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1

Hampson, Glenn C. American policy: A liberal Republican perspective. 2nd ed. Castle Pacific Publishing, 1996.

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2

The decline and fall of the liberal Republicans: From 1952 to the present. Oxford University Press, 1989.

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3

Slander: Liberal lies about the American right. Three Rivers Press, 2002.

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4

The doom of Reconstruction: The liberal Republicans in the Civil War era. Fordham University Press, 2007.

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5

The bulldozer and the big tent: On passion, character, values, and style from Bush's folly to the liberal opening. J. Wiley & Sons, 2007.

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6

Tennessee Republicans in the era of William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, and William Howard Taft: Factions, leaders, and patronage. E. Mellen Press, 1998.

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7

Alent'eva, Tat'yana. Public opinion in the United States on the eve of the Civil war (1850-1861), was. INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1068789.

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The monograph first examines American public opinion as a major factor of social and political life in the period of the maturing of the Civil war (1861-1865 gg.). Special value it is given by the study of the struggle in the South and in the North, consideration of the process of formation of two socio-cultural models. 
 On the wide canvas of the socio-economic and political history in the monograph analyses the state and development of public opinion in the United States, sequentially from the compromise of 1850, a small civil war in Kansas, the uprising of John brown, of the maturing o
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8

Anthony, Rahe Paul, ed. Machiavelli's liberal republican legacy. Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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9

Republican like me: How I left the liberal bubble and learned to love the right. 2017.

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10

McGlowan, Angela. Bamboozled: How Americans are being Exploited by the Lies of the Liberal Agenda. Thomas Nelson, 2007.

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11

McGlowan, Angela. Bamboozled: How Americans Are Being Exploited by the Lies of the Liberal Agenda. Nelson Incorporated, Thomas, 2009.

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12

Seip, John. The trickle-down delusion: How Republican upward redistribution of economic and political power undermines our economy, democracy, institutions, and health-- and a liberal response. 2016.

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13

Burstein, Andrew. Democracy's Muse: How Thomas Jefferson Became an FDR Liberal, a Reagan Republican, and a Tea Party Fanatic, All the While Being Dead. University of Virginia Press, 2017.

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14

Democracy's muse: How Thomas Jefferson became an FDR liberal, a Reagan Republican, and a Tea Party fanatic, all the while being dead. 2015.

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15

Slap, Andrew L. Doom of Reconstruction: The Liberal Republicans in the Civil War Era. Fordham University Press, 2010.

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16

Thurber, Timothy N. Forgotten Architects of the Second Reconstruction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0009.

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This chapter analyzes how the Republican Party responded to two central demands—economic opportunity and voting rights—of the modern African American freedom struggle from the 1940s through the early 1970s. It argues that scholars have underestimated the role of the Republican Party in shaping the Second Reconstruction. Liberal Democrats and civil rights organizations had to respond to what Republicans believed about the role of race in American life and the place of federal authority in racial matters, as they struggled to get legislation through Congress and approved by the White House. Repu
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17

Wright Rigueur, Leah. Richard Nixon’s Black Cabinet. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0005.

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This chapter talks about how Richard Nixon's classist appeals for minority enterprise mirrored a theme central to black Republican thought and action. As previously seen, African American party members consistently proposed variations on a single core agenda, wedding liberal appeals for racial equality with a belief in traditional Republican principles. In particular, they had long called for the creation and implementation of a movement for economic civil rights, as an alternative means of reaching full equality. A June 1968 article in Time highlighted the prominent position of this centerpie
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18

Wright Rigueur, Leah. The Challenge of Change. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0004.

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This chapter analyzes how Edward Brooke's election was a moment of profound achievement for both black Republicans and the larger Grand Old Party (GOP) apparatus. Viewed as a political phenomenon, he not only represented the abstract goals of the National Negro Republican Assembly (NNRA) but also captured an image that moderate and liberal Republican leaders had struggled to harness since Barry Goldwater's unnerving rise in 1964. For a party traumatized in the aftermath of defeat, Brooke provided much needed proof that moderate Republican candidates could appeal to an interracial cross section
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19

Dueck, Colin. Age of Iron. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190079369.001.0001.

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Age of Iron attempts to describe the past, present, and possible future of conservative nationalism in American foreign policy. It argues that a kind of conservative US nationalism long predates the Trump presidency, and goes back to the American founding. Different aspects of conservative American nationalism have been incorporated into the Republican Party from its creation. Every Republican president since Theodore Roosevelt has tried to balance elements of this tradition with global US foreign policy priorities. Donald Trump was able to win his party’s nomination and rise to the presidency
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20

Moore, William F., and Jane Ann Moore. Hating the Zeal to Spread Slavery, 1854. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038464.003.0002.

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This chapter examines how Abraham Lincoln and Owen Lovejoy were brought together by a common vision to end slavery. Lincoln, a Springfield lawyer, and Lovejoy, a Princeton pastor, met for the first time at the Springfield State Fair in Illinois on October 4, 1854. At that time, both Lincoln and Lovejoy were angered by the Kansas–Nebraska Act championed by Illinois Democratic senator Stephen A. Douglas. Lincoln wanted the Whigs and Lovejoy wanted the Republican Party to lead the “fusion” movement uniting all those opposed to Douglas's law and advocating the restoration of the Missouri Compromis
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21

Bell, Jonathan. From Popular Front to Liberalism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0003.

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This chapter situates the consumer boom and suburbanization of California after World War II in the context of the changing dynamics of liberal politics on the West Coast. The rise of the Democratic Party to power in California took place at a time in which a range of interest groups demanding greater racial, sexual, and economic equality began to gain political traction and found that the existing avenues of party political action were inadequate for their needs. The California Democratic Party in the 1950s acted as a meeting ground for a range of cross-class interests searching for political
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22

Morris, Irwin L. Movers and Stayers. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052898.001.0001.

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Democrats once dominated the “Solid South.” By the turn of the 21st century, Republicans had taken control. We are in the midst of the dawning of new, more progressive era. Theories explaining Republican growth provide little guidance, but a new perspective—Movers and Stayers theory—explains this recent growth in Democratic support and the ways in which population growth has produced it. Migratory patterns play a significant role in southern politics. Young, well-educated in-migrants fostered Republican growth in the last century. Today, these increasingly progressive young, well-educated move
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23

Charnock, Emily J. The Rise of Political Action Committees. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.001.0001.

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This book explores the origins of political action committees (PACs) in the mid-twentieth century and their impact on the American party system. It argues that PACs were envisaged, from the outset, as tools for effecting ideological change in the two main parties, thus helping to foster the partisan polarization we see today. It shows how the very first PAC, created by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1943, explicitly set out to liberalize the Democratic Party by channeling campaign resources to liberal Democrats while trying to defeat conservative Southern Democrats. This org
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24

Stanley, Matthew E. “Was It for This You Fought?”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040733.003.0006.

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This chapter argues that Reconstruction failed first among northern states in the Lower Middle West. Although the Republican Party won many converts in the region between 1864 and 1872 and the construction of Confederate identity in Kentucky and Missouri worked in tandem with the manufacture of Union identity north of the Ohio River, southern Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio remained fundamentally committed to illiberal ideologies of race. Most white citizens, including old soldiers, linked government spending and corruption to unbidden black advancement and reinforced a “new white supremacy” to op
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25

Moore, William F., and Jane Ann Moore. Traversing Uneven Political Ground, 1855. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038464.003.0003.

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This chapter examines how Abraham Lincoln and Owen Lovejoy traversed an uneven political ground in 1855 to move their respective positions on slavery into almost perfect alignment. It first provides an overview of Lincoln and Lovejoy's political grounding before discussing the political agreement that would allow Lincoln to advance his candidacy for the U.S. Senate and for Lovejoy to find a venue to correct some intentional mischaracterizations of the early Republican Party in Illinois. It also considers the two men's speeches in which they both regarded the repeal of the Missouri Compromise a
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