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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal culture'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 2 June 2025

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Peddle, David. "Freedom within the Ordnung: Liberal grounds for toleration of Amish culture." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 29, no. 4 (2000): 453–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980002900405.

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It is remarkable that Will Kymlicka, whose works Liberalism, Community and Culture and Multicultural Citizenship have mounted, on liberal grounds, a vigorous defense of the rights of minority cultures, nevertheless fails to extend principled toleration to Amish culture. The present argument is concerned to indicate that Amish culture is not as restrictive as suggested in Kymlicka's portrayal, to examine the conception of culture which leads him to this unfortunate exclusion and to indicate that the situation of the Amish provides an archetype of the appropriate relationship between liberal dem

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2

Kirchanov, M. V. "POLITICS OF MEMORY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: ASSIMILATION FEATURES OF THE WESTERN MEMORIAL PROJECT IN ARAB LIBERALISM." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, no. 3 (2022): 342–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-342-352.

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The purpose of the study is to analyze the liberal version of the politics of memory in the modern Arab world. The author analyzes the features and main directions of constructing the past by Arab intellectuals. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of liberal trends in the actual memorial culture of the Arab world. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of interdisciplinary historiography of historical and cultural collective memories. The author distinguishes the concepts of "historical politics" and "politics of memory". It is assumed that “historical politics” is

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3

Fabre, CéAcile, and David Miller. "Justice and Culture: Rawls, Sen, Acile Fabreo' Neill." Political Studies Review 1, no. 1 (2003): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9299.00002.

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Is it possible, in a multicultural world, to hold all societies to a common standard of decency that is both high enough to protect basic human interests, and yet not biased in the direction of particular cultural values? We examine the recent work of four liberals – John Rawls, Amartya Sen, Martha Nussbaum and Onora O' Neill – to see whether any of them has given a successful answer to this question. For Rawls, the decency standard is set by reference to an idea of basic human rights that we argue offers too little protection to members of non-liberal societies. Sen and Nussbaum both employ t

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4

McConkey, Dale. "A Congregational Remapping of Culture Wars." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 1 (1998): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis1998101/24.

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According to many, the United States is embroiled in a culture war between religious conservatives, who believe in a transcendent moral authority, and religious liberals, who hold that moral truth is historically and contextually conditioned. Amidst this conflict is a cultural anomaly called the evangelical left, which blends conservative theology with liberal politics. An ethnographic study of an evangelical left congregation suggests that their social and political action is neither liberal nor progressive. Instead, this congregation has created a local culture that resists and remaps the tr

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5

Cushing, Simon. "Liberal Nationalism, Culture, and Justice." Social Philosophy Today 18 (2002): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday20021811.

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6

Golder, Ben. "Liberal Law's Fear of ‘Culture’." Alternative Law Journal 35, no. 4 (2010): 194–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x1003500401.

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7

Oakes, James. "Radical Liberals, Liberal Radicals: The Dissenting Traditions in American Political Culture." Reviews in American History 27, no. 3 (1999): 503–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1999.0057.

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8

Bucholc, Marta. "Law and liberal pedagogy in a post-socialist society: The case of Poland." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 3 (2020): 324–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420926340.

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The article offers a reconstruction of the interrelations between law, state, and culture in the design of Polish economic liberalism after 1989 based on an analysis of publications in the liberal journal Przegląd Polityczny. The notion of ‘liberal pedagogy’ is used to connect the liberal transformation design and the social ideal fuelling the democratic backsliding in Poland. The role of law as a pedagogical device is discussed together with the role of the state in liberal transformation design. The vulnerability of the liberal project is explained as a consequence of the liberals’ failure t

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9

Johnson, Matthew. "Getting Multiculturalism Right: Deontology and the Concern for Neutrality." Open Cultural Studies 1, no. 1 (2017): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2017-0004.

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Abstract In recent years, the notion of pluralism or, as it is often termed, “multiculturalism,” has been subject to critique by a range of public figures on the right of the political spectrum, such as David Cameron, Angela Merkel and Donald Trump. While “multiculturalism” is presented as being antithetical to the traditions of Western societies, it is, in fact, grounded in the same liberal tradition of individual rights as that invoked by those on the right. This article aims to outline the intellectual tradition of deontological or rights-based pluralism, demonstrating that it is an inheren

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Anjum, Gulnaz. "Women’s Activism in Pakistan: Role of Religious Nationalism and Feminist Ideology Among Self-Identified Conservatives and Liberals." Open Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (2020): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0004.

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AbstractThis paper explores women’s activism and political engagement in contemporary Pakistan. In this exploration with self-identified liberal and conservative groups of women, emerged their experiences and narratives about Feminism and Nationalism with a common moderator being religious affiliations. In this qualitative and phenomenological exploration, the informants belonged to various self-identified liberal and conservative women-led organizations. To this end, 20 women (age-range 23-48 years) were interviewed. Results indicated that gender roles and feminism were seen very differently

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11

Polulyakh, Daniil S. "The Russia–West Conflict Through the Lens of Strategic Culture." Sociopolitical Sciences 15, no. 2 (2025): 89–100. https://doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2025-15-2-89-100.

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The purpose of this study is to explain the conflict between Russia and the West through the phenomenon of strategic culture. The article identifies two opposing types of strategic culture: realist and liberal. In societies where both the population and elites feel an internal or external threat to their existence, a realist strategic culture tends to prevail. In the absence of such threats, a liberal strategic culture develops. Interaction between states with opposing strategic cultures is fraught with challenges such as deadlocks in dialogue due to incompatible fundamental values, misunderst

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12

Hauser, Michael. "The Politics of Unification in a Fragmented World: Metapopulism and the Precariat." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (2018): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0028.

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Abstract Neoliberal capitalism intensified the social fragmentation, which resulted in the upswing of heterogeneous communities without a unifying meta-language that was liberal universalism of citizenship. Our society shows “paralogical” traits and paralogy reverberates in the new populist policy I call metapopulism (Trump, Putin, etc.)-witness their inconsistencies. Metapopulism establishes unifying principles as a substitute of liberal universalism. These are allegory and the Real. An allegorical signifier (“patriotism” etc.), which is separated from the signified (the meaning), is a common

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13

Paterson, Lindsay. "Liberal Education and the Left in Britain." Journal of Controversial Ideas 4, no. 2 (2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.35995/jci04020010.

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Liberal education used to command wide political support in Britain. Social democrats and social liberals disagreed with conservatives on whether the best culture could be appreciated by everyone, and they disagreed, too, on whether the barriers to understanding it were mainly social and economic, but there was no dispute that education ought to aim to hand on the best that has been thought and said. That consensus has vanished since the 1960s. The dominant currents of thought on the left now reject any notion of a universal culture that might form the core of worthwhile learning. This paper c

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14

ADACHI, Satoshi. "Culture and Identity in Liberal Multiculturalism." Japanese Sociological Review 63, no. 2 (2012): 274–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.4057/jsr.63.274.

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15

Branciforte, Joshua. "Pope’s Perversity: Tastemaking in Liberal Culture." Modern Language Quarterly 80, no. 3 (2019): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-7569611.

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Abstract Alexander Pope envisioned his poetry as conducive to a social order shaped and guided by taste. However, unlike later arbiters of taste who sought to project idealized norms, Pope used techniques that were oppositional, individualized, materialist, and perverse. His aesthetic strategies aimed at achieving homogeneity across diverse populations without normative prescriptions. Pope drew on the skeptical notion of the “ruling passion” to model his understanding of taste as a social process. Construed solely as a model of personality, his theory is frequently dismissed; read as a model f

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16

Dossa, Shiraz. "Liberal legalism: Law, culture and identity." European Legacy 4, no. 3 (1999): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779908579973.

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17

Conway, Jeremiah. "The Liberal Arts and Contemporary Culture." Philosophy in the Contemporary World 17, no. 2 (2010): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pcw20101728.

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18

Curtler, Hugh Mercer. "Culture studies vs. the liberal arts." Academic Questions 20, no. 1 (2007): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03033398.

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19

Kristol, Irving. "Liberal censorship and the common culture." Society 36, no. 6 (1999): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02685980.

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20

Kymlicka, Will. "Liberalism and the Politicization of Ethnicity." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 4, no. 2 (1991): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900002927.

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Most liberal democracies exhibit cultural pluralism, that is, citizens of the same country belong to various cultural communities, and so speak different languages, read different literatures, practice different customs. Most contemporary liberal political philosophy, on the other hand, assumes that countries are “nation-states”. Citizens of the same state are assumed to share a common nationality, speak the same language, develop the same culture. My concern in this paper is with how liberals have adapted their principles to deal with cultural pluralism.

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21

Gans, Chaim. "The Liberal Foundations of Cultural Nationalism." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 30, no. 3 (2000): 441–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.2000.10717539.

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According to cultural nationalism, members of groups sharing a common history and societal culture have a fundamental, morally significant interest in adhering to their culture and in sustaining it for generations. Moreover, this interest should be protected by states. I shall examine three theses included in this statement. The first, the adherence thesis, relates to the basic interest people have in adhering to their national culture. The second thesis is historical. It concerns the basic interest people have in recognizing and protecting the multigenerational dimension of their culture. The

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22

Tesler-Mabé, Hernan. "The Liberal Soliloquy: The Elite Expression of Shared Loneliness in Modern European Nationalism and Supranationalism." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0001.

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Abstract Abstract: In this article, I explore the problem of identity at the national and European levels historically and sociologically, exposing the liberal thread that runs through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Looking to key historical and artistic figures, I argue for the continuity between early nationalist and European integrationist impulses, maintaining that-despite their seemingly contradictory essence-the two are bound together by a liberalism (viz. the pursuit of the natural rights of man) they hold in common. I contend that this connection illustrates that the initial e

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23

Wonicki, Rafał. "Porównanie liberalnej i republikańskiej kultury politycznej w państwie demokratycznym." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 16 (January 30, 2014): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2014.16.07.

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The main purpose of this article is to compare the liberal and republican understanding of the role of political culture. The reconstruction of the liberal and republican elements of the political sphere demonstrates how these theories present the role of citizenship, government and democracy, thus revealing differences in the concepts of political culture. Firstly, the liberal concept of political culture is described as a practice that allows citizens to fulfil their individual interests. Liberal political culture helps to integrate people in the institutional framework, thus enabling them t

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24

Chatterjee, Deen. "Building Common Ground: Going Beyond the Liberal Conundrum." Ethics & International Affairs 27, no. 2 (2013): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679413000038.

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Liberalism as a political ideology and a philosophical doctrine has championed individual autonomy, social and political equality, and democratic and inclusive political institutions. Consequently, liberalism is known for its commitment to tolerance and value pluralism. Yet liberalism has been critiqued for being insensitive to claims of culture. Indeed, an attitude of benign neglect toward diversity was once quite common among liberals, as was a general lack of interest in global concerns. Worse yet, according to some critics the liberal tradition—in spite of its purported liberating mission

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25

Reynol Filho, Augusto. "Dilemas de uma cultura política democrática." Cadernos de Ética e Filosofia Política 1, no. 03 (2001): 137–50. https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.1517-0128.v1i03p137-150.

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The debate between liberals and communitarians yields two opposite positions concerning an adequate political culture to contemporary liberal democracies. Such positions, however, do not account for the democratic discourse's legitimacy of our times. This can be seen, for instance, by means of the analysis of two questions: (i) the distinction between man's rights and citizen's rights: (ii) the progressive dissociation between some and the ones who make the main political and economic decisions which affect this same people. Albrecht Wellmer offers sugestions to a democratic political cultu

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26

Ben-Porath, Sigal. "Exit Rights and Entrance Paths: Accommodating Cultural Diversity in a Liberal Democracy." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 4 (2010): 1021–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003166.

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The debate over the accommodation of culture in liberal democracies tends to emphasize exit rights. Autonomy is typically taken as a pre-condition for exit, and public schools are often charged with promoting or facilitating it. I argue that diversity liberals have a more justifiable view than that of autonomy liberals on cultural accommodation, but diversity liberalism too should reframe its view of exit rights. Narrow exit rights that protect basic human rights should be maintained and augmented with entrance paths into general society. I further suggest that for exit rights along with entra

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27

Humpherys, Anne. ":Cultivating Victorians: Liberal Culture and the Aesthetic." Journal of Victorian Culture 11, no. 2 (2006): 373–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jvc.2006.11.2.373.

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28

Hewitt, Martin. "Cultivating Victorians: Liberal Culture and the Aesthetic." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 4 (2004): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10527420.

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29

Koopman, Colin. "Rorty’s Moral Philosophy for Liberal Democratic Culture." Contemporary Pragmatism 4, no. 2 (2007): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-90000071.

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30

Ryan, Alan. "ISAIAH BERLIN: Political Theory and Liberal Culture." Annual Review of Political Science 2, no. 1 (1999): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.345.

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31

Davies, Charlotte Aull. "Claiming Scotland: National Identity and Liberal Culture." American Ethnologist 28, no. 2 (2001): 462–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2001.28.2.462.

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32

Casado, Juan Alberto Ruiz. "The Pandemic and its Repercussions on Taiwan, its Identity, and Liberal Democracy." Open Cultural Studies 5, no. 1 (2021): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0123.

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Abstract The situation generated by the pandemic has meant the acceleration of the ongoing hegemonic clash between the United States and China, as well as the intensification of the anti-China narrative and a deplorable wave of Sinophobia throughout the world. In this context, Taiwan has become a strategic hot spot for the development of the rhetoric of the enemy. This study analyses some of the direct consequences of the ensuing friend/foe discourses in the Taiwanese milieu. In the context of a new Cold War, certain groups of power and their media apparatuses have embarked into a race to disc

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33

BOOTH, W. JAMES. "Maîtres Chez Nous: Some Questions about Culture and Continuity." American Political Science Review 107, no. 4 (2013): 866–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541300049x.

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Alan Patten's social lineage account of cultural continuity is the most recent effort to provide multicultural theory with a non-essentialist concept of culture, its continuity and loss that meets broadly liberal normative desiderata. In this essay, I argue that it too fails to offer an alternative to essentialism, to meet standard liberal normative stipulations, and to construct a theory of continuity sufficient to underpin the present claims of involuntarily incorporated communities. That result is theoretically interesting for it shows the deep intractability of the problems at the core of

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Li, Chen, Miron Zuckerman, and Ed Diener. "Culture Moderates the Relation Between Gender Inequality and Well-Being." Psychological Science 32, no. 6 (2021): 823–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797620972492.

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Research on the relation of gender inequality and subjective well-being (SWB) has produced inconsistent results. We suggest that culture moderates this relation such that inequality has a greater adverse effect in liberal than in conservative societies. The present studies, using aggregate data from 86 countries (Study 1) and 145,975 individuals’ data from 69 countries (Study 2), support this notion. Among liberal countries, inequality was negatively related to SWB for both men and women; there was some evidence that this relation was stronger for women. In conservative countries, the relation

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35

Doyle, Barry M. "Urban Liberalism and the ‘lost generation’: politics and middle class culture in Norwich, 1900–1935." Historical Journal 38, no. 3 (1995): 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020008.

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ABSTRACTThis article utilizes the metaphor of the post-war Lost Generation to investigate the chronology of middle class political realignment and Liberal decline. It suggests that the Liberalism of twentieth-century Norwich owed its existence to the perpetuation of a closed culture based on business, chapel and urban residence. It questions the degree to which dissenting Liberals had been assimilated into the dominant ideology before 1914 by reference to marriage ties and associational links such as the freemasons. It asserts that the downfall of this Liberal culture in the long run, though n

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36

KEMENY, P. C. "University Cultural Wars: Rival Protestant Pieties in Early Twentieth-Century Princeton." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53, no. 4 (2002): 735–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046902008734.

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Contrary to conventional wisdom, liberal Protestants, not fundamentalists, attempted to preserve Princeton University's traditional religious mission during the rapid intellectual and social change reshaping American higher education in the early twentieth century. In fact, when fundamentalists in the university community demanded the secularisation of the undergraduate programme, liberal Protestants spurned their efforts. Although American liberal Protestantism gradually dissolved into the surrounding secular culture over the course of the twentieth century, the conflict between the rival pie

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Skorobogatykh, Natalia. "The Evolution of the Liberal Party of Australia Political Culture: from Classical Dogmas to Neoliberalism." ISTORIYA 16, no. 3 (149) (2025): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840035136-8.

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The paper traces the main milestones in the history of liberal ideas and the political parties that arose on their basis in Australia. The process of shaping the ideology of the Australian bourgeoisie has been strongly influenced mainly by British and American political models and practices of the 19th and 20th centuries, adapted to local needs. As a result, by the beginning of the 21st century, the Australian liberals, turning to the neoliberal paradigm, completed the cycle in their development, returning, in fact, to those postulates that conservative by Australian standards politicians defe

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38

Onderco, Michal, and Wolfgang Wagner. "The ideational foundations of coercion: political culture and policies towards North Korea." European Political Science Review 9, no. 2 (2015): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000387.

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The notion that states’ foreign and security policies are not exclusively driven by material interests is now firmly established. Whose ideas matter and in what way, however, has remained subject to debate. We advance this debate by studying the crisis diplomacy of liberal democracies towards North Korea during four crises around the country’s violation of international norms between 1993 and 2009. Although liberal democracies share a common perception of North Korea’s nuclear programme as a threat to international peace and security, they differ widely in either confronting or accommodating N

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Svensk, Fredrik. "Den liberala demokratins konstkritiska protest." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 51, no. 134-135 (2023): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v51i134-135.137189.

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Claims that liberal democracy is in crisis need to reckon with the fact that it is a social system historically premised on crisis and criticality. Protest and protesting can, from this standpoint, be viewed as constitutive boundary phenomena of liberal democracy. By considering liberal democracy as a critical life form from a biopolitical perspective, the aim of the article is to suggest how liberal democracy itself can protest art-critically and that this indicates a crisis of its critical life form that is rarely acknowledged. The article argues that the crisis of liberal democracy in Swede

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Bralić, Željko. "Isidor iz Sevilje i slobodne nauke - od antičke ka srednjovjekovnoj kulturi." Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education, no. 1 2016 (2016): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2016.16.1.57.

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Medieval education, adult education included, is usually inadequately treated in the educational history surveys, therefore some of the significant features and individuals stay unduly neglected although they represent specific bridge between old, allegedly liberal but pagan and new, medieval culture dominated by Church that supressed much of scientific, philosophical and cultural heritage of clasical antiquity. Isidore of Seville is among those notable, although insufficiently investigated and well-known personalities of medieval scholarship and especially adult education. As one of the princ

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Beavers, Karen, Jennifer Esteron Cady, Amy Jiang, and Liberty McCoy. "Establishing a maker culture beyond the makerspace." Library Hi Tech 37, no. 2 (2019): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lht-07-2018-0088.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to describe the process of fostering a maker culture in a liberal arts university. It explores the impact of making on student learning and engagement, as well as the role of the library’s maker program. Design/methodology/approach This paper is a case study that presents the tools and activities used in an academic library’s maker program. Structured interviews were conducted with faculty, staff and students to review the program and maker culture influence on campus. Findings Findings highlight the library’s role in supporting maker culture on a liberal a

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Ibrahim Oanda Ogachi. "Neo-liberalism and the Subversion of Academic Freedom from Within: Money, Corporate Cultures and ‘Captured’ Intellectuals in African Public Universities." Journal of Higher Education in Africa 9, no. 1-2 (2011): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/jhea.v9i1-2.1572.

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In the last two decades, neo-liberal thinking and practices, as outcomes of globalization, have shaped social, economic, and educational policies. Within higher education institutions, the application of neo-liberal practices has increasingly reshaped the institutions into competitive markets and brought about the privatization of various aspects of institutional culture. In Africa, public universities were forced to adopt neo-liberal practices as part of the reform packages to address the financial crisis that the institutions faced in the 1980s. The deepening of neo-liberal cultures in the i

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ABIZADEH, ARASH. "Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (2002): 495–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540200028x.

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This paper subjects to critical analysis four common arguments in the sociopolitical theory literature supporting the cultural nationalist thesis that liberal democracy is viable only against the background of a single national public culture: the arguments that (1) social integration in a liberal democracy requires shared norms and beliefs (Schnapper); (2) the levels of trust that democratic politics requires can be attained only among conationals (Miller); (3) democratic deliberation requires communicational transparency, possible in turn only within a shared national public culture (Miller,

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Edmundson, William A. "Tolerating the Conditionally Tolerant." Democratic Theory 7, no. 1 (2020): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070106.

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How can a tolerant, liberal political culture tolerate the presence of only conditionally tolerant illiberal sub-cultures while remaining true to its principles of tolerance? The problem falls within the intersection of two developments in the thinking of two of the leading anglophone philosophers of the last half-century, Bernard Williams and John Rawls. Rawls, particularly, struggled with the problem of how a liberal society might stably survive the clash of plural sub-cultures that a liberal society – unless it is oppressively coercive – must itself foster and allow to flourish. And he sepa

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Muñoz Sanz-Agero, María. "El Ateneo de Madrid. Los intelectuales en la construcción de la nación en la España liberal (1835-1898)." Dirāsāt Hispānicas: Revista Tunecina de Estudios Hispánicos, no. 9 (December 21, 2023): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/dirhisp.vi9.6.

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El término intelectual ha quedado ligado a los opositores del orden político establecido. Sin embargo, existieron figuras de la cultura que participaron en el Estado liberal del siglo XIX español. En este artícu- lo profundizaré en los vínculos entre cultura y política a través de los socios del Ateneo de Madrid.  English title: The Ateneo de Madrid. Intellectuals in the National Construction in the Liberal Spain (1835-1898) The term intellectual has been associated with opponents of the established political order. However, there were cultural figures who participated in the

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Fox, Richard Wightman. "The Culture of Liberal Protestant Progressivism, 1875-1925." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 3 (1993): 639. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206106.

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47

Sheth, Falguni A. "Unruly Muslim Women and Threats to Liberal Culture." Peace Review 18, no. 4 (2006): 455–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650601030328.

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Coen, Deborah R. "Liberal Reason and the Culture of the Sommerfrische." Austrian History Yearbook 38 (January 2007): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021469.

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Fin-de-siècle Vienna continues to supply historians and the general public alike with a paradigm of the modernist subversion of rationality. From the birth of the unconscious, to the artistic expression of feral sexuality, to the surge of populist politics, Vienna 1900 stands as the turning point when a nineteenth-century ideal of rationality gave way to a twentieth-century fascination with subjectivity. In fact, we know little as yet about what rationality really meant to those to whom we attribute its undoing. Allan Janik writes that today the “‘big’ questions about Viennese culture” center

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Humpherys, Anne. "Cultivating Victorians: Liberal Culture and the Aesthetic (review)." Journal of Victorian Culture 11, no. 2 (2006): 373–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jvc.2006.0029.

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Schultes, Carla N., and Kathleen M. Shannon. "MATHEMATICS AND CULTURE: A UNIQUE LIBERAL ARTS EXPERIENCE." PRIMUS 7, no. 3 (1997): 222–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10511979708965863.

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