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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal Republican Party. Missouri'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Lupton, Robert N., William M. Myers, and Judd R. Thornton. "Party Animals: Asymmetric Ideological Constraint among Democratic and Republican Party Activists." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 4 (2017): 889–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917718960.

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Existing literature shows that Republicans in the mass public demonstrate greater ideological inconsistency and value conflict than Democrats. That is, despite a commitment to the conservative label and abstract belief in limited government, Republican identifiers’ substantive policy attitudes are nonetheless divided. Conversely, Democrats, despite registering lower levels of ideological thinking, maintain relatively consistent liberal issue attitudes. Based on theories of coalition formation and elite opinion leadership, we argue that these differences should extend to Democratic and Republic

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2

Bruce, John M., John A. Clark, and John H. Kessel. "Advocacy Politics in Presidential Parties." American Political Science Review 85, no. 4 (1991): 1089–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963937.

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Analysis of data from a 1988 survey of presidential parties demonstrates that campaign leaders are better understood as true believers than as either representatives or vote maximizers. Analysis of leaders' attitudes reveals four issue groups in both the Republican and Democratic parties. The dominant coalition in the Republican party is slightly more conservative, and that in the Democratic party is slightly more liberal, than the party median. Comparison with similar 1972 data shows stable patterns of issue advocacy and intraparty cohesion over this time period but somewhat increased issue d

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3

Koger, Gregory, Seth Masket, and Hans Noel. "Partisan Webs: Information Exchange and Party Networks." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (2009): 633–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409000659.

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What is a party? This article presents the argument that rmal party apparatus is only one part of an extended network of interest groups, media, other advocacy organizations and candidates. The authors have measured a portion of this network in the United States systematically by tracking lists of names transferred between political organizations. Two distinct and polarized networks are revealed, which correspond to a more liberal Democratic group and a more conservative Republican group. Formal party organizations, like the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee,

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Miller, Gary, and Norman Schofield. "The Transformation of the Republican and Democratic Party Coalitions in the U.S." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (2008): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708081218.

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Because the space of policies is two-dimensional, parties in the United States are coalitions of opposed interests. The Republican Party contains both socially conservative and socially liberal groups, though both tend to be pro-business. The increasing dominance of the social conservatives has angered some prominent Republicans, even causing a number of them to change party allegiance. Over time, the decreasing significance of the economic axis may cause the Republican Party to adopt policies that are analogous to those proposed by William Jennings Bryan in 1896: populist and anti-business. I

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Lelkes, Yphtach, and Paul M. Sniderman. "The Ideological Asymmetry of the American Party System." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (2014): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000404.

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Most Americans support liberal policies on the social welfare agenda, the dominant policy cleavage in American politics. Yet a striking feature of the US party system is its tendency to equilibrium. How, then, does the Republican Party minimize defection on the social welfare agenda? The results of this study illustrate a deep ideological asymmetry between the parties. Republican identifiers are ideologically aware and oriented to a degree that far exceeds their Democratic counterparts. Our investigation, which utilizes cross-sectional, longitudinal and experimental data, demonstrates the role

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Clark, Jill, and Thomas H. Little. "Party Change and Policy Reform: Welfare Programs in the American States." American Review of Politics 23 (January 1, 2003): 379–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.379-396.

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This paper examines the effects of party control (Republican or Democrat) on state welfare policies after congressional passage of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) in 1996. Interviews and surveys of legislative actors suggest that the adoption process in many states was highly partisan, but there was no relationship between party measures and welfare policy content for all states. Policy makers reported that welfare policy choices were influenced by the re-election context in a state. States that adopted more generous TANF policies had: competitive party systems, liberal ideologi

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7

Mayer, Michael S. "The Eisenhower Administration and the Desegregation of Washington, D.C." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 1 (1991): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004498.

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Liberal historians have traditionally played down or neglected the achievements of the Eisenhower administration in the area of civil rights. At the same time, they have overstated the contributions of liberal Democrats and understated the role congressional Democrats played in obstructing civil rights in the 1950s. The liberal bias of most historians has led to a distorted picture of the political dynamics affecting the struggle for black equality. The fact is that the Democrats, as a party, were not so liberal in the 1950s as they have often been portrayed, and the Republican party was not s

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ANDELIC, PATRICK. "DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN, THE 1976 NEW YORK SENATE RACE, AND THE STRUGGLE TO DEFINE AMERICAN LIBERALISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (2014): 1111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000223.

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ABSTRACTThe 1970s was a decade of acute existential crisis for the Democratic party, as ‘New Politics’ insurgents challenged the old guard for control of both the party apparatus and the right to define who a true ‘liberal’ was. Those Democrats who opposed New Politics reformism often found themselves dubbed ‘neoconservatives’. The fact that so many ‘neoconservatives’ eventually made their home in the Grand Old Party (GOP) has led historians to view them as a Republican bloc in embryo. The apostasy of the neoconservatives fits neatly into the political historiography of the 1970s, which is dom

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McCann, Stewart J. H. "Neuroticism and State Differences in Partisanship in the USA: Emotional Stability, Ideological Orientation, and Republican Preference." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (2014): 242–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.309.

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Relations between Neuroticism, Republican-Democrat preference, and conservative-liberal ideological orientation were examined with the states of the USA as units of analysis. State-aggregated Neuroticism scores were based on 1999-2005 responses of 619,397 residents to the 44-item Big Five Inventory. State Republican-Democrat preference was based on the 2002 occupancy of the U.S. Presidency, U.S. House, U.S. Senate, state House, state Senate, and state Governorship, as well as state-aggregated partisanship responses of 110,305 persons to 1998-2002 CBS/New York Times national polls. State conser

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10

Thomsen, Danielle M. "Joining Patterns Across Party Factions in the US Congress." Forum 15, no. 4 (2017): 741–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0047.

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Abstract How does the influence of party factions change over time? This article only begins to tackle this question by looking at which party caucuses newly elected members join. I focus on joining patterns in the current 115th Congress to shed light on which factions are more or less influential in Congress today. I show, first, that almost all incoming members joined an ideological faction when they entered office. Furthermore, the Republican Study Committee attracted the most incoming Republicans; the New Democratic Coalition and the Congressional Progressive Caucus attracted the most inco

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Post, Charles. "The roots of Trumpism." Cultural Dynamics 29, no. 1-2 (2017): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374017709229.

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This essay examines the social origins of the election of Donald Trump in November 2016, and assess the possible direction of his presidency. Riding the wave of middle class radicalism that began with the Tea Party insurgency, Trump’s nomination temporarily disrupted the dominance of capitalists over the Republican Party. Despite his economic nationalist rhetoric, Trump will be unable to break in practice with the neo-liberal consensus of the past forty years.

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12

O’Brian, Neil A. "Before Reagan: The Development of Abortion’s Partisan Divide." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 4 (2019): 1031–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719003840.

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What explains the alignment of antiabortion positions within the Republican party? I explore this development among voters, activists, and elites before 1980. By 1970, antiabortion attitudes among ordinary voters correlated with conservative views on a range of noneconomic issues including civil rights, Vietnam, feminism and, by 1972, with Republican presidential vote choice. These attitudes predated the parties taking divergent abortion positions. I argue that because racial conservatives and military hawks entered the Republican coalition before abortion became politically activated, issue o

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Newman, James, Stephen D. Shaffer, and David A. Breaux. "Mississippi: Conservative Ideologues Battle the Party of Inclusion." American Review of Politics 24 (April 1, 2003): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.69-89.

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Republican grassroots party activists in Mississippi constitute an essentially conservative, higher income, middle aged, and white male organization, which has become even more so since 1991. Democrats are a truly biracial party with equal numbers of men and women and a more middle class background, but it has become more liberal since 1991 due to the influx of more African-Americans into the organization. Compared to Republicans, Democrats have a more professional orientation geared towards winning elections rather than fighting for ideological purity, and have become increasingly active over

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van Schuur, Wijbrandt H. "Nonparametric Unidimensional Unfolding for Multicategory Data." Political Analysis 4 (1992): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/4.1.41.

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This article describes a nonparametric unidimensional unfolding model for dichotomous data (van Schuur 1984) and shows how it can be extended to multicategory data such as Likert-type rating data. This extension is analogous to Molenaar's (1982) application of Mokken's (1970) nonparametric unidimensional cumulative scaling model. The model is illustrated with an analysis of five-point preference ratings given in 1980 to five political presidential candidates by Democratic and Republican party activists in Missouri.

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Schickler, Eric. "New Deal Liberalism and Racial Liberalism in the Mass Public, 1937–1968." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 1 (2013): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712003659.

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Few transformations have been as important in American politics as the incorporation of African Americans into the Democratic Party over the course of the 1930s–60s and the Republican Party's growing association with more conservative positions on race-related policies. This paper traces the relationship between New Deal economic liberalism and racial liberalism in the mass public. A key finding is that by about 1940, economically-liberal northern white Democratic voters were substantially more pro-civil rights than were economically-conservative northern Republican voters. While partisanship

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Shaffer, Stephen D., David A. Breaux, and Barbara Patrick. "Mississippi: Republicans Surge Forward in a Two-Party State." American Review of Politics 26 (April 1, 2005): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.85-107.

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Mississippi entered the 21st century as a competitive two-party state far removed from its post-Reconstruction history of one-party Democratic domination. Yet Republican gains which had led to this emerging parity between the parties were not uniform across elective offices, as they had come first in federal elections and only later trickled down to state offices (Aistrup 1996). Mississippi voted Republican for president for the first time since Reconstruction in 1964 and 1972 (by landslide margins), narrowly backed Democrat and born-again southern Baptist Jimmy Carter in 1976, and henceforth

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17

Stiles, Elizabeth A. "Cultural Politics: Legislating Morality in the States." American Review of Politics 25 (July 1, 2004): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.157-174.

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We derive predictions from several social movement theories-grievance, resource mobilization, and political process-regarding social movement behavior with respect to bill introductions and bill progress in state legislatures. We test these predictions using an original dataset gathered in six states on legislation in issue areas important to the Christian Right. Results show some support for predictions generated by all three theories. In the introductions model, Christian Right strength in the Republican Party and Republican control of lawmaking in the state are positive predictors of the am

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18

Grossmann, Matt, and David A. Hopkins. "From Fox News to Viral Views: The Influence of Ideological Media in the 2018 Elections." Forum 16, no. 4 (2018): 547–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0037.

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Abstract The 2018 elections marked a notable increase in the influence of ideological media over both major American parties. Conservative media sources, led by Fox News Channel, further solidified their power within the Republican Party, maintaining their traditional role of informing and mobilizing Republican voters while extending their reach to become densely integrated with Republican elites, especially President Trump. At the same time, deep antipathy to the Trump presidency among Democratic voters produced a surge in popular demand for overtly liberal media programming and information a

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19

Hogan, Richard. "Resisting Redemption." Social Science History 35, no. 2 (2011): 133–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011470.

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Analysis of the Republican Party popular vote in Georgia county congressional elections of 1876 suggests that Charles Tilly's (1978) model of interest-based collective action would be useful if embedded in the dynamic model of political processes and mechanisms that Tilly (2007) proposes. Specifically, class (petit bourgeois), status (black), and party (liberal Republican) interests explain 25 percent of the variance in the election returns. Adding a racial-change variable increases the explained variance to 32 percent but fails to distinguish the yeoman and freedman constituencies and the pro

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20

Frohlich, Norman, and Irvin Boschmann. "Partisan Preference and Income Redistribution: Cross-National and Cross-Sexual Results." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (1986): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057978.

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AbstractThe relationships between attitudes toward income redistribution and partisan preferences are examined and contrasted in Canadian and American samples of college students. In both samples evidence is found that there is a strong relationship between the variables among males and an absence of a relationship among females. In Canada, support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the New Democratic party, positively correlated with support for the Liberal party, and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Progressive Conservative party.

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Cluverius, John, and Joshua J. Dyck. "Deconstructing Popular Mythologies about Millennials and Party Identification." Forum 17, no. 2 (2019): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0017.

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Abstract Americans born before 1980, called Millennials, are repeatedly treated as a singular voting bloc, but much like the Baby Boomers, have been socialized across a series of very different elections. We develop a theory of millennial political socialization that argues that older Millennials are more tied to the Democratic party and more liberal than their younger counterparts. We use the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and an original survey of 1274 Americans conducted before the 2016 elections to test this theory. We find some support for our theory; in addition, we find t

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22

Sussman, Gerald. "Reheating the Cold War: us, Russia, and the Revival of Rollback." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, no. 6 (2017): 736–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341459.

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Abstract A neoconservative coalition of oppositional forces, comprised of the Clinton wing of the Democratic Party and their allies in the Republican Party, the liberal mainstream media, and the deep state have promoted a new Cold War against Russia. This is intended as a mobilizing strategy to overturn the Trump presidency, weaken the Russian state, and reconstruct state legitimacy following years of decline in the quality of life and democracy in America. The coalition reconstructed the Cold War as an ideological tool in the interest of continuing to pursue domestic and global neoliberal pol

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23

Greene, William, and Mi-son Kim. "Hispanic Millennial Ideology: Surprisingly, No Liberal “Monolith” Among College Students." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 41, no. 3 (2019): 287–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986319862829.

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The goal of this study is to analyze the ideological positions of Hispanic college students in the U.S. Rio Grande Valley (RGV). Building on Feldman and Johnston’s work, where they argue that a unidimensional model of political ideology provides an incomplete basis for study, we employ two dimensions to account for domestic policy preference. The core of the study is a taxonomic analysis of a survey of RGV college students taking government courses, where we find that the political beliefs of Hispanic millennials trend significantly more conservative and, especially, libertarian than expected.

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Tomaszewski, Norbert. "Reclaiming the House of the Representatives from Republicans: Case Study of Districts TX-32 and NJ-3." Political Preferences, no. 23 (August 21, 2019): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.23.37-54.

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2018 midterm elections in the United States allowed more ethnically and racially diverse candidates to become members of the Congress. The use of social media tools helped them to reach out to their community and get out the vote, which is especially important in Democratic campaign tactics. The article, by focusing on Colin Allred's and Andy Kim's Congressional bids, focuses on how their issue-oriented campaigns helped to mobilize the liberal voters. Furthermore, by analysing the rapidly changing demographics, it tackles the crucial question: do they mean the doom of the Republican Party?

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Van Velthoven, Harry. "Het tumultueuze politieke leven van Leo Augusteyns. Radicaal-liberaal en Vlaamsgezind volksvertegenwoordiger (1906-1919), activist, Vlaams-nationalist, antifascist." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 68, no. 2 (2009): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v68i2.12425.

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Tot vlak voor 1914 stond de liberale arbeidersbeweging, mee opgebouwd door vader Augusteyns, in Antwerpen sterker dan zijn socialistische en christendemocratische concurrenten. Toen het ziekenfonds Help U Zelve zich onder de naam Liberale Volkspartij als politieke deelgroep organiseerde en in 1906 binnen de liberale partij het recht op een volksvertegenwoordiger afdwong, schoof zij Leo Augusteyns naar voren. Hij zou zich als radicaal liberaal, republikein en flamingant doen gelden, wat tot grote spanningen met de Antwerpse liberale boegbeelden leidde. De Eerste Wereldoorlog betekende een keerp

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Ferree, Myra Marx. "Under different umbrellas: intersectionality and alliances in US feminist politics." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 2 (2021): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510820x16068343934216.

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Macro-level forms of inequality work intersectionally to establish democracy normatively, as well as shape its institutions. Liberal democracies, once revolutionarily new political formations, rest on an equally revolutionary understanding of male domination based not on descent, but on economic arrangements (the new ‘breadwinner’ role) and political institutions (the ‘brotherhood’ national state). Over time, social movements have diminished liberal democracy’s original exclusions of women and minority ethnic men so that many citizens’ daily lives now contradict this once hegemonic normative o

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Yu, Jinhai, Edward T. Jennings, and J. S. Butler. "Dividing the Pie: Parties, Institutional Limits, and State Budget Trade-Offs." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 19, no. 2 (2019): 236–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440018822469.

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Although many studies on budgetary outcomes of state politics focus on budget sizes, budget trade-off studies focus on budget composition. This study examines the role of state politics in explaining budget trade-offs. We apply Peterson’s typology to analyze budget trade-offs among developmental, allocational, redistributive, and educational expenditures. We focus on the roles of partisan and ideological factors and their interactive effects with institutional limits. Results show that politics matters. The Democratic Party and liberal citizen ideology increase state spending in redistribution

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Broockman, David, and Neil Malhotra. "What Do Partisan Donors Want?" Public Opinion Quarterly 84, no. 1 (2020): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfaa001.

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Abstract Influential theories indicate concern that campaign donors exert outsized political influence. However, little data have documented what donors actually want from government, and existing research has devoted less attention to donors’ views on individual issues. Findings from an original survey of US donors, including an oversample of the largest donors, and a concurrently fielded mass survey document significant heterogeneity by party and policy domain in how donors’ and citizens’ views diverge. We find that Republican donors are much more conservative than Republican citizens on eco

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Bennis, Phyllis. "The 2016 U.S. Presidential Campaign: Changing Discourse on Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.34.

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This essay examines the discourse on Palestine/Israel in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, charting the impact of the Palestine rights movement on the domestic U.S. policy debate. Policy analyst, author, and long-time activist Phyllis Bennis notes the sea change within the Democratic Party evident in the unprecedented debate on the issue outside traditionally liberal Zionist boundaries. The final Democratic platform was as pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian as any in history, but the process of getting there was revolutionary in no small part, Bennis argues, due to the grassroots campaign of v

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30

Burkhardt, Alex. "A Republican Potential: The Rise and Fall of the German Democratic Party in Hof-an-der-Saale, 1918–1920." Central European History 50, no. 4 (2017): 471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000875.

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AbstractIn January 1919, the Bürgertum of the Bavarian town of Hof voted overwhelmingly for the left-liberal German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei, DDP). But the following summer, in the Reichstag elections of June 1920, the Democrats sustained significant losses against the right-wing nationalist Bavarian Middle Party (Bayerische Mittelpartei, BMP). This article explores the rise and fall of the DDP in Hof by showing that a pro-republican politics initially proved popular among the local Bürgertum, until its credibility was undermined and ultimately destroyed by a series of d

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KECK, THOMAS M. "Party, Policy, or Duty: Why Does the Supreme Court Invalidate Federal Statutes?" American Political Science Review 101, no. 2 (2007): 321–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070190.

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This paper explores three competing accounts of judicial review by comparing the enacting and invalidating coalitions for each of the fifty-three federal statutes struck down by the Supreme Court during its 1981 through 2005 terms. When a Republican judicial coalition invalidates a Democratic statute, the Court's decision is consistent with a partisan account, and when a conservative judicial coalition invalidates a liberal statute, the decision is explicable on policy grounds. But when an ideologically mixed coalition invalidates a bipartisan statute, the decision may have reflected an instit

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Ndegwa, Stephen N. "Citizenship and Ethnicity: An Examination of Two Transition Moments in Kenyan Politics." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (1997): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952077.

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In some African countries, democratic openings have intensified ethnic competition and led to protracted transitions or outright conflict. In Kenya, I argue, the stalled transition reflects the effects ofrepublicancitizenship in ethnic political communities andliberalcitizenship in the national political community. This duality in citizenship engenders conflict over democracy—conceived as liberal majoritarian democracy—and results in ethnic coalitions disagreeing over which institutions are appropriate for a multiethnic state. I provide evidence from discourses over institutions from two trans

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STOESZ, DAVID. "The American Welfare State at Twilight." Journal of Social Policy 31, no. 3 (2002): 487–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279402006669.

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The triumph of George W. Bush in the 2000 presidential election is further evidence of the waning viability of the American welfare state. Since 1980 various strains of conservatism have vied for control of domestic policy through the Republican party, the most recent variant being ‘compassionate conservatism’. Democrats have responded by disavowing their liberal heritage and moving toward the centre. This reflects the replacement of a ‘social model’ with an ‘economic model’ for social policy. The Left can be rejuvenated by adopting three themes for domestic policy: mobility, empowerment and r

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Fiorino, Nadia, and Umberto Triacca. "Government Spending and Coalition Parties in Italy (1960–1993): A Cointegration-Based Approach." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 21, no. 2 (2003): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569203x15668905422054.

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Abstract This note attempts to test the relation between the parties that take part in coalition governments and specific spending programs in Italy from 1960 to 1993. In doing so, we: 1) build a voting power index to describe the relative position of political parties in government and 2) analyze the long-term relationship between expenditure by functions and political parties. Data indicate that the Christian Democratic party was the leading party. It adopted long run policies; nevertheless, it did not refer to specific items of public expenditure. T h e three smaller parties (the Liberal, t

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Orsina, Giovanni. "Party democracy and its enemies: Italy, 1945–1992." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (2019): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835752.

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The gap between the narratives of democracy and the practices of power has been a significant source of delegitimation for the post-1945 Italian political system. The system was unable to achieve a solid and principled legitimation by meeting the requirements of a widely accepted and historically rooted notion of democracy, and had to resort to a fragile de facto legitimacy based on the absence of more desirable alternatives. This can partly account for the collapse of the Republican political system in 1992/1993 and the political instability of Italy in the last quarter century. The first sec

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Wright, Gerald C., and Elizabeth Rigby. "Income Inequality and State Parties: Who Gets Represented?" State Politics & Policy Quarterly 20, no. 4 (2020): 395–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440020912461.

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Recent studies of representation at the national and state levels have provided evidence that elected officials’ votes, political parties’ platforms, and enacted policy choices are more responsive to the preferences of the affluent, while those with average incomes and the poor have little or no impact on the political process. Yet, this research on the dominance of the affluent has overlooked key partisan differences in the electorate. In this era of hyperpartisanship, we argue that representation occurs through the party system, and we test whether taking this reality into account changes th

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Meagher, Michael E. "The U.S. Presidential Campaign, 2016." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 28, no. 1 (2016): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2016281/22.

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This essay explores the 2016 election using 1964 for comparison. The central theme is that 1964 set the context for subsequent presidential elections. Issues and public policy revolved around the standards set by the 1964 converting election. Both race and religion played a role in the 1964 converting election that redefined the Democratic Party as the liberal political party for the nation, and the Republican as its conservative counterpart. This established a political regime that endures until the present day, but its endurance has had deleterious consequences for the discussion of new prop

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McCluskey, Fergal. "Fenians, Ribbonmen and popular ideology’s role in nationalist politics: east Tyrone, 1906–9." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 145 (2010): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400000067.

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Irish nationalist politics between 1906 and 1909 revolved around the twin demands of self-government and a resolution of the land issue; as such, the period was demarcated by two pieces of Liberal government legislation: the May 1907 Irish Council Bill and Birrell’s December 1909 land act. The latter was partially a response to western Irish Republican Brotherhood (I.R.B.)-inspired ‘agrarian militancy’ on the part of the United Irish League (U.I.L.) and the emerging Sinn Féin movement’s ability to ‘outfank’ the Irish Parliamentary Party (I.P.P.) on the issue, which effectively forced Irish Par

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Losier, Toussaint. "Against ‘law and order’ lockup: the 1970 NYC jail rebellions." Race & Class 59, no. 1 (2017): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817707431.

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The article focuses on a series of rebellions that occurred within the New York City jail system in 1970 over problems of overcrowding and inhumane conditions and the resurgent practice of preventive detention. While championed in the Nixon administration’s vision of ‘law and order’, preventive detention was carried out by John Lindsay, the liberal Republican mayor of New York City, not only against political dissidents, but also against working-class citizens too poor to afford bail. During the course of the October revolts in five facilities including the Tombs, Branch Queens, and Rikers Isl

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Martynov, Andriy. "US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.

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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a var

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Desch, Michael C. "The More Things Change, the More They Stay the Same: The Liberal Tradition and Obama's Counterterrorism Policy." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 03 (2010): 425–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000673.

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Barack Obama campaigned on a platform of “Change We Can Believe In.” One of the biggest changes many anticipated with his election was a dramatic break with the previous administration's counterterror policy. There were good reasons for thinking that this would be the case. George W. Bush was a Republican who took his cues from the most conservative elements of his party, including neoconservatives, the religious right, and other proponents of an assertive stance of U.S. global primacy and a forward-leaning posture in the war on terror. Conversely, Barack Obama is a liberal Democrat who oppose

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Southwell, Priscilla L., Eric A. Lindgren, and Ryan A. Smith. "Lifetime Term Limits: The Impact on Four State Legislatures." American Review of Politics 25 (January 1, 2005): 305–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.305-320.

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This research examines the roll call voting record of state legislators in Arkansas, California, Michigan, and Missouri in order to assess if there are any substantive differences between those legislators who are nearing retirement due to term limits (“last term” legislators) and those legislators who are at an earlier stage of their legislative careers. These are the only four states in the United States that have lifetime term limits in full effect. Binomial logit analysis of key roll call votes suggests that these “last term” legislators stand apart from their other colleagues on certain i

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Cookson, J. Anthony, Joseph E. Engelberg, and William Mullins. "Does Partisanship Shape Investor Beliefs? Evidence from the COVID-19 Pandemic." Review of Asset Pricing Studies 10, no. 4 (2020): 863–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rapstu/raaa018.

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Abstract We use party-identifying language—like “liberal media” and “MAGA”—to identify Republican users on the investor social platform StockTwits. Using a difference-in-difference design, we find that partisan Republicans remain relatively unfazed in their beliefs about equities during the COVID-19 pandemic, while other users become considerably more pessimistic. In cross-sectional tests, we find Republicans become relatively more optimistic about stocks that suffered the most during the COVID-19 crisis, but more pessimistic about Chinese stocks. Finally, stocks with the greatest partisan dis

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Ijabs, Ivars. "After the Referendum." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 2 (2015): 288–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415593630.

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During the years 2011–2014, Latvia experienced a significant increase in the adoption and use of militant democracy measures—constitutional amendments, refusals of party registration, restrictions on referendums and popular initiatives. These events, triggered by a widely attended referendum on the introduction of Russian as the second state language, highlighted the problematic relations between democracy and nation-building in Latvia. Despite earlier expectations that the original militancy of Latvian democracy would decrease with the gradual integration of the Russophone minority, recent de

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HALL, ANDREW B. "What Happens When Extremists Win Primaries?" American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (2015): 18–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000641.

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This article studies the interplay of U.S. primary and general elections. I examine how the nomination of an extremist changes general-election outcomes and legislative behavior in the U.S. House, 1980–2010, using a regression discontinuity design in primary elections. When an extremist—as measured by primary-election campaign receipt patterns—wins a “coin-flip” election over a more moderate candidate, the party’s general-election vote share decreases on average by approximately 9–13 percentage points, and the probability that the party wins the seat decreases by 35–54 percentage points. This

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Tønnessen, Alf Tomas. "Goldwater, Bush, Ryan and the Failed Attempts by Conservative Republicans to Reform Federal Entitlement Programs." American Studies in Scandinavia 47, no. 2 (2015): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v47i2.5349.

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Social Security and Medicare are federal entitlement programs that represent the current of modern liberalism in the United States. The countercurrent of conservatism has been represented by some Republican politicians who have tried to reform these programs. 1964 presidential candidate Barry Goldwater suggested making Social Security voluntary. In 2005 President George W. Bush made partial privatization of Social Security a key component of his second-term domestic agenda. From 2010 to 2012 Congressman Paul Ryan advocated a reform of Medicare in which the federal government would give seniors

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Van Boven, Leaf, Phillip J. Ehret, and David K. Sherman. "Psychological Barriers to Bipartisan Public Support for Climate Policy." Perspectives on Psychological Science 13, no. 4 (2018): 492–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691617748966.

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Psychological scientists have the expertise—and arguably an obligation—to help understand the political polarization that impedes enactment of climate policy. Many explanations emphasize Republican skepticism about climate change. Yet results from national panel studies in 2014 and 2016 indicate that most Republicans believe in climate change, if not as strongly as Democrats. Political polarization over climate policy does not simply reflect that Democrats and Republicans disagree about climate change but that Democrats and Republicans disagree with each other. The results of a national panel

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Spahn, Hannah. "Andrew Burstein.Democracy’s Muse: How Thomas Jefferson Became an FDR Liberal, a Reagan Republican, and a Tea Party Fanatic, All the While Being Dead." American Historical Review 121, no. 3 (2016): 933–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.3.933.

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Kaveny, M. Cathleen. "Erastian and High Church Approaches to the Law: The Jurisprudential Categories of Robert E. Rodes, Jr." Journal of Law and Religion 22, no. 2 (2007): 405–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400003970.

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It is a great honor for me to have been asked to contribute to this issue of the Journal of Law and Religion focusing on the work of my colleague and friend, Robert E. Rodes, Jr. In June 2006, Professor Rodes celebrated his fiftieth anniversary as a member of the faculty of Notre Dame Law School. His long career has marked him as a founding father of interdisciplinary scholarship at the intersection of faith, law, and morality—the very sort of scholarship which this journal is dedicated to fostering and preserving.The topics that Professor Rodes has considered over the years are wide-ranging;

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McKnight, David. "Henry Mayer Lecture 2012: The Market Populism of Rupert Murdoch." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400103.

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Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation is the most powerful media organisation in the world. Murdoch's commercial success is obvious, but less well understood is his successful pursuit of political goals, using his news media. Murdoch himself is probably the most influential Australian of all time. He says the recent News of the World hacking scandal went ‘went against everything [he stands] for’. But how true is this? He sees himself as an anti-establishment rebel, yet his influence in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States makes him part of a global elite. He has become one of the ke

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