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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal interventionism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Lipsey, David. "Liberal Interventionism." Political Quarterly 87, no. 3 (2016): 415–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12229.

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Leveringhaus, Alex. "Liberal Interventionism, Humanitarian Ethics, and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 6, no. 2 (2014): 162–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00602005.

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This paper examines the lack of engagement between liberal political philosophers and humanitarians on the issue of humanitarian intervention. It argues that the recent emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) agenda provides a great opportunity to overcome this mutual disinterest in each other’s positions. R2P, especially as formulated by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, is fairly demanding. In order to formulate an adequate response, liberals and humanitarians need to reconsider their positions. In this respect, insights provided by liberal politica

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3

Braithwaite, Rodric. "Afghanistan: The End of Liberal Interventionism?" Political Insight 12, no. 4 (2021): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20419058211066515.

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4

Coetzee, Pieter. "Interventionism, Authoritarianism, and the Liberal State in South Africa." Philosophia Africana 5, no. 2 (2002): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philafricana2002525.

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5

Hehir, Aidan. "Unravelling liberal interventionism: local critiques of statebuilding in Kosovo." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (2020): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz207.

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6

Atkinson, Philippa. "Liberal interventionism in Liberia: Towards a tentatively just approach?" Conflict, Security & Development 8, no. 1 (2008): 15–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800801977062.

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7

Haji-Yousefi, Amir Mohammad. "Iran`s Policy in the Syrian Civil War: From Liberal Pacifism to Liberal Interventionism." International Journal of Economics and Politics 2, no. 1 (2021): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29252/jep.2.1.211.

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8

M’lili, Amina. "Explaining the United States Military Intervention in Libya (2011) from a Liberal Internationalism Perspective." Journal of Law, Society and Authority 13, no. 1 (2024): 280–98. https://doi.org/10.52919/lsa.v13i1.248.

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International intervention remains a complex and contentious element of U.S. foreign policy, with the 2011 U.S. military intervention in Libya standing out as a pivotal moment in international relations. This intervention marked the first comprehensive test of the emerging legal norm known as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which seeks to prevent atrocities such as genocide and crimes against humanity. The Libyan intervention ignited widespread debate about the objectives, strategies, and long-term consequences of such actions, raising critical questions about the role of military force i

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Hobbs, Bradley K., and Nikolai G. Wenzel. "The Physiocrats: Friends or Foes of Liberty?" New Perspectives on Political Economy 14, no. 1-2 (2018): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.62374/cskf1g15.

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Were the Physiocrats friends or foes of liberty? Some classical liberal economists hail the Physiocrats as precursors of modern liberty, while others decry them for planting the seeds of mathematical economics and interventionism. Smith and Rothbard praise the Physiocrats, while Hayek, Roepke and Tocqueville damn them. While we focus on classical liberal interpretations of the Physiocrats, we also return to the secondary literature – but also to the writings of François Quesnay, founder of Physiocracy. We find a mixed bag, and both strains of classical liberalism are partially correct. The Phy

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Salin, Pascal. "On Understanding France and the French Situation." Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 22, no. 3 (2019): 453–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35297/qjae.010029.

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The French social model is mainly a model of state interventionism, which creates a strange contrast between two things: the fact that France is a collectivized society and the fact that it has produced some of the most famous and important libertal intellectuals (for instance, Turgot, Bastiat, and Jean-Baptiste Say). We are inclined to wonder why these liberal writers--who are famous all around the world--have not been able to convince French people so that France would be a model of liberalism.

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11

MOE, LOUISE WIUFF, and ANNA GEIS. "From liberal interventionism to stabilisation: A new consensus on norm-downsizing in interventions in Africa." Global Constitutionalism 9, no. 2 (2020): 387–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s204538171900039x.

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AbstractThis article traces recent changes of the practices and justifications of the use of force in intervention, in the context of African security governance, highlighting how these changes interact with norm transformations at the scale of the global order. In doing so, it conveys how a long-standing pattern of norm contestation between international and African actors over external intervention vs sovereignty, has started to give way to a mutually accepted division of labour. After 9/11, the paradigm of liberal interventionism has been incrementally replaced by the framework of stabilisa

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12

Honeyman, Victoria. "From liberal interventionism to liberal conservatism: The short road in foreign policy from Blair to Cameron." British Politics 12, no. 1 (2017): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/bp.2015.46.

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13

Jacobsen, Katja Lindskov. "Biometric voter registration: A new modality of democracy assistance?" Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 1 (2019): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836719850219.

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It has been argued that we are witnessing a retreat from democracy promotion in liberal interventionism. Focusing on the roll-out of biometric voter registration (BVR) across Africa, as supported by institutions such as the United Nations Development Programme, this article suggests that rather than a retreat we are seeing the emergence of a new and seemingly lighter approach to liberal democracy promotion. Through an analysis of the use of BVR in Kenyan elections, the article illustrates some key implications of this development. At the local level, the framing of BVR as a ‘solution’ omits im

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14

Sobiecki, Roman, and Stanisław Kowalczyk. "Interventionism in the era of globalization." Kwartalnik Nauk o Przedsiębiorstwie 51, no. 2 (2019): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2847.

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The authors analyze the need and possibilities of increased state involvement in the market mechanism, i.e. the perspective of interventionism in the era of globalization. The beginning of interventionism dates back to ancient times, and the last period of increased state participation in economic processes started during the Great Depression, which ended in the 1970s. The need to restore state involvement in the market was reiterated and written in connection with the first global economic crisis of the 21st century. A crisis that exposed the weaknesses of neo-liberal concepts, their effectiv

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15

Wai, Zubairu. "The empire's new clothes: Africa, liberal interventionism and contemporary world order." Review of African Political Economy 41, no. 142 (2014): 483–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2014.928278.

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16

Graubart, Jonathan. "R2P and Pragmatic Liberal Interventionism: Values in the Service of Interests." Human Rights Quarterly 35, no. 1 (2013): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2013.0012.

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17

Martynov, Andriy. "US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.

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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a var

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18

Charles, A. Sills. "The New Sykes-Picot: Imperial Geographies, Economic Violence and the Occupation of Northern and Eastern Syria." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 4, no. 1 (2021): 125–36. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.04.01.258.

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This article quantifies the socio-economic impact of Syria’s territorial fragmentation, framing western efforts to partition Syria against the backdrop of a broader campaign designed to achieve regime change using economic violence. While some have attempted to quantify the impact of sanctions and trade restrictions on Syrian civilians, much of the extant literature fails to address the illegal occupation of Syrian territory north and east of the Euphrates River. Critically, the direct seizure of geographic space through the occupation of Syrian territory facilitates economic violence fa

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Fikrat Ismayilzada, Nusrat. "Avropa İttifaqının xarici siyasəti kontekstində dayanıqlılığın artırılması yanaşması". SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 09, № 5 (2022): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/09/90-93.

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This article analyzes resilience-building approach observed in the foreign policy of the European Union. The European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) emphasized the concept of principled pragmatism underlining importance of both realistic evaluation of existing situation and idealistic view of the world. It also mentions the resilience of neighboring societies and states as one of the main external policy priorities of the EU. Many scholars mentioned that the concept of resilience-building would bring a shift of paradigm to the foreign policy of the EU. To have a better understanding of the pecul

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20

Walker, Thomas C. "Exporting the Revolution." Journal of Early American History 6, no. 2-3 (2016): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00603010.

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This essay explores the connections between Paine’s international thought and the theory of liberal internationalism in the field of Political Science. Paine was first to provide a coherent theory of how democracy, free trade, and limited military spending would promote both peace and prosperity. One troubling inconsistency in Paine’s liberal internationalism rests in his advocacy for both small military budgets and active military intervention to spread democracy. By comparing Paine’s divergent views regarding democracy promotion and intervention in Louisiana and in England, we emerge with a

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21

Balthasar, Dominik. "‘Peace-building as state-building’? Rethinking liberal interventionism in contexts of emerging states." Conflict, Security & Development 17, no. 6 (2017): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2017.1406180.

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22

Jacobsen, Katja Lindskov, and Troels Gauslå Engell. "Conflict prevention as pragmatic response to a twofold crisis: liberal interventionism and Burundi." International Affairs 94, no. 2 (2018): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iix236.

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23

McGuire, Steven. "National policy for internationalized industries: neo-liberal interventionism and the UK aerospace industry." Journal of European Public Policy 4, no. 2 (1997): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501769709696338.

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24

Bouissou, Jean-Marie. "L’administration japonaise et la chute du parti libéral démocrate." Revue française d'administration publique 73, no. 1 (1995): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1995.2926.

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Japan’s Administration and the Fall of the Liberal-Democratic Party Three forces which constitute the “brass” triangle try to monopolise decision-making power : bureaucracy, the Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) and big business. During the last years, the two first ones were dominating. For some commentators the bureaucracy holds the decision-making power despite of the political domination of the LDP. For others on the contrary it is the LDP which had the means to manipulate administration. At the beginning of the eighties, the LDP launched an important struggle against bureaucrats. Deregulatio

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25

Collins, Andrew EE, and Chuck Thiessen. "A grounded theory of local ownership as meta-conflict in Afghanistan." Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 2 (2019): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836719895040.

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Internationally sponsored interventions in fragile and conflict-affected states are often resisted by domestic actors who have deep local knowledge, profoundly different expectations of political processes, and keen desires to shape their country’s future. Many forms of local resistance can damage or stall the progress of externally driven peacebuilding, but the critical peacebuilding literature has suffered from an inability to articulate coherent strategic alternatives to the dominant paradigm of liberal interventionism. This paradigm, we argue, is actually part of what fuels continued resis

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26

Stanowicka, Agnieszka, and Paweł Sobotka. "The role of liberal theory in the development of welfare on the example of selected historical events." Ekonomia 30, no. 2 (2025): 41–52. https://doi.org/10.19195/2658-1310.30.2.3.

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All variants of economic liberalism advocate for free trade and competition. Based on a literature review, this study postulates that economic liberalism promotes welfare and economic growth. The aim of this study was to identify the advantages of liberalism on the example of important historical events and selected economies. A critical literature review conducted in 2023 revealed that economic liberalism fostered rapid economic growth in the 19th century. In the second example, the role of economic liberalism in stimulating investment and economic growth was analyzed in the United States. Th

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27

GEIS, ANNA. "Outlawing war is not enough to promote international peace: The ambivalence of liberal interventionism." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 3 (2018): 342–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000205.

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Abstract:Why has interstate war declined and why do states refrain from territorial conquests in the post-Second World War order? The 1928 Peace Pact cannot account for these remarkable developments. This article argues that outlawing war is not enough to promote international peace. International Relations debates on the influence of weapons of mass destruction, democratic regime types and political cultures on interstate behaviour provide further important insights into the delegitimation of certain types of war. Since the 1990s, a changing character of war and warfare has emerged that is es

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28

Binder, Werner. "A Liberal Order Beyond Earth? Civil Sphere, “The Culture” and the Future of Liberalism." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 19, no. 4 (2020): 36–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2020-4-36-60.

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Starting with George Orwell’s liberal problem of meaning, this article investigates liberalism as cultural structure and myth, drawing on the theory of civil sphere by Jeffrey C. Alexander and the science fiction novels of Ian M. Banks. Following Alexander, it is argued that liberal societies are built around a sacred core described by the cultural structures of the civil sphere, which are structures of meaning as well as feeling. Civil discourses and movements in liberal (and not so liberal) societies mobilize powerful sym-bols of the sacred and profane and are thus able to inspire an almost

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29

Wright, Vincent. "Les leçons des privatisations britanniques ou les dilemmes de l’État libéral." Revue française d'administration publique 61, no. 1 (1992): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1992.2555.

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The Lessons of British Privatization or the Dilemmas of Liberal State. Four main strategies have been mobilized by the Conservatives to reduce and define the role of the State in the economy : greater autonomy, deregulation, marketisation, and privatization. This global policy to redefine the boundary between State and market conceals some contradictions. The British State has certainly altered its relations with the market economy, but in a very complex fashion : withdrawal and distancing in some sectors, more indirect interventionism in a few sectors, and more thorough in others.

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30

Andersson, Robert. "Från behandling till hårdare tag? En kritisk analys av högervågsargumentet inom svensk kriminalpolitik." Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab 106, no. 1 (2019): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ntfk.v106i1.124710.

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In this article I address the question of whether there has been a punitive turn in Swedish crime policy or not. Since the punitive turn is connected to the downfall of the rehabilitative ideal, and to what David Garland has termed penal welfarism, I make my argument with reference to these phenomena in Sweden. I claim that there were two rationales behind the penal welfare state and the rehabilitative ideal in Sweden: a social liberal rationale built on paternalism and interventionism, and a social democratic rationale built on Marxist class analysis. My argument is that while penal welfarism

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31

Charles, A. Sills, and Al-Kassimi Khaled. "Sanctioning Arabia through the Caesar Act: Economic Violence & Imperial Anxieties in the "Middle East"." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 3, no. 3 (2020): 789–99. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.03.03.211.

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This paper appraises the regional impact of economic sanctions initiated by the United States against the Syrian Arab Republic by analyzing the ‘spillover effect’ of such measures elsewhere in the Levant. Specifically, this paper measures the impact of the ongoing American sanctions regime in Jordan and Lebanon. Excising the Syrian market from the regional economy has had -and will continue to have- ruinous consequences for Lebanese and Jordanian balance sheets. This eventuality redounds to the benefit of the United States, which seeks to extend its hegemony over a weak and divided

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32

Müller, Harald, and Jonas Wolff. "The Dual Use of an Historical Event: ‘Rwanda 1994’, the Justification and Critique of Liberal Interventionism." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 8, no. 4 (2014): 280–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2014.956994.

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33

Lin, Shaohan. "The Public Costs of Grand Strategy in the Trump Era." World Affairs 179, no. 3 (2016): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820016689516.

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American grand strategy is at a crossroads. The preferred trajectory of president-elect Trump, hardball isolationism and nationalism, runs counter to the American tradition of global leadership and liberal interventionism. Despite Trump’s preference for a new grand strategy, it is far from preordained that he will successfully resist Washington’s perennial pull of hegemony once sworn into office. Therefore, it is imperative to examine the strategic preferences of the American public, given that it has to bear the costs of this grand strategy. So what can one expect when the public is disintere

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34

Hall, Martin, and John M. Hobson. "Liberal International theory: Eurocentric but not always Imperialist?" International Theory 2, no. 2 (2010): 210–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909990261.

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This article has two core objectives: first to challenge the conventional understanding of liberal international theory (which we do by focussing specifically on classical liberalism) and second, to develop much further postcolonialism’s conception of Eurocentrism. These twin objectives come together insofar as we argue that classical liberalism does not always stand for anti-imperialism/non-interventionism given that significant parts of it were Eurocentric and pro-imperialist. But we also argue that in those cases where liberals rejected imperialism they did so not out of a commitment to cul

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35

Matsushita, Thiago Lopes. "PERFILAMENTO HISTÓRICO DA ORDEM ECONÔMICA DO BRASIL (1889/-) RETRATADA NAS CARTAS CONSTITUCIONAIS * HISTORICAL PROFILING OF THE BRAZILIAN ECONOMICAL ORDER (1889/-) RECORDED IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTERS." História e Cultura 5, no. 1 (2016): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i1.1728.

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Resumo: O presente artigo se propõe a analisar os períodos que englobam as respectivas Constituições da República brasileira, com o enfoque na ordem econômica, trazendo para o debate a escolha de cada uma delas em face das opções de organização estatal no que diz respeito ao nível de intervencionismo inerente à regência jurídica da economia, desde o Estado Liberal até o Estado Totalitário, prevalecendo contemporaneamente a estrutura imposta pela Carta de 1988 de um Estado de Intervenção Necessária.Palavras-chave: Estado de Intervenção Necessária; Ordem Econômica; Constituição Federal de 1988.

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36

Stekic, Nenad, and Srdjan Korac. "On the idea of evil in international relations." Medjunarodni problemi 74, no. 4 (2022): 583–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2204583s.

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The study discusses how the concept of evil is positioned in the current theoretical discussion in international relations and how it is discursively misapplied in the imperial practice of preserving and advancing liberal peace in the early twenty-first century. The authors first present the fundamental assumptions embedded in the notion and typology of evil, and then delve into how Rousseau?s and Kant?s conception of the origin of moral evil has indirectly affected the differentiation of epistemological approaches in the study of the dark side of international relations. In terms of the situa

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37

Rozen, Łukasz. "Aksjologiczne i ideowe fundamenty doktryn liberalnych wobec kwestii ekonomicznych." Świat Idei i Polityki 15, no. 1 (2016): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201602.

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Classical political liberalism was not related with some economic concepts, although John Locke accept right to property as the fundamental law of nature. Later liberalism began involve to economic and social issues. Utilitarian liberalism of J. Bentham and John Stuart Mill created the foundations to social justice. Evolutionary liberalism of H. Spencer affirm human egoism and rivalry as the fundamental social principles, also he was proponent minimum and limited state in political economic. And social liberalism, introducing new concept of positive freedom, was for interventionism and social

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38

Callaway, H. G. "Identity, Dignity and the Politics of Resentment." Ruch Filozoficzny 79, no. 4 (2023): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/rf.2022.034.

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In his 2018 book, Identity, the Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment, Stanford University political scientist Francis Fukuyama addresses themes which might more properly be considered matters of political philosophy and the philosophy of law: How are we to navigate between traditional, ethnic, unitary conceptions of the nation on the one hand, and the threat of identitarian fragmentation on the other? Though Fukuyama affirms the importance of the concepts of human dignity and identity, more or less as these are commonly understood, he also criticizes the contemporary phenomenon o

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Amemiya, Akihiko. "Neuer Liberalismus und Faschismus: Liberaler Interventionismus und die Ordnung des Wettbewerbs Neoliberalism and the economics of fascism. Liberal interventionism and competitive order in the Third Reich." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 49, no. 2 (2008): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/jbwg.2008.0022.

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Błaszczyk, Cezary. "Nowy Ład wobec tradycji klasycznej." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 69, no. 1 (2018): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2017.1.11.

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Franklin Delano Roosevelt promised the Americans the creation of the New Deal as he won the 1932 presidential election. It was a realization of a new and progressive vision of the world and, in consequence, it was to bring the Great Depression to an end. The scale of the metamorphosis was of unprecedented magnitude in the history of the United States. The next decade witnessed a doctrinal shift from the negative to a positive freedom,from deontological ethics to consequentionalism, and from the night watchman state to the welfare state. These changes found further reflection in the introductio

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Golinowska, Stanisława. "THEORETICALLY AND HISTORICALLY ABOUT SOCIAL POLICY." Polityka Społeczna 606, no. 11-12 (2024): 2–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.8493.

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The article is an essay on the development of social policy in its ideological and practical dimensions. The considerations are carried out historically, starting with the modern era marked by the beginnings of industrialisation in England, where philosophical empiricism developed, and the first poverty regulations were created. The evolution of market economy was accompanied by the development of liberal philosophy with its ideas of freedom and equality and the foundations of socialist ideology and Marxism. In parallel, social policy was developing as a practice of state activity and dictator

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42

Jackson, Richard. "How Resistance Can Save Peace Studies." Journal of Resistance Studies 1, no. 1 (2025): 18. https://doi.org/10.63961/2025.026.

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For the most part, peace studies has assumed that violent conflict and injustice require ‘peace,’ ‘conflict management,’ and forms of liberal interventionism from external actors. The consequence of this unquestioned assumption has been to prioritize external actors, top-down processes, governance, and conflict mitigation – often at the expense of social justice and local actors. A shift in analytical focus, terminology, and epistemology towards the theory and practice of ‘resistance’ has the potential to re-focus the field on local agency and priorities, local and everyday forms of peace, the

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43

Martynov, Andrii. "FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA: BETWEEN POLITICAL REALISM AND LIBERAL VALUES." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 17 (2024): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2024.17.10.

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The author of the reviewed monograph showed the mutual influence of the domestic and foreign policy of the United States. The reviewed book is interesting for its conceptual generalizations and establishment of causal relationships between different stages of the political history of the United States in the context of the history of Americanforeign policy. The independence of the United States marked the emergence of a potential world power. The North’s victory in the Civil War eliminated external threats to the United States. The author considers the period of the two world wars to be a cont

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44

Musliu, Vjosa. "Multi-ethnic democracy as an autoimmune practice: The case of international missions in Kosovo." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 1 (2016): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148116672211.

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This article explains how the international project for building multi-ethnic democracy in Kosovo undermines itself by effectively opposing the very concept of democracy. Derrida explained this with ‘autoimmunity’, a term which describes the failed attempt of an organism to recognize its own constituent parts as self, leading to an immune response against its own cells and tissues. Unlike Derrida, I provide that the promotion or the building of multi-ethnic democracy in Kosovo commits suicide in its insemination because it is intrinsically undemocratic and because it defines the constituting e

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Min Gyo, Koo. "Embracing Free Trade Agreements, Korean Style: From Developmental Mercantilism to Developmental Liberalism." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 25, no. 3 (2010): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps25306.

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This study analyzes how and to what extent South Korea has embedded developmental liberalism into its free trade agreement (FTA) initiative, departing from its traditional focus on developmental mercantilism. In the wake of the global economic crisis of 2008-09 and the subsequent expansion of government interventionism across the world, the developmental state model has attracted renewed scholarly attention. It offers a useful conceptual framework to examine how a particular set of arrangements between the competitive and uncompetitive sectors in South Korea has shifted from developmental merc

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Tripon, Catalin. "Selected Issues on the Incorporation Process in Romania and Thoughts on its Improvement in Light of the Delaware Model: A Note." Review of Central and East European Law 29, no. 1 (2004): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303504773821167.

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AbstractOur purpose in writing this article is two-fold. First , we will provide a brief description of the incorporation process in Romania, the evolution thereof, and the policies that support the process. This description will also include a brief comparison of Delaware law and practice. We have selected Delaware since, among other (perceived) benefi ts offered to investors, the Delaware spirit refl ects the liberal corporate policies that many observers believe attract entrepreneurs to that state. On one hand, the process of establishing a business entity has been wiped clean of formalism,

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Sioma, Marek. "Polityka gospodarcza Polski na tle państw Europy Środkowej w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 21, no. 4 (2023): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2023.4.8.

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In the interwar period which started in 1918 after the Great War, the dominant politics was that of the economic liberalism which, along with the changes taking place on the political scene, shifted towards interventionism or economic nationalism. This path was also taken by three countries of Central Europe, i.e. Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. However, each one of them implemented its own economic policy, initially largely dependent on the heritage of the previous era. After the post-war economy (war economy in Poland), the time has come for the economic prosperity, and afterwards, the

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Schmoeckel, Mathias. "VIII. „Gründerkrise“ und „Grosse Depression“. Zur notwendigen Revision einer Geschichtsdeutung." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 132, no. 1 (2015): 251–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga-2015-0111.

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“Founder’s Crisis” and “Great Depression”. The Necessity of a New Historic Approach. Looking out for structural change in the economic order of the German Reich after 1870, the dominant literature hitherto presupposed a more or less dramatic “Great Depression”, which began 1873 and led to fundamental legal and economic changes. There is, however, no valid proof for such a depression. Instead most criteria rather suggest economic stability or even success until the 1890s. Similarly the axiomatic change, described mostly as “organized capitalism” and “State interventionism” or as turn to the soc

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Scholliers, Peter. "Constructing New Expertise: Private and Public Initiatives for Safe Food (Brussels in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century)." Medical History 58, no. 4 (2014): 546–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.52.

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AbstractIn 1856, the mayor of Brussels proposed the establishment of a municipal laboratory with a chemist to analyse food and beverages to restrain fraud. His proposal was accepted and a laboratory – possibly one of the first municipal laboratories in Europe – was set up. The laboratory still exists today. This paper aims at tracing the conditions in which it emerged, situating it within thelaissez-fairecontext of the time. It was brought into existence by a liberal administration, in a period of little interventionism replete with unencumbered private interests (those of bakers, butchers, gr

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Mao, Joyce. "The Specter of Yalta: Asia Firsters and the Development of Conservative Internationalism." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 2 (2012): 132–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-01902003.

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During the 1940s, conservative leaders in the United States turned to the emerging Cold War in Asia both to condemn the moral bankruptcy of liberal globalism and to establish their own brand of anti-Communist internationalism. “Asia Firsters” such as Senators William F. Knowland, John W. Bricker, and Robert A. Taft evoked the specter of Yalta and Roosevelt’s betrayal of Nationalist China as a signature issue which extended far beyond the question of who “lost” China. Yalta served as a touchstone for the right’s ideological and political development during the Cold War. Focusing on U.S.-People’

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