Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberal Revolution

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberal Revolution'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberal Revolution"

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Drake, Richard, Piero Gobetti, and William McCuaig. "On Liberal Revolution." Italica 78, no. 4 (2001): 574. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3656090.

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Schecter, Darrow. "On liberal revolution:." History of European Ideas 27, no. 4 (2001): 425–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-6599(01)00028-6.

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Baktiari, Bahman, and Haleh Vaziri. "Iran's Liberal Revolution?" Current History 101, no. 651 (2002): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.101.651.17.

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If [Khatami] does not seize the moment and conservatives continue to resist change, Iranian citizens will become increasingly impatient: their questions already are no longer ‘Why reform?’ or ‘What kind of reform?’ They now urgently ask ‘How?’ and ‘When?’
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Partlett, William. "The Legality of Liberal Revolution." Review of Central and East European Law 38, no. 3-4 (2013): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-00000002.

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Since the fall of communism, liberals have sought to reclaim the mantle of revolution. This new age of liberal revolution, they argue, culminates in a transformative ‘moment’ when the people unite to throw off their shackles and establish a democratic constitution. These founding moments are therefore extraordinary periods of unconstrained politics, where the sovereign people transcend the formal borders of institutionalized politics and legality to draft the constitutional boundaries of their new liberal order. Russian President Boris El’tsin placed his violent and illegal dissolution of the Russian Parliament and period of authoritarian dictatorship within this tradition of liberal revolution. Throughout 1993, El’tsin justified his decision to disband Parliament as the necessary action of an agent of the people in a period of extraordinary (and extralegal) politics. Western commentators have generally placed Russia’s constitutional foundation within this revolutionary paradigm of extraordinary politics. In Russia, however, both El’tsin’s methods and this revolutionary tradition are increasingly viewed with suspicion. This viewpoint is best expressed in the writing of the Chairman of the Russian Constitutional Court, Valerii Zor’kin. Steeped in the anti-revolutionary ideology of the late tsarist Russian constitutionalists, Chairman Zor’kin argues that El’tsin’s actions at the Russian founding helped spawn a culture of lawlessness that has undermined Russian democracy. Although Zor’kin’s approach is flawed, it is an important reminder for liberal constitutional thinkers to reexamine the concrete effects of a desire for a democratically pure founding moment.
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Hall, Stuart. "THE NEO-LIBERAL REVOLUTION." Cultural Studies 25, no. 6 (2011): 705–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2011.619886.

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Calvo Caballero, Pilar. "Woman and Liberal Revolution." Revista Portuguesa de História 50 (October 29, 2019): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_50_2.

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The study of the first liberal Penal Codes (Spanish from 1822/1848/1850 and Portuguese from 1852) shows that the Spanish and the Portuguese woman share the same legal frame, but for a few differences. This frame preserves the feminine pattern of behaviour established by the Old Regime Courts, subject to man’s authority and to marriage as a guarantee of social and family order, but with a change: man’s honor resting upon the woman is honesty, not any longer privileged (married and honest) but imposed (home angel) and punished (dishonest woman). Between applying mercy or an exemplary treatment to a woman, liberal law chooses the last. Woman is not the plural category of the Old Regime any more, but the dual category angel/dishonest, which brings about her fragilitas. This leads to equality among women and approach to men in most offenses, but for the glaring inequality with regard to honor. An exception: the Portuguese wife, protected against procuring, has the right to take vengeance on his husband for her honor, whereas the Spanish wife does not have that right.
 Keywords: Spanish Penal Code 1822/1848/1850. Portuguese Penal Code 1852. Woman. Fragilitas. Honesty.
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Kearns, Ian. "The future of liberal revolution." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (1993): 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622347.

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Pierre, Andrew J., and Bruce Ackerman. "The Future of Liberal Revolution." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045418.

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Beschel, Robert P., and Bruce Ackerman. "The Future of Liberal Revolution." Political Science Quarterly 108, no. 2 (1993): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152023.

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Pilbeam, Pamela. "The ‘Liberal’ Revolution of 1830." Historical Research 63, no. 151 (1990): 162–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1990.tb00880.x.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberal Revolution"

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Berard, Peter. "Managing Revolution: Cold War Counterinsurgency and Liberal Governance." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108101.

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Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs<br>Counterinsurgency doctrine, as an intellectual project, began as a response on the part of liberal world powers to the dual crises of decolonization and the Cold War. Unlike earlier means of suppressing rebellions, counterinsurgency sought not to quash, but to channel the revolutionary energies of decolonization into a liberal, developmentalist direction. Counterinsurgency would simultaneously defeat communists and build a new and better society. As early efforts at developmentalist counterinsurgency failed in Vietnam in the early 1960s, the counterinsurgent’s methods and goals changed. The CORDS Project, starting in 1967, replaced the emphasis on building a new society with altering present societies in such a way as to prioritize surveillance and the removal of subversive elements. From its inception, the political visions that counterinsurgency seeks to implement have shifted alongside – and at times prefigured – changes in liberal governance more broadly<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History
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Miller, Jessica Rose. "Dignity in the biotechnological revolution." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/11700.

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Dignity is the concept most commonly associated with the biotechnological revolution, and almost always used by conservatives in ethics and politics to justify constraining research into novel biotechnologies like cloning, genetic enhancement and life extension. At the same time, dignity is often criticised as inadequate to play such a fundamental role in future-facing bioethics. This thesis is a work at the intersection of applied ethics and politics, and seeks to address two main questions: whether dignity is a useless, hopelessly vague concept, and whether dignity is an inherently political, specifically conservative concept. This problem will be addressed by analysing the concept of dignity as it is found in bioethics policy and in everyday life. Using this conceptual analysis, a structure will be identified that both liberal and conservatives have in common meaning that dignity is not hopelessly vague. Despite having analogous structures, the argument in this thesis shows that the liberal and conservative conceptions of dignity are intractable and both support different positions in many arguments. The implication of this is that dignity will not be useful in building a consensus around policies in future-facing bioethics.
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Ransome, Elizabeth. "Il Paradosso Dello Spirito Russo: Piero Gobetti and the Genius of Liberal Revolution." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493339.

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This dissertation examines Piero Gobetti’s activity as a student of Russian language and culture, and proposes that it be understood as a formative phase in a larger process of self-construction, through which Gobetti attempted to incarnate the ideal figure of the Genius. Gobetti, an icon of the Italian antifascist resistance, has long been known to have nurtured a particular interest in Russian culture, but the details of his engagement with Russian language, literature and history have generally been left aside in discussions of his accomplishments, or presented as a response to the October revolution. Examination of Gobetti’s personal library, his published writings and correspondence, and the personal papers and correspondence left by his wife, Ada, reveals that Gobetti’s interest in Russia and Russian culture began before the October revolution, however, sparked by the discovery of literary heroes in whom he could see himself reflected. From these beginnings the dissertation traces the development of Gobetti’s Russian studies through language learning, literary translation and criticism to the historical study of the Russian revolutionary tradition, and proposes that the stages of Gobetti’s pursuit of the Russian spirit were driven by a search for images of genius which contributed, in turn, to a larger process of imaginative self-construction. Viewed in this light, Gobetti’s Russian studies appear integral to his life and work, and open a new perspective on his achievements and his heroic myth.<br>Slavic Languages and Literatures
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Heinrich, Isaac. "Tahrir Sq. Location and Goal: On Changes in the Liberal Political Discourse in Post-Revolution Egypt." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22533.

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Liberal Arab thought has long been fighting for elbow room in the political discourse in Egypt. The ruling nationalist–statist ideology from Nasser to Mubarak is renown for its repression of political dissidents, and the Islamist opposition often side with the ruling elite in its resistance against liberal reformers and democratization. Political liberalism is associated with a host of professional andpersonal risks and many are silenced. The Arab Spring revolutions across the MENA from December 2010 throughout the spring of 2011, however, seem to have revived the interest for liberal ideas in the Arab world.This thesis investigates the impact of the Arab Spring on the liberal Arab discourse in Egypt. It asks whether the revolution has lead to increased opportunities for liberal Arabs to voice their opinions, and how the tone of the public debate has been affected. A discourse analytical researchmethod is used to scrutinize thirty opinion pieces from two major Egyptian newspapers in the timeframe November 2010–September 2011, on eight sample days. The work also considers 115 articles published after the revolution on the sample days to monitor the impact of the events on the public debate quantitatively.The study finds that the most salient feature after February 2011 in the op-ed material examined is the forming of the “Tahrir Square discourse,” a symbolically charged ideational entity that associates itself with liberal political rhetoric and values. It is a major influence during the stated period affecting 77% of the 115 post-revolution articles. The Tahrir Square discourse is an expression of a more permissive climate for voicing liberal and reform-friendly opinions, the thesis concludes. The empirical material exhibits more profuse mentioning of and advocacy for these values after the revolution. The tenor and rhetorical mode vary greatly in the studied articles; despite this, a broad support for the revolution itself is present. The study, however, is reluctant as to the permanence of these changes.
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Costa, Marcus Vinicius da. "A REVOLUÇÃO FEDERALISTA (1893-1895): O CONTEXTO PLATINO, AS REDES, OS DISCURSOS E OS PROJETOS POLÍTICOS LIBERAL-FEDERALISTAS." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2006. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9742.

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The changes that are being processed worldwide nowadays, globalization, formation of international state communities, as European Union, South Market, have fostered important changes in the knowledge during the last decades. Several social scientists, from several subjects, have been trying to review their concepts, having as a target to understand this new reality. Thinking about the current integration process, or the integrationist projects in vogue in Latin America, demands a new look over the continent history. It s indispensable to rethink the question round the national-states formation, the federalism, the revolutions, in short, to rethink the political history of Platinum Region. Accordingly, the objectives of this work were to understand: the fundaments in which the federalist-liberal elite speech, that commanded the Revolution from 1893-1895 were based on; the platinum political-historical context in the late century XIX, mainly in Argentina, Uruguay and Rio Grande do Sul; the webs formed by the opposition groups from Argentina (Radicals), from Uruguay (Blancos) and from Rio Grande do Sul (federalist-liberals); the speech as well as the political project built by the federalist-liberals from Rio Grande do Sul, lead by Gaspar Silveira Martins. The work has been based mainly on bibliographic survey and documents copied in this bibliography, and it had a theoretical basis that runs through the Political history, Cultural history, added of an interdisciplinary dialogue. The federalist-liberals have based their speech on the conceptions present in the authors linked to the Natural People Law and the Liberalism-enlightenment, appropriated through formal education in schools and universities and also informal, through reading of party newspapers, party meetings or in secret societies, such as the freemasonry. The political oppositional groups from RS, Uruguay and Argentina have experienced very similar realities and their projects also approached in many points: they had been excluded from the administrations, claimed for the collectivity autonomy for the minority, the states (RS), the provinces (Argentina) and the departments (Uruguay), inside the federal state, had the federalism as a flag. These groups formed, in the period from 1893-1895, solidarity webs, with the objective of strengthening themselves. The federalist-liberals have built a speech where they reassured their political identity, justified the revolution, and built a project for the State, articulated with the blancos Uruguayans and radical Argentinians, where they cogitated the separation of Rio Grande do Sul from the Brazilian federation and the constitution of a new federal Republic in extreme South America.<br>As mudanças que estão em processo no mundo atual, globalização, formação de comunidades internacionais de Estados, como a União Européia, o Mercosul, geraram nas últimas décadas importantes mudanças no conhecimento. Diversos cientistas sociais, de diversas disciplinas, têm procurado rever seus conceitos, visando a compreender esta nova realidade. Pensar o processo atual de integração ou os projetos integracionistas em voga na América Latina exige um novo olhar sobre a história do continente. É fundamental repensar a questão em torno de formação dos Estadosnacionais, do federalismo, das revoluções, enfim, repensar a história política da Região Platina. Por conseguinte, os objetivos do trabalho foram compreender os fundamentos que embasaram o discurso da elite liberal-federalista que comandou a Revolução de 1893-1895; o contexto histórico-político platino no final do século XIX, principalmente na Argentina, no Uruguai e no Rio Grande do Sul; as redes formadas pelos grupos de oposição da Argentina (Radicais), do Uruguai (Blancos) e do Rio Grande do Sul (liberais-federalistas); o discurso e o projeto político construído pelos liberaisfederalistas do Rio Grande do Sul, liderados por Gaspar Silveira Martins. Baseamos o trabalho principalmente em levantamentos bibliográficos e documentos reproduzidos, cujo o fundamento teórico transita pela História Política, pela História Cultural, acrescido de um diálogo interdisciplinar. Os liberais-federalistas embasaram seu discurso nas concepções presentes nos autores ligados ao Direito Natural e das Gentes e no Iluminismo-liberalismo, apropriadas através da educação formal em escolas e universidades, e também informal, na leitura de jornais partidários, reuniões partidárias ou em sociedades secretas, a exemplo da maçonaria. Os grupos políticos de oposição do RS, do Uruguai e da Argentina, viviam realidades muito semelhantes e seus projetos também se aproximavam em muitos pontos: estavam excluídos das administrações, reivindicavam a autonomia das coletividades menores , os estados (RS), as províncias (Argentina) e os departamentos (Uruguai), dentro do Estado federal, tinham como bandeira o federalismo. Esses grupos formaram, no período de 1893-1895, redes de solidariedade, com o objetivo de se fortalecerem mutuamente. Os liberais-federalistas construíram um discurso em que reafirmaram sua identidade política, justificaram a revolução e construíram um novo projeto de Estado, articulado com os blancos uruguaios e radicais argentinos com o propósito de cogitar a separação do RS da federação brasileira e a constituição de uma nova República federativa no extremo sul da América.
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Thompson, Martha. "George Canning, Liberal Toryism, and Counterrevolutionary Satire in the Anti-Jacobin." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2013. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3714.

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One of the most defining moments in the histories of British satire and the public sphere took place in the late 1790s in an abandoned house in Piccadilly. Here George Canning and several fellow conservatives began writing and circulating their weekly newspaper the Anti-Jacobin. Although the periodical has been critically neglected, it is a valuable model for exploring how literary (partisan) politicians attempted to form a rational and critical public sphere through their satiric poetry. Founded by George Canning and edited by William Gifford, the Anti-Jacobin seems to reflect a reactionary conservative's ideology and has been summarily dismissed because of this one-sided nature. In this essay, I suggest a more nuanced reading of both Canning's biography and his Anti-Jacobin poetry that will give a fuller and more accurate version of Canning, one that illustrates a moderate reformer who is concerned with centralizing the extremism of the 1790s.
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Jedrom, Malin. "Democracy in an era of liberalism : An analysis of the democratization process in Tunisia after the Jasmin Revolution." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294981.

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The Jasmin Revolution in Tunisia began at the end of 2010. Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against the corrupt police officials that had forced him to pay bribes in order to run his business. His protest became the symbol for the revolution that followed. A combination of political instabilities along with an economic downturn that lead to unemployment created dissatisfaction among the people in Tunisia. The Protest grew into a revolution that demanded action against the widespread unemployment, lack of democracy and human rights. A democratization process started after the revolution because of the protests. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how Tunisia developed a democratic system of governance, if the notion of human rights has changed since the democratization process started and to analyse the relationship between human rights and democracy within the case of Tunisia. Three democratization theories, are applied to this case on Tunisia in order to answer these questions. The theorists are Robert A. Dahl with a theory of constitutionalism and institutionalism, Chantal Mouffe with a theory of agonistic pluralism and Seyla Benhabib with a theory of deliberative democracy.  The three theorists have different opinions regarding democracy and democratization processes but they all agree that the modern notion of democracy is of liberal character and that inclusion and that equality is important for a democracy. This thesis shows that the democratization of Tunisia’s governance could arise because the process had a relatively liberal agenda, which is perceived through the theories as the modern concept of democracy. The three theories require inclusion and equality for a transition to be democratic. Tunisia has included the citizens in the work of establishing a better relationship between the state and citizens but also when drafting the new constitution after the revolution. The actions taken by Tunisia are compatible with the theories, and maybe an explanation to the democratization process. The relationship between democracy and human rights is important when discussing the democratization of Tunisia. The revolution demanded democracy and human rights, something that the state could not deny. In order to honour the revolution and its demands the government in Tunisia tried to incorporate human rights into the democratic work, linking the relationship between democracy and human rights. Therefore, it can be viewed as a liberal democratization process. This thesis proves that Tunisia is not a democracy, but the process after the revolution is still remarkable and one day I can only hope that the process will be complete.
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Berek, Mathias. "David Aberbach: The European Jews, Patriotism and the Liberal State 1789-1939. A Study of Literature and Social Psychology." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2015. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34921.

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Cabral, Eurico Jorge Campelo. "O liberalismo em pernambuco: as metamorfoses políticas de uma época (1800 - 1825)." Universidade Federal da Paraí­ba, 2008. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/5975.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1682899 bytes, checksum: c59a408804987d80e99bc0922037d411 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-29<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>It is the central theme of this research analysis of changes in liberal ideas and attitudes in Pernambuco, in the first half of the century XIX. In the period, the liberal ideas penetrated, influence, spread and amalgamate, showing up in "public" institutions or spaces that was formed in the captaincy/province and materialized in conspiracies and movements of rebellions / revolutions occurring in Pernambuco in 1801, 1817, 1821 and 1824, against the established power first against Lisbon and after against Rio de Janeiro. The Brazil (Colony/Nation) and Pernambuco in particular passed by influences profound (liberal ideas/Enlightenment and others) and transformations, living moments of transition (colony pact, headquarters of the Portuguese Government, the United Kingdom and Independent Brazil) with intense socioeconomic and cultural political changes. These are the circumstances in which the topic under study. The study of this dissertation, more than concern themselves liberal social movements, investigates the ideas that guided and fed - designed as a standalone phenomena (political representation of the population) which are independent of their materialization in revolutionary movements. The research is based on the Habermas s categories as instruments of analysis and research to capture the presence of liberal ideas or liberal ideas/Enlightenment that influenced and created new spaces for socialization, movement of information and exchanges of experience, knowledge, ideas and values. Formal and non-formal spaces (here generically called institutions), which have been turned into public spaces or in the Habermas sense of construction of public spheres of participation (thus creating the citizen), the sphere of the Absolutist State (of fidelity of subject) of the Old Regime. We assumption that liberal ideas were, initially, represented and disseminated by the economically dominant layers (rural aristocracy), and then with the development of urban areas at least in the towns and/or port cities due to trade are being defended by the middle segments of society. Our study, therefore, took as the basic reference period between the Conspiracy of Suassuna (1801), the first form of expression of these ideas, by the Confederação of Equador (1824), republican movement of real importance to the liberal ideas in Pernambuco in XIX century.<br>Constitui tema central desta pesquisa a análise das transformações ocorridas nas idéias e posturas liberais em Pernambuco, na primeira metade do século XIX. Durante esse período, as idéias liberais penetraram, influenciaram, propagaram e se amalgamaram, apresentando-se nas instituições ou espaços públicos que se formavam na capitania/província e se materializavam nas conspirações e movimentos de rebeliões/revoluções ocorridos em Pernambuco em 1801, 1817, 1821 e 1824, contra o poder constituído primeiro contra Lisboa e depois contra o Rio de Janeiro. O Brasil (Colônia/Nação) e Pernambuco, em particular, passavam por profundas influências (idéias liberais/iluministas e outras) e transformações, vivendo momentos de transição (pacto colonial, sede do Governo português, Reino Unido e Brasil Independente) com intensas mudanças políticas, socioeconômicas e culturais. São essas as circunstâncias em que se insere o tema ora em estudo. O objeto de estudo da presente dissertação, mais que dizer respeito aos movimentos sociais liberais propriamente ditos, investiga as idéias que os nortearam e os alimentaram concebidas como fenômenos autônomos (representações políticas da população), que existem independentes de sua materialização em movimentos revolucionários. A pesquisa se apóia nas categorias habermasianas como instrumentos de análise e investigação para captar a presença das idéias liberais ou idéias liberais/iluministas que influenciaram e criaram novos espaços de socialização, circulação de informações e trocas de experiências, de conhecimentos, idéias e valores. Espaços formais e não-formais (aqui genericamente chamados de instituições), que se transformaram em espaços públicos ou no sentido habermasiano de construções de esferas públicas de participação (criando assim, o cidadão), opostas às esferas do Estado absolutista (de fidelidade do súdito) do Antigo Regime. Partimos da hipótese de que as idéias liberais foram, inicialmente, representadas e disseminadas pelas camadas economicamente dominantes (aristocracia rural), e, posteriormente, com o desenvolvimento de áreas urbanas, pelo menos nas vilas e/ou cidades portuárias devido ao comércio passam a ser defendidas pelos segmentos médios da sociedade. Nosso estudo, para tanto, tomou como referência básica o período que vai da Conspiração dos Suassuna (1801), primeira forma de expressão destas idéias, até a Confederação do Equador (1824), movimento republicano de real importância para as idéias liberais em Pernambuco no século XIX.
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Hörner, Erik. "Em defesa da constituição: a guerra entre rebeldes e governistas (1838-1844)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-26112010-145451/.

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A bibliografia comumente apresenta a Revolução Liberal de 1842, em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, ora como dois eventos similares, mas não exatamente articulados, ora como uma rebelião única, mas sem objetivos claros e condições reais de sucesso. Em ambos os casos o movimento é encarado como pontual e fruto da ambição por poder de um grupo social abastado. No entanto, a reconstituição da trama política e militar nas províncias de São Paulo e Minas Gerais, nesse período, oferece entendimentos diversos e subsídios para pensar a prática política e a formação do Estado Nacional no Brasil da primeira metade do século XIX. Conflitos de interesse, perspectivas locais em busca de espaço político além dos limites provinciais, envolvimento significativo de cidadãos, embate entre projetos políticos são alguns dos elementos presentes no movimento armado de 1842. Tendo como ponto central o longo desenrolar da guerra entre o acirramento dos ânimos e a anistia dos rebeldes , este trabalho procura dar nova reconfiguração às relações de força e interesses existentes nos anos finais da Regência e iniciais do Segundo Reinado, particularmente entre 1838 e 1844. Por fim, pretende-se problematizar a emergência e as implicações dos confrontos armados, em especial no tocante às articulações das províncias com o governo central, explicitando-se os grupos em conflito e seus projetos, bem como aprofundar a reflexão a respeito da política imperial nessa época.<br>The literature commonly presents the Liberal Revolution of 1842 in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, either as two similar events though not exactly articulated or as a single rebellion, but without clear goals and actual conditions of success. In both situations, the movement is seen as timely and fruit of greed for power from a wealthy social group. However, the reconstitution of political and military plot in the provinces of São Paulo and Minas Gerais of that period, offers different understandings and subsidies to think over the political practice and the formation of the Nation-State in Brazil during the first half of the nineteenth century. Conflicts of interest, local perspectives in search of political space beyond the provincial boundaries, meaningful involvement of citizens and the clash of political projects are some of the elements in the armed movement of 1842. With a focus over the course of the war - between the sharpening of minds and amnesty for rebels - this paper aims to give new reconfiguration to the relation between power and interests in the final years of the Regency and the early Second Empire, particularly between 1838 and 1844. Finally, we intend to discuss the emergence and implications of armed clashes, especially in relation to the joining of the provinces with the central government, explaining the conflicting groups and their projects, and deepen the discussion about the imperial policy at that time.
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Books on the topic "Liberal Revolution"

1

Ackerman, Bruce A. The future of liberal revolution. Yale University Press, 1992.

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Martin, James. Piero Gobetti and the Politics of Liberal Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616868.

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The making of a liberal democracy: Senegal's passive revolution, 1975-1985. L. Rienner Publishers, 1987.

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Goldstene, Paul N. The collapse of liberal empire: Science and revolution in the twentieth century. 2nd ed. Chandler & Sharp, 1998.

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5

The liberal tradition in America: An interpretation of American political thought since the Revolution. 2nd ed. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1991.

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Wang, Lindsay L. Dog's daughter: My life in communist China and liberal America. Times Editions, 2003.

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7

Jullien, Marc-Antoine. From Jacobin to liberal: Marc-Antoine Jullien, 1775-1848. Princeton University Press, 1993.

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Jullien, Marc-Antoine. From Jacobin to liberal: Marc-Antoine Jullien, 1775-1848. Princeton University Press, 1993.

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9

The foundations of civil war: Revolution, social conflict and reaction in liberal Spain, 1916-1923. Routledge, 2007.

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Lessons from America: Liberal French nobles in exile, 1793-1798. Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberal Revolution"

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Boggs, Carl. "Liberal Delusions." In Ecology and Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137282262_4.

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Poole, Deborah, and Gerardo Rénique. "5. The Neo-Liberal Revolution." In Peru - Time of Fear. Latin America Bureau, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9781909013360.005.

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Quine, Maria Sophia. "Outcast Infants and the Liberal State." In Italy's Social Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403919793_7.

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Quine, Maria Sophia. "State and Society in Liberal Italy, 1862–1890." In Italy's Social Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403919793_3.

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Martin, James. "Liberal Revolution Toward a New Elite." In Piero Gobetti and the Politics of Liberal Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616868_5.

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Shusterman, Noah. "The liberal Revolution of 1789 (spring 1789–spring 1790)." In The French Revolution. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429432910-2.

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Popkin, Jeremy D. "Successes and Failures of the Liberal Revolution." In A History of Modern France. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315150727-6.

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Sing, Manfred. "Arab Post-Marxists after Disillusionment: Between Liberal Newspeak and Revolution Reloaded." In Arab Liberal Thought after 1967. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137551412_9.

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Popkin, Jeremy D. "The Defeat of the Liberal Revolution, 1790–1792." In A Short History of the French Revolution. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315150734-4.

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Davis, John A. "Greece and the Liberal Revolutions of 1820--1823 in Southern Europe." In The Greek Revolution in the Age of Revolutions (1776–1848). Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003033981-6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Liberal Revolution"

1

Sheat Fun, Chow. "Higher Education For The 4Th Industrial Revolution: Liberal Arts As The Way Forward." In 8th International Conference on Multidisciplinary Research 2019. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.03.03.47.

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Gencer, Ayşen Hiç, and Özlen Hiç. "A.Smith and the Classical School, K.Marx and the Marxist Socialism, J.M.Keynes and the Keynesian Revolution and the Subsequent Developments." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01166.

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Abstract:
Adam Smith is known as the founder of economics as a social science and also of economic liberalism (or termed as capitalism after Karl Marx) based on principles of non-intervention and non-protection by the governments to perfectly competitive markets. Over time, economic theory and resulting economic regime evolved: Interventions to improve the welfare of workers; infant-industry argument for limited trade protection; and most importantly, following the 1929 Great Depression, John Maynard Keynes and his macroeconomic system giving rise to less-than-full- employment equilibrium, hence the need for macro-economic level state interventions by means of monetary and fiscal policies. Evidently, liberal economic regime was modified but remained in essence; hence, it proved to be flexible and resilient. On the other hand, Marxist socialism, the doctrinaire challenge to capitalism, had virtually collapsed in the 1990's. The move of even the developing countries towards outward orientation and market economy at the national level is in line with Adam Smith's views; so is the establishment of the European Union and the like at the regional level, as well as the more recent move towards globalisation.
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Marinković, Milica. "RAZVITAK FRANCUSKE ADVOKATURE U XIX VEKU." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.1067m.

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The paper is dedicated to the development of advocacy in France throughout history, and special attention is paid to the struggle of lawyers to repair the damage caused to their position by the Bourgeois Revolution. The goals of the legal struggle were fully achieved in the period of the Third Republic, rightly called the "Republic of Lawyers", when they took over the legislative and executive power. French lawyers, especially in the 19th century, were often real political dissidents. With their work as a politival opposition, they redefined the relationship between the state and society and set a clear border of state power, all of which enabled the easier emergence of a liberal constitutional monarchy, and then a republic. Due to the constant opposition activities in the courtroom, the lawyers demonstrated in the best possible way how closely law and politics stand in each state. In the introductory chapter of the paper, the author gives an overview of the historical development of advocacy from the Frankish period to the Revolution itself. During the Old Regime, lawyers enjoyed the status of "secular clergy" and, although members of the Third Class, were an unavoidable political factor in absolutist France. The second chapter contains an analysis of the devastating impact of the Revolution on the legal profession and timid attempts to improve the position of the legal profession with the advent of the Restoration. The third chapter provides an overview of the period from 1830 to 1870, which was characterized by the increasingly serious interference of lawyers in politics in order to fight for the advancement of the profession. The chapter on the Third Republic talks about the successful outcome of the lawyer's fight for their own rights, and the final chapter talks about the tendencies in the French legal profession in the 20th century.
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"Views of Freedom Prior to American Revolution—A View of Eric Foner’s Give Me Liberty! An American History." In 2019 International Conference on Advances in Literature, Arts and Communication. The Academy of Engineering and Education (AEE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35532/jahs.v1.003.

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