' (The constitution of the church). In this discussion he proved to be an ardent supporter of a more democratic church structure. In 1852, Spijker became a member of the 'Algemene Synodale Commissie', the Synod's executive committee. Being in favour of the separation of Church and State he played an important role in 1853 by urging for moderation when relations between Protestants and Catholics were severely tried, owing to the restoration of the Catholic hierarchy (1853). This did not make him beloved by all. As a result he lost his position in the organisation; he returned in 1860 in the national church council, however, first as chairman of the Synod and a year later as chairman of the 'Algemene Synodale Commissie'. His most important contribution again had to do with a more democratic church structure. In 1852 this liberal attitude brought him into contact with J.R. Thorbecke, who found a position for him in the 'Departement van Eredienst'. When he died in 1870 the separation of Church and State, as laid down in the constitution of 1848, was almost completely realised. Spijker's contribution had been considerable.
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Erb, Peter C. "Some Aspects of Modern British Catholic Literature: Apologetic in the Novels of Josephine Ward." Recusant History 24, no. 3 (May 1999): 364–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002570.
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However strongly some authors may oppose the adjective ‘Catholic’ as limiting their vocation, a recognisable body of British Catholic literature does exist from the mid-nineteenth century. Its boundaries are not always easily definable since its origins are mixed. It was moulded initially by pre- and post-Emancipation renewals, the number and energy of the new converts from the Oxford Movement, the effects of Irish immigration, and the anti-Catholic rhetoric in both Protestant revivals and rising liberal secular thought. As a result British Catholicism formed a distinctive apologetic, which marked its literature from the beginning. Thus, Newman’s Loss and Gain: The Story of a Convert (1848) made the case for Catholicism against Elizabeth Harris’s novel, From Oxford to Rome, and in his Lectures on the Present Position of Catholics (1851) he defended the faith during the ‘Papal Aggression’ fury. Similarly, both Wiseman and Newman responded to anti-Catholic caricatures in Charles Kingsley’s Hypatia (1851) with their own fictional depictions of the early Church, Fabiola (1854) and Callista (1856) respectively.
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Introvigne, Massimo. "The Book of Mormon Wars: A Non-Mormon Perspective." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies (1992-2007) 5, no. 2 (October 1, 1996): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44758790.
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Abstract The Protestant Bible wars were fought between fundamentalists, who initially claimed for the Bible the same "truth" that Englightenment claimed for science, and liberals, who denied that historical "truth" could be achieved at all. In the present Book of Mormon wars the opposite seems to be true: the liberal camp appears deeply rooted in the Enlightenment paradigm, while the orthodox (but not fundamentalist) position often uses postmodernist arguments, claiming that absolute objectivity is a "noble dream" never achieved nor obtainable in historical studies. The article reviews the present Mormon controversies by comparing them to the discussions on biblical interpretation in the Roman Catholic Church, as summarized in the semiofficial 1993 document "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church" by the Pontifical Biblical Commission.
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Griffin, Sean. "Archbishop Murray of Dublin and the Episcopal Clash on the Inter-Denominational School Scripture Lessons Controversy, 1835–1841." Recusant History 22, no. 3 (May 1995): 370–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001977.
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In September 1831, the newly elected liberal Whig government under Earl Grey introduced an experiment of national education in Ireland aimed at uniting Catholics and Protestants in one general system. Schools were officially non-denominational but provision was made for separate religious instruction at designated times under the superintendence of the respective churches. It was a response to ten years of intensive lobbying by the Irish Catholic Church, and over twenty years of public and parliamentary debate, seeking a school system supported by State funds which would explicitly prohibit interference with the religious convictions of children.
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Root, Michael. "Ecumenism in a Time of Transition." Horizons 44, no. 2 (November 7, 2017): 409–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2017.118.
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To assess the present state and future possibilities of personal and ecclesial ecumenism between Protestant and Catholic Christians is a difficult task. On the one hand, the diversity among Protestants is so great few generalities hold for all of them. The challenges involved in Catholic relations with the Church of England are quite different than those involved in relations with the Southern Baptist Convention, and different in yet other ways from those involved in relations with a Pentecostal church in South Africa. In a broad sense, one can think of a spectrum of Protestant churches, some with whom Catholic relations might be close, and then a series of churches at a greater distance from Catholicism with whom relations would be more limited. That picture is only partially true, however. On many social issues, Catholics can work more closely with Evangelicals, with whom there are deep differences over sacraments and ecclesiology, than they can with more socially liberal representatives of, say, the Lutheran or Anglican traditions. In this brief reflection, I will be concerned with the Protestant communities with whom the greatest possibilities of a wide spectrum of closer relations seem to exist, such as the Anglican, Lutheran, and Reformed churches.
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Mislin, David. "“According to His Own Judgment”: The American Catholic Encounter with Organic Evolution, 1875–1896." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 22, no. 2 (2012): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2012.22.2.133.
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AbstractBetween 1875 and 1896, the response of American Catholic thinkers to theories of organic evolution was characterized by little rancor and discord. Among the small number of clergy and lay intellectuals who addressed the subject, there existed a wide variety of positions on the scientific plausibility of such theories. These prominent Catholics were not deeply wedded to their views, however, and few saw any significant conflict between their religious commitments and biological evolution. This state of affairs stemmed from several elements of Catholic thought, particularly as it existed in the late-nineteenth-century United States: the conviction that church authority could mediate any apparent tension between science and Scripture; the affirmation that theories of organic evolution would not undermine existing theological tenets about the relationship between religion and science, as well as that between First Cause and secondary causes in nature; the belief that Catholic intellectuals since the time of Augustine had endorsed a system of natural development that closely resembled modern conceptions of evolution; and, most important, the insistence that the theory could be reconciled with the resurgent neo-Scholasticism that had come to dominate Catholic thought. Organic evolution proved far less significant in discussions of the relationship between religion and science among American Catholics than it did among Protestants, and it did little to contribute to the split of Catholics into liberal and conservative groups.
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Krzyżanowski, Lech. "Spór o postawę religijną międzywojennej inteligencji na polskim Górnym Śląsku. Casus Tadeusza Starka." Textus et Studia, no. 3(7) (November 17, 2017): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.02304.
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During the interwar period the Catholic Church on Polish Upper Silesia tried to encourage the intelligence which came there to be politically active in the religious area. The Church was aware that natives of Upper Silesia would modify their own posture by imitating customs, manner, and even putting on clothes which were worn by the intellectual elite. The aim was to use external signs to manifest attachment to religious values. In the meantime, those who were required to be committed to religious values, defended themselves from this kind of commitment and stood for more liberal rules very often. One of few who was ready to take the burden and realize the conception of the Church was the president of Katowice appeal court – Tadeusz Stark. He worked closely with the authorities of the Silesian diocese; he was a marshal of the III Silesian Catholic congress. He also directed Catholic League, and was active on the parish level. His example was often mentioned in public disputes with these who presented the intelligence on Upper Silesia as the camp which wanted to fight with the Church in the area of Upper Silesia.
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Fernández, Susana Aguilar. "Fighting against the Moral Agenda of Zapatero's Socialist Government (2004–2011): The Spanish Catholic Church as a Political Contender." Politics and Religion 5, no. 3 (December 2012): 671–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000351.
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AbstractEven though not all European churches can be ascribed a political profile, moral issues have unleashed the protest of some of them alongside Christian-inspired groups and advocacy coalitions. Mobilization against these issues is not surprising in democracy but the different role that churches might play is. Unlike other European churches, the Spanish Catholic Church has acted as a political contender under Zapatero's rule (2004–2011). The new Socialist agenda, with its emphasis on morally-liberal reforms, has triggered a protest in which the church has invested significant resources and helped mobilize the more Conservative quarters of the Catholic society. This adversarial role is distinctive but not unique: the Italian and Polish churches have also opted for confrontational strategies in the face of similar challenges. However, the Spanish case is most relevant because, unlike other predominantly Catholic societies (Italy, Portugal, Ireland, and Poland), it has experienced a most profound and fastest secularization process. Confrontation can then be explained by the supply (a well-endowed Church that enjoys a privileged relationship with a non-confessional state) and not by the demand.
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Norman, W. J. "The Revisionist Challenge: Can the liberal do without “liberty”?" Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 3, no. 1 (January 1990): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s084182090000103x.
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It seems a truism that,(1) the liberal believes in liberty.But, even ignoring the vagueness of “believes in”, this tells us even less about liberalism than,(2) the Catholic believes in God,tells us about Catholicism. Neither statement distinguishes one creed from its rivals. Socialists, conservatives, anarchists and Buddhists can all believe in liberty (sometimes, but not always, different concepts of liberty); just as Protestants, Jews, Muslims and Hindus all believe in God (sometimes, but not always, different gods). (2), though, has at least the virtue of conveying one definite, fundamental and necessary belief of the Catholic: that there exists a supreme being. It is agreed, even by sympathizers, that (1) gives the liberal no such thing. “By definition, a liberal is a man who believes in liberty,” says Professor Cranston, “but because different men at different times have meant different things by liberty, ‘liberalism’ is correspondingly ambiguous.” If Liberty be its god, it should come as no surprise that liberalism is a schismatic church.
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Logan, Oliver. "ITALIAN IDENTITY: CATHOLIC RESPONSES TO SECULARIST DEFINITIONS, c.1910–48." Modern Italy 2 (August 1997): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949708454778.
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In united Italy, assertions by Catholic militants about their nation's true identity have been bound up with polemic against secularist forces and with claims about the position due to the Church in Italian society. They have insisted that Italy's authentic traditions are Catholic and that her true greatness resides in her being the heart of Christian civilization. Hostile or threatening ideologies, e.g. idealist philosophy and Communism, have been stigmatized as alien to Italian tradition. In the face of Fascism, with which the ‘Catholic world's’ relations were ambivalent, there was a major ideological campaign to assert a Catholic definition of the keyword romanità. The way in which Catholic theoreticians have defined the ‘nation’ in organicist terms have been linked to strategies of ideological defence against state forms, whether liberal or Fascist, perceived to be overweening.
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Village, Andrew. "What Does the Liberal-Conservative Scale Measure? A Study among Clergy and Laity in the Church of England." Journal of Empirical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 21, 2018): 194–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341371.
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Abstract The Liberal-Conservative (LIBCON) scale is a seven-point semantic differential scale that has been widely used to measure identity within the Church of England. The history of the development of liberalism in the Church of England suggests that this scale should be associated with specific beliefs and attitudes related to doctrine, moral issues and church practices. This study tests this idea among a sample of 9339 lay and ordained readers of the Church Times (the main newspaper of the Church of England) using twelve summated rating scales measuring a range of beliefs and attitudes. Of these twelve variables, eleven were correlated with the LIBCON scale. Discriminant function analysis produced a linear function of these variables that correctly identified 35% of respondents on the scale, and 69% to within one scale score. The best predictors were scales related to either doctrine or moral issues, and these performed consistently across traditions (Anglo-catholic, Broad church or Evangelical) and between clergy and laity. Scales related to church practices suggested ‘conserving tradition’ was also involved in the liberal-conservative dimension, but this was less so for clergy and for Evangelicals. The scale is commended as an empirical measure of one dimension of Church of England identities, especially if used alongside a parallel scale measuring church tradition.
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Stauffer, Brian. "The Routes of Intransigence:Mexico's ‘Spiritual Pilgrimage’ of 1874 and the Globalization of Ultramontane Catholicism." Americas 75, no. 2 (April 2018): 291–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.181.
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In the fall of 1874, in the midst a particularly severe round of Church-state conflict, Mexico's archbishop, Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos, introduced a novel weapon in the Catholic Church's struggle against liberal anticlericalism. He had sought and obtained a special dispensation from Pope Pius IX for all Mexicans to participate in a “spiritual pilgrimage,” a month-long exercise of mental travel, prayer, and contemplation that would figuratively transport the faithful out of Mexico's anticlerical milieu and into the purified air of Jerusalem, Rome, and other Old World holy sites, where they would pray for divine intercession on behalf of the embattled Church. The practice had been inaugurated a year earlier by lay Catholics in Bologna, as a response to the prohibition of mass pilgrimages in the flesh in the former Papal States. Labastida y Dávalos felt that spiritual pilgrimage could be especially effective in Mexico, where the anticlerical government of Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada had embarked on a radical program of secularization. In fact, the recently codified Laws of Reform had likewise prohibited acts of public religiosity in Mexico, attempting thus to suppress the myriad local processions and mass pilgrimages that helped to define Mexican Catholicism.
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Paskewich, J. Christopher. "Liberalism Ex Nihilo: Joseph Ratzinger on Modern Secular Politics." Politics 28, no. 3 (October 2008): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2008.00326.x.
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Joseph Ratzinger – now Pope Benedict XVI – has a rich body of political writings that has gone largely unnoticed by political scientists. A renowned theologian, even outside the Catholic Church, he has sensitively explored the impact of secularism and religion on liberal democracy. In public and in print, he even debated the philosopher Jürgen Habermas on these topics. This article explores his novel contribution to the study of the liberal state: a secularised, religious foundation for the state will balance autonomy for the citizens with a needed moral orientation for the political realm.
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Buturlimova, Olha. "Relations Between Labour Party and Christian Churches in England at the End of XIX – the First Third of the XX cc." European Historical Studies, no. 13 (2019): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.101-120.
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The article traces the responses of the Church of England, Roman – Catholic Church and “free churches” on the development of the Labour Party. The author underlines that Labour party was assisted by those Christian churches. It is mentioned also that Labour Church and Ethic Church as Labour supporters too. The article touches upon such problems as social inequality in British society, secularization of the working class in urban cotton towns and ports. Anglican Church’s help to the low-income working class is investigated also. The author underlines that British Labour party was deeply influenced by Christian Socialism so it made its relations with Church of England closer. Chaplains supported the Labour party in their sermons, letters and church press. Such favour was especially crucial in rural areas where Labour party had lower election results in comparison with Liberal and Conservative parties. The author analyses contribution of the “free churches” to the development of the Labour party. It is widely recognized that “free churches” are identified as traditional ally of the Liberal party. The author confirmed that “free churches” did not give wide electoral support to the Labour party but gave considerable amount of candidates who were active in trade unions, local Labour parties and in the British Parliament. The author also considers that the Roman – Catholic communities mainly represented by Irish immigrants and their descendants as an important part of the wide social base of the Labour Party. The author comes to conclusion that strong ties between Christian churches and the British Labour party help us to explain its program and election successes in the first third of the XX century.
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Formicola, Jo Renee. "The Catholic Religious Presence in Civil Society: A Waning Influence." Religions 12, no. 4 (March 31, 2021): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12040248.
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The Catholic Church is becoming a waning influence in global civil society. This is due, in part, to demographic changes that show an increasing loss of adherents within the Church’s traditional strongholds. Coupled with the growth of liberal social policies and continuing revelations about the crimes of sexual abuse by its clergy, the Church is being forced to reconsider how to continue as a moral advocate in civil society. It has sought to do this by recalibrating its position in global church-state relations, moving toward a non-ideological or “third way” of politics, and seeking non-partisan solutions to social justice needs. However, even this shift has not been sufficient to address the erosion of the Church’s positive, political influence globally. For the Church to be successful in this goal, it will be necessary to totally re-set its social agenda as well as its religious priorities. Such tasks, however, will be difficult at best and almost impossible to accomplish where the primary obstacle for successful political efficacy and internally meaningful change is the Church’s own mismanagement of its two-millennia-old ecclesiastical structure.
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Kessler, Sanford. "Religious Freedom in Thomas More's Utopia." Review of Politics 64, no. 2 (2002): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500038079.
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Thomas More advocated religious freedom in Utopia to promote civic peace in Christendom and to help unify his fractious Catholic Church. In doing so, he set forth a plan for managing church-state relations that is a precursor to liberal approaches in this area. Most scholars locate the origins of modern religious freedom in Protestant theology and its first mature articulation in Locke's A Letter on Toleration. This reading of Utopia shows that modern religious freedom has Catholic, Renaissance roots. The essay discusses how scholars have treated Utopian religious freedom and considers the much vexed question of whether More actually favored this principle. It also presents the historical context for More's analysis, his rationale for religious freedom, its effects on Utopian religion and politics, and More's strategy for promoting religious reform in Europe.
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Brodd, Sven-Erik. "Impressions of the Church of Sweden: liberal and catholic with nuances of Lutheranism." International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 17, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2017.1413069.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Catholic and monarchist nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 2 (December 27, 2021): 19–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.2.2.
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The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardinha (1887–1925), and after his untimely death — Hipólito Raposo. Both organizations united nationalist doctrine with Catholic universalism, declaring subordination to the idea of national Christian ethics and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. The difference between them, however, was that, although the party led by Cândido was founded, i.a., to save the monarchy, after its collapse, it doubted the sense of combining the defence of Catholicism against the militant secularism of the Republic with monarchism. Lusitanian integralists, on the other hand, saw the salvation of national tradition and Christian civilization in the restoration of monarchy — not liberal, but organic, traditionalist, anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, and legitimistic. Eventually, the Nationalist Party gave rise to the Catholic-social movement from which an António Salazar’s corporate New State (Estado Novo, 1889–1970) originated, while Lusitanian Integralism was the Portuguese quintessential reactionary counter-revolution, for which Salazarism was also too modernist.