Journal articles: 'Liberal Revolution'

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Drake, Richard, Piero Gobetti, and William McCuaig. "On Liberal Revolution." Italica 78, no. 4 (2001): 574. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3656090.

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Schecter, Darrow. "On liberal revolution:." History of European Ideas 27, no. 4 (2001): 425–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-6599(01)00028-6.

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Baktiari, Bahman, and Haleh Vaziri. "Iran's Liberal Revolution?" Current History 101, no. 651 (2002): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.101.651.17.

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If [Khatami] does not seize the moment and conservatives continue to resist change, Iranian citizens will become increasingly impatient: their questions already are no longer ‘Why reform?’ or ‘What kind of reform?’ They now urgently ask ‘How?’ and ‘When?’

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Partlett, William. "The Legality of Liberal Revolution." Review of Central and East European Law 38, no. 3-4 (2013): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-00000002.

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Since the fall of communism, liberals have sought to reclaim the mantle of revolution. This new age of liberal revolution, they argue, culminates in a transformative ‘moment’ when the people unite to throw off their shackles and establish a democratic constitution. These founding moments are therefore extraordinary periods of unconstrained politics, where the sovereign people transcend the formal borders of institutionalized politics and legality to draft the constitutional boundaries of their new liberal order. Russian President Boris El’tsin placed his violent and illegal dissolution of the Russian Parliament and period of authoritarian dictatorship within this tradition of liberal revolution. Throughout 1993, El’tsin justified his decision to disband Parliament as the necessary action of an agent of the people in a period of extraordinary (and extralegal) politics. Western commentators have generally placed Russia’s constitutional foundation within this revolutionary paradigm of extraordinary politics. In Russia, however, both El’tsin’s methods and this revolutionary tradition are increasingly viewed with suspicion. This viewpoint is best expressed in the writing of the Chairman of the Russian Constitutional Court, Valerii Zor’kin. Steeped in the anti-revolutionary ideology of the late tsarist Russian constitutionalists, Chairman Zor’kin argues that El’tsin’s actions at the Russian founding helped spawn a culture of lawlessness that has undermined Russian democracy. Although Zor’kin’s approach is flawed, it is an important reminder for liberal constitutional thinkers to reexamine the concrete effects of a desire for a democratically pure founding moment.

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Hall, Stuart. "THE NEO-LIBERAL REVOLUTION." Cultural Studies 25, no. 6 (2011): 705–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2011.619886.

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Calvo Caballero, Pilar. "Woman and Liberal Revolution." Revista Portuguesa de História 50 (October 29, 2019): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_50_2.

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The study of the first liberal Penal Codes (Spanish from 1822/1848/1850 and Portuguese from 1852) shows that the Spanish and the Portuguese woman share the same legal frame, but for a few differences. This frame preserves the feminine pattern of behaviour established by the Old Regime Courts, subject to man’s authority and to marriage as a guarantee of social and family order, but with a change: man’s honor resting upon the woman is honesty, not any longer privileged (married and honest) but imposed (home angel) and punished (dishonest woman). Between applying mercy or an exemplary treatment to a woman, liberal law chooses the last. Woman is not the plural category of the Old Regime any more, but the dual category angel/dishonest, which brings about her fragilitas. This leads to equality among women and approach to men in most offenses, but for the glaring inequality with regard to honor. An exception: the Portuguese wife, protected against procuring, has the right to take vengeance on his husband for her honor, whereas the Spanish wife does not have that right. Keywords: Spanish Penal Code 1822/1848/1850. Portuguese Penal Code 1852. Woman. Fragilitas. Honesty.

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Kearns, Ian. "The future of liberal revolution." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (1993): 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622347.

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Pierre, Andrew J., and Bruce Ackerman. "The Future of Liberal Revolution." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045418.

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Beschel, Robert P., and Bruce Ackerman. "The Future of Liberal Revolution." Political Science Quarterly 108, no. 2 (1993): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152023.

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Pilbeam, Pamela. "The ‘Liberal’ Revolution of 1830." Historical Research 63, no. 151 (1990): 162–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1990.tb00880.x.

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Degaut, Marcos. "Out of the Barracks: The Role of the Military in Democratic Revolutions." Armed Forces & Society 45, no. 1 (2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17708194.

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Why some democratic revolutions succeed while others fail? The scholarly community has sought to address this issue from various perspectives, from rational choice approaches to collective action theories. Too little attention, however, has been paid to analyzing the role of the military. By discussing the different types of interactions played by the military in five cases of successful democratic revolutions—the 1910 Portuguese Republican Revolution, the 1958 Venezuelan Revolution, the 1960 April Revolution in South Korea, the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the 2000 Bulldozer Revolution in Yugoslavia—and three cases of failed revolutions, the 1905 bourgeois-liberal revolution in Russia, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in China, and the 2016 Turkey’s coup attempt, this study finds out that the key factor in determining their outcome is the army’s response and that the military backing is a necessary condition for a democratic revolution to succeed.

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Shelokhaev, V. V., and K. A. Solovyov. "Liberal Diagnosis of February Revolution 1917." Modern History of Russia, no. 2(19) (June 2017): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2017.203.

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Mišík, Matúš. "Counter-revolution: liberal Europe in retreat." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, no. 4 (2018): 477–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2018.1541674.

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Costantini, Anthony G. "Piero Gobetti and the Liberal Revolution." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 36, no. 1 (2002): 196–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580203600113.

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Tismaneanu, Vladimir. "The future of the liberal revolution." Orbis 38, no. 1 (1994): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(94)90138-4.

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Witoszek, Nina. "Humanism Under Siege: The Janus Face of the Modern Revolution of Dignity." Przegląd Humanistyczny, no. 65/1 (June 11, 2021): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-599x.ph.2021-1.1.

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The article interprets the crisis of liberal democracy in the 21st century as the result of an ongoing, dual revolution of dignity. One such revolution is the work of “humanist outliers”: small groups and individuals dedicated to compassionate social emancipation. Thus anti-authoritarian revolutions like that of Solidarity in Poland (1980–81) succeed in large part thanks to cultural and political innovations springing from the work of such small groups. However, the humanist revolution of dignity – featuring altruism and cooperation – has its “tribal doppelgänger”: a twin revolution that strives to reclaim national dignity and pride at the price of submission to authoritarian rule.

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Walker, Thomas C. "Exporting the Revolution." Journal of Early American History 6, no. 2-3 (2016): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00603010.

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This essay explores the connections between Paine’s international thought and the theory of liberal internationalism in the field of Political Science. Paine was first to provide a coherent theory of how democracy, free trade, and limited military spending would promote both peace and prosperity. One troubling inconsistency in Paine’s liberal internationalism rests in his advocacy for both small military budgets and active military intervention to spread democracy. By comparing Paine’s divergent views regarding democracy promotion and intervention in Louisiana and in England, we emerge with a far more nuanced understanding of Paine’s promotion of democracy. I argue that Paine’s vision for active military interventionism is not inconsistent with a small military.

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Schupmann, Benjamin A. "Constraining political extremism and legal revolution." Philosophy & Social Criticism 46, no. 3 (2019): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719856652.

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Recently, extremist ‘populist’ parties have succeeded in obtaining large enough democratic electoral mandates both to legally make substantive changes to the law and constitution and to legally eliminate avenues to challenge their control over the government. Extremists place committed liberal democrats in an awkward position as they work to legally revolutionize their constitutions and turn them into ‘illiberal democracies’. This article analyses political responses to this problem. It argues that the twin phenomena of legal revolution and illiberal democracy reveal a latent tension between the constitutional commitments to democracy and liberalism, that is, the equal chance to have one’s political goals enacted into law and individual basic rights. Political extremists make the latent tension real when they use the procedures of democratic legal change to abrogate constitutional commitments to liberalism, among other things. Although the two commitments normally coexist side by side, exceptional times raise an existential dilemma for liberal democracies: is it constitutional to democratically amend liberalism out of the constitution? After analysing the moral legitimacy of both the democratic and liberal arguments, this article concludes that liberal constitutionalism is constitutive of genuine democracy. In other words, it is unconstitutional to abrogate basic liberal commitments and it is legitimate to adopt constitutional mechanisms to guarantee liberalism – even if it means constraining democracy to do so. This article then situates ‘constrained democracy’ within the liberal current as a way to conceive of and respond to this pressing problem. It concludes by discussing four constitutional mechanisms – inspired by the German Grundgesetz – to guarantee liberalism: unambiguous lexically prior commitment to liberalism, limits on negative majorities, the eternity clause and party bans. It concludes that constrained democracy is an important constitutional guarantee of liberal democracy and that the four mechanisms, among others, are essential to enact constrained democracy.

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CHABAL, EMILE. "The Agonies of Liberalism." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (2016): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000321.

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It is striking the extent to which many liberals have seen themselves as figures on the margins of politics. This is partly an ideological issue. Of all the great ‘isms’ of the modern age, liberalism has had neither the historical certainty of the two great totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century, nor the reassuring hierarchical logic of conservatism. Most liberals have agonised about how much humans can achieve and have repeatedly stressed the fallibility of rational or democratic solutions, at least in comparison with more revolutionary ideologies like communism. But liberals’ sense of living on the margins is also a consequence of the context in which liberalism was born. In Europe, the spectre of the French Revolution – and, later, the Bolshevik Revolution – gave liberalism a specific flavour. Liberals were often keen on reform, but they always feared social upheaval. Time and again, liberals found themselves in power only to lose control of the pace of social change. In the worst cases – 1815, 1848 or 1917 spring to mind – this put the liberal cause back by generations. For much of modern European history, to be a liberal was to be in a perpetual state of siege.

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Guidotti-Hernández, Nicole M. "Partido Liberal Mexicano." Southern California Quarterly 101, no. 2 (2019): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2019.101.2.127.

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Brothers Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón led the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), the anarchist movement that fomented the Mexican revolution of 1910 from within the U.S. This article studies Enrique’s relationship with his little-known first wife, Paula Carmona, to uncover his and the movement’s conflicted positions on gender roles; a power struggle for control of the PLM’s news organ, Regeneración; and the movement’s resort to denunciation and revisionist strategies.

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Mastanduno, Michael. "Trump’s Trade Revolution." Forum 17, no. 4 (2020): 523–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0034.

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AbstractThe Trump administration has reversed a 70-year consensus and transformed both the substance of trade policy and the postwar role the US has played in its global management. It has also reconfigured the role of the president in the domestic trade policy process. Armed with the power and influence the US amassed during its long run as leader of the post-war liberal world economy, the Trump administration has used trade as its principle coercive weapon in foreign policy. It has achieved some success, albeit at high diplomatic cost and by putting at risk America’s long-standing structural advantages in the world economy. Given that domestic discontent with the liberal world economy has increased significantly, it is likely that the core aspects of Trump’s trade revolution will endure, even if subsequent administrations soften Trump’s provocative execution of it.

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Müller, Klaus. "Polens illiberale Revolution." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 48, no. 190 (2018): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v48i190.35.

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The recent populist wave that swept Eastern Europe put an end to the illusionary victory of liberal democracy across the region. This applies especially to Poland, the country with the most impressive civil society movement, Solidarnosz, and the frontrunner of radical market reforms. Despite the best economic performance of all post-communist countries, the populist party Law and Justice (PiS) came to power for a second time in 2015, only to impose its reactionary national-catholic model on the media, the law system, and the public sector. The success of PiS cannot be explained by the immanent strength of its populist rhetoric but points to the wilful neglect of its liberal predecessors of regional heterogeneity, precarious working conditions, and sharpened inequalities. While the electorate supports the valid points of PiS’s socio-economic programme, it is not inclined to follow its internally divisive and externally confrontational anti-EU ideology.

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Ахматов, Алексей, Aleksey Akhmatov, Оксана Арустамова, Oksana Arustamova, Розалина Шагиева, and Rozalina SHagiyeva. "THE IDEA OF FREEDOM IN THE REVOLUTION OF OCTOBER 1917 AND AUGUST 1991: CONSERVATIVE AND LIBERAL SENSE." Advances in Law Studies 4, no. 3 (2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21514.

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The article characterizes one of the Central proclaimed goals of the revolution of October 1917 and August 1991 – establishment of freedom in society: political freedom, social freedom and legal liberties. In comparative-legal aspect addresses the degree of achievement of this purpose the results of the revolutions. Reveals conservative meaning of freedom is different from liberal-democratic approach to freedom. Approach to the concept of freedom through the prism of revolution is political in nature, but the revolutionary mood of the early XX century differed from those at the end of the XX century, had a moral and ethical component, at least part of the content of &#34;freedom&#34;, this should be seen as different approaches to the revolutions of the beginning and the end of the century, the various goals of these revolutions, investing in the concept of freedom.

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Gilbert, Alan. "Democracy and Individuality." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 2 (1986): 19–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000297.

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For many contemporary liberals, Anglo-American democracy seems unimpeachably the best political form. In contrast, adherence to democratic values seems an area in which most Marxian regimes, and perhaps Marx himself, are strikingly deficient. Further, Marxian theory insists on the existence of oppressive ruling classes in all capitalist societies and on the need for class struggle and violent revolution to achieve a more cooperative regime – theses which liberal social theories tend to dismiss peremptorily. From the perspective of modern liberal democratic theory, Marxian arguments seem prima facie outlandish and even morally objectionable.

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BARBATO, MARIANO. "Postsecular revolution: religion after the end of history." Review of International Studies 38, no. 5 (2012): 1079–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000484.

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AbstractThis article claims that the revolutions in the Arab world foster insight into more than the spread of liberalism. Fukuyama's end of history has not just reached the Muslim world faster than expected. These revolutions show that strong religion and liberal democracy are compatible: they are postsecular revolutions. As already the revolutions of 1989 proved in some respect, in contrast to the secular ideals of the French Revolution, revolution and religion can go hand in hand in a postsecular way. Praying and making revolution does not need to end in a religious autocracy as 1979 in Iran. Religious citizens stood up praying for democracy and the rule of law against secular regimes which legitimised themselves as a bulwark against sinister forces of religion. Analysing the revolutions of 1989, Jürgen Habermas speaks of ‘catching-up revolutions’ which brought nothing new to the course of history. Yet after 9/11 he started to develop his idea of a postsecular society in which secular and religious citizens are equally entitled to make their arguments in a public sphere. Criticising the early Habermas with the later, the article argues that the postsecular revolutions of 1989 and 2011 are preparing the ground for a postsecular democracy.

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Maliks, Reidar. "Liberal Revolution: the Cases of Jakob and Erhard." Hegel Bulletin 32, no. 1-2 (2011): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200000239.

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This article explores the writings of Ludwig Heinrich Jakob and Johann Benjamin Erhard, two young Kantians who produced original defences of resistance and revolution during the 1790's. Comparing these two neglected philosophers reveals a crucial divergence in the liberal theory of revolution between a perspective that emphasises resistance by the individual and another that emphasises revolution by the nation. The article seeks to contribute to a more nuanced view of the political theory of the German Enlightenment, which has often been presented as excessively obedient to authority.The historian Charles Ingrao repeated a common perception when, in an article on enlightened absolutism, he speculated that, ‘the German's greater acceptance of authority both then and now may be rooted in their own distinctive national culture’ (Ingrao 1986: 165). This idea of the obedient German has been promoted especially by those who seek cultural explanations for the authoritarian bent of German society in the 20thcentury (such as Mandt 1974 and Lepenies 2006). But the idea has a longer history. Herder described Germany as the land of obedience, and Kant wrote that, ‘in keeping with their penchant for law and order, they [the Germans] will rather submit to despotic treatment than venture on innovations (especially wilful reforms of government)’ (Kant 1974: AA 7: 318). By ‘wilful reforms of government’ Kant meant revolution. Madame de Staël later observed that Germans ‘join the greatest boldness of thought to the most obedient character’ (Staël Holstein 1813: 35). As Frederick Beiser has shown, this view, which was repeated by Heine and Marx, came to dominate the historiography (Beiser 1992: 7).

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Mitchell, Adrian. "Preaching the Enjoyable Revolution." New Theatre Quarterly 18, no. 4 (2002): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x02000386.

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Socialism is alive. Theatre is alive. Socialist theatre is alive. And, in every sense except the literal one, John McGrath, whose body gave up a long, brave fight against illness in January this year, is alive and kicking – Liberal and Tory arses for choice.

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Demin, Vadim A. "Liberal-Conservative and Liberal Views on the Popular Representation in the Beginning of the 20th Century and Their Reflection in the Legislation of 1905–1906." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-223-231.

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The article is devoted to the study of the views of Russian liberals and liberal-conservatives on the representative authority in the beginning of the 20th century. It is shown that since the 70-ies of the 19th century all of them supported the transfer to representative authority. By the beginning of the 20th century even moderate liberals could not envisage further development of the country without such reforms. The revolution of 1905 intensified the activity of all social and political movements. Liberal conservatives supported the introduction of advisory representation that was to be elected by the democratized “Zemstva” and that should submit their opinions directly to the Emperor. The liberals pressed for the introduction of the parliament elected by universal, equal, direct and secret voting, that would issue laws, approve the budget and effect political control of the government. The development of political system reforms had bureaucratic and secret character. The demands of liberal society were taken into account only occasionally and only on minor issues. And it became the factor that intensified confrontation of the government and the educated society.

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READ, CHRISTOPHER. "IN SEARCH OF LIBERAL TSARISM: THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF AUTOCRATIC DECLINE." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (2002): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0100228x.

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The idea that the autocracy might have successfully modernized itself has, in recent years, spread widely beyond academic circles. However, a look at traditional and recent historiography shows that very few historians support this line. Even those who argue that Russia itself was developing rapidly have seen little prospect of the autocracy surviving the process. Equally, those who argue that radical socialist revolution might have been avoided tend to suggest, often by implication rather than in an explicit fashion, that a democratic, capitalist, bourgeois, and constitutional revolution was the alternative path. Thus it was not so much a question of tsarism or revolution but rather what kind of revolution was Russia facing?

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Nguyen, M. A. "Liberal education and the connection with Vygotsky’s theory of the zone of proximal development." Cultural-Historical Psychology 13, no. 1 (2017): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/chp.2017130108.

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Liberal education came into recognition in Roman Empire, spread throughout Europe during the sixteenth century and has become a revolution in the United States in the last centuries. The term “liberal education” has roots in the Latin word for a free person (liber) and the artes liberales emerged historically as the education appropriate for free people. In the modern world, and especially in the United States after the American Revolution, liberal education drew on these roots to position itself as the best preparation for self-governance in a free democratic society. At Hoa Sen University, liberal education has been chosen as a way to develop students, alongside their professional preparation. In the search for best application options of liberal education, the author realized the connection between liberal education philosophy and Vygotsky’s educational approach, as known as the zone of proximal development. This article analyzes the perspectives of liberal education and its logical connection with Vygotsky’s theory of the zone of proximal development.

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Dakhin, Vladimir. "Social Consequences of the "Liberal Revolution" in Russia." Sociological Research 34, no. 4 (1995): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/sor1061-0154340470.

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Lim, Kyungsoon. "Liberal Arts Education in the 4th Industrial Revolution." Studies of Korean & Chinese Humanities 58 (March 31, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26528/kochih.2018.58.001.

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Hacke, Christian. "Jan Zielonka: Counter-Revolution. Liberal Europe in Retreat." Das Historisch-Politische Buch: Volume 66, Issue 4 66, no. 4 (2018): 584–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.66.4.584b.

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Wolhuter, Charl, and JL (Hannes) van der Walt. "Editorial: The neo-liberal economic revolution and education." South African Journal of Education 39, no. 4 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15700/saje.v39n4editorial.

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Bagnoli, Paolo. "Piero Gobetti and the Liberal Revolution in Italy." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 2, no. 1 (1997): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545719708454938.

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Battini, Michele. "Piero Gobetti and the Politics of Liberal Revolution." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 4 (2010): 620–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2010.501984.

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Липовецкий, Павел Евгеньевич. "Liberal clergy organisations during the 1905-1907 revolution." Церковный историк, no. 2(2) (August 15, 2019): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/chist.2019.2.2.009.

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Статья посвящена истории становления организаций либерального духовенства в годы Первой русской революции (1905-1907) Политический кризис, начавшийся в Российской империи в 1905 г., поставил духовенство Православной Церкви перед необходимостью определить свою позицию по ряду общественных вопросов. Значительная часть клириков высказала симпатии либеральному направлению в политике. Наиболее крупные организации либерального духовенства сложились в Санкт-Петербурге и Москве. Сменившая несколько названий, столичная организация, выросшая из группы 32-х пастырей, в определённой степени пользовались поддержкой правящего архиерея - митр. Антония (Вадковского). Клирики имели возможность высказываться на собраниях и со страниц периодической печати. В свою очередь представители московского духовенства объединились на базе «Общества любителей духовного просвещения». Однако вскоре члены Общества вступили в конфликт с митр. Владимиром (Богоявленским), что заставило их искать поддержки у партии «Союз 17 октября». Это привело к созданию независимой от церковного начальства организации, получившей название «Вероисповедная комиссия при Союзе 17 октября». В программном отношении организации либерального духовенства схожи между собой. Первоначальной темой обсуждения в них были вопросы церковного преобразования, но позднее общественные темы приобрели больший вес. В провинции на данный момент объединений либерального духовенства выявить не удалось. Тем не менее прослеживается деятельность отдельных клириков. The article is devoted to the history of formation of liberal clergy organizations in the years of the First Russian revolution (1905-1907) The political crisis which began in the Russian Empire in 1905 made the Orthodox clergy to define their position on a number of social questions. A large proportion of the clergy expressed sympathy for the liberal trend in politics. The largest organisations of liberal clergy emerged in St Petersburg and Moscow. The organisation in the capital, which had grown out of a group of 32 pastors, had the support of the ruling bishop, Metropolitan Anthony (Vadkovsky), to a certain extent. The clerics were able to speak out at meetings and in the press. Representatives of the Moscow clergy in their turn united on the basis of the 'Society of Lovers of Spiritual Enlightenment'. However, members of the Society soon came into conflict with Metropolitan Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), which compelled them to seek support from the October 17th Union party. This led to the creation of an organization independent of church authorities called the Faith-Based Commission under the October 17th Union. In programmatic terms, the liberal clergy organizations were similar. Their initial topic of discussion was ecclesiastical conversion, but later social topics acquired greater weight. No liberal clergy associations could be traced in the provinces at present. Nevertheless, the activities of individual clerics can be traced.

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Boyer, John W. "Silent War and Bitter Peace: The Revolution of 1918 in Austria." Austrian History Yearbook 34 (January 2003): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800020427.

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My Subject Today is the Austrian Revolution of 1918 and its aftermath, a staple subject in the general history of the empire and the republic, but one that has not seen vigorous historiographical discussion for a number of years. In a recent review of new historiography on the French Revolution, Jeremy Popkin has argued that recent neoliberal and even neo-Jacobin scholarship about that momentous event has confirmed the position of the revolution in the “genealogy of modern liberalism and democracy.” The endless fascination engendered by the French Revolution is owing to its protean nature, one that assayed the possibilities of reconciling liberty and equality and one that still inspires those who would search for a “usable liberal past.”1 After all, it was not only a watershed of liberal ideas, if not always liberal institutions and civic practices, but it was also a testing ground for the possibility of giving practical meaning to new categories of human rights.

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Boyer, Dominic. "Revolution and Revellion." South Atlantic Quarterly 120, no. 1 (2021): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8795682.

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It has been increasingly common to hear talk of the need for “revolutionary action” to break the Anthropocene/Capitalocene trajectory of northern petroculture. Sometimes this talk is deployed by transition-oriented political movements like Sunrise and Extinction Rebellion. At other times, it is the mild liberal-consumerist “join the revolution” discourse put forward by green capitalist ventures. In both cases it raises the question of what is meant by revolution, a term that Arendt observed has both radical and conservative valences. As we contemplate revolutionary solarity in the twenty-first century, we must further settle accounts with the legacy of twentieth-century revolutions, many of which were predicated on energy-intensive and technoaccelerationist principles. This essay discusses what should and should not belong to revolutionary solarity and puts forth an alternate ethical and practical horizon of “revellion” in which the violent legacies of revolution are displaced by a politics that seeks to rewire the overheated pleasure circuits of northern civilization toward the pursuit of humbler joys and playful relations.

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Smith, Robert L. "The Quiet Revolution Revisited." Crime & Delinquency 32, no. 1 (1986): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128786032001006.

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This article chronicles the persons and events that contributed to the rise and ultimate fall of the Probation Subsidy Program—a plan to provide financial incentives to counties to retain offenders on probation in lieu of commitments to state correctional facilities. The author also speculates about the necessary conditions to rebuild political support for liberal juvenile justice reforms.

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Burnett, Virginia Garrard. "God and Revolution: Protestant Missions in Revolutionary Guatemala, 1944-1954." Americas 46, no. 2 (1989): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007083.

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“Our institutions,” remarked a North American Protestant missionary in Guatemala in 1910 referring to his denomination's missions, schools and clinics, “can do more than gunboats.” From the time of the Liberal reform of Justo Rufino Barrios, most of Guatemala's Liberal rulers had agreed. Valued by nineteenth century Liberal rulers for their development projects, their usefulness in the struggle against Catholic clericalism, and, most importantly, for the packaging of North American values, beliefs and culture in which they wrapped the Word of God, Protestant missionaries worked in Guatemala with the blessing and encouragement of the government from the late nineteenth century until 1944. That year, the “last caudillo”—the old Liberal dictator Jorge Ubico —was ousted from power and replaced by a reformist junta, marking the beginning of Guatemala's decade-long flirtation with progressive revolutionary government.

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Pelkmans, Mathijs. "On transition and revolution in Kyrgyzstan." Focaal 2005, no. 46 (2005): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012906780786843.

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This essay reviews the revolutionary situations that recently emerged in the post-Soviet world, focusing on the 'Tulip Revolution' in Kyrgyzstan. Observers were quick to explain this revolution in terms of democratic resistance to authoritarianism. This view is particularly problematic given that Kyrgyzstan was among the 'fast reformers' in the region and made its name as an 'island of democracy'. Instead of assuming that problems started when the country digressed from the ideals of liberal democracy, this essay argues that democratic reform and market-led development generated both the space and motivations for revolutionary action. Democratic reforms created the possibility of political dissent, while neo-liberal policies resulted in economic decline and social dislocations in which a temporary coalition between rural poor and dissenting political leaders was born.

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Dorn, J. "Peter Bauer’s Market-Liberal Vision." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 5 (May 20, 2005): 140–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2005-5-140-150.

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The article is devoted to P. Bauer who promoted the principles of liberty around the world. Lord Bauer considered that the development is the expansion of individual choices. He underlined that the role of the state was to protect life, liberty, and property. Bauer's works focus on the process of development measured by the extent of economic freedom. P. Bauer insists that economic development depends on institutions, culture, and conduct. J. Dorn declared P. Bauer a hero of market revolution and a protector of "laissez-faire".

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Blokker, Paul. "Populist Counter-Constitutionalism, Conservatism, and Legal Fundamentalism." European Constitutional Law Review 15, no. 3 (2019): 519–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s157401961900035x.

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Counter-revolution by law in Hungary and Poland – Populism as a distinctive political project that mobilises anti-liberal conservative forces in society – Populist attempt to dismantle liberal-constitutional institutions in the name of a conservative, illiberal project – Populist critique of legal fundamentalism, understood as an excess of liberal legal norms, as a key dimension in the conservative, populist project

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Fattor, Eric. "Revolution or Ecocide." Radical Philosophy Review 23, no. 2 (2020): 201–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2020720112.

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This article addresses the place of situationist ideas in the current drive to make meaningful social and political change to avoid the catastrophic consequences of climate change. After a brief review of some key situationist concepts, the article shows how situationist thinkers post-1968 saw the prospect of environmental degradation as one of the key consequences of the social apathy induced by the spectacle and the grim prospects for the prevailing liberal assemblage of power to address the problem. The article concludes by briefly discussing the place of a situationist-inspired environmentalism in the larger debates about radical solutions to climate change.

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Skąpska, Grażyna. "Od „legalnej rewolucji” do kontrrewolucji. Kryzys konstytucjonalizmu liberalno-demokratycznego w Polsce." Przegląd Prawa i Administracji 110 (November 30, 2017): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1134.110.5.

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FROM „LEGAL REVOLUTION” TO COUNTERREVOLUTION. CRISIS OF LIBERAL-DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTIONALISM IN POLANDThis paper debates the crisis of the rule of law and liberal constitutionalism with regard to processes and events in Poland after the parliamentary elections in 2015. Iwill shortly debate the previous events in Hungary — amodel for actions undertaken in Poland. In the first part this paper debates on the concept of “legal revolutions” which took place in the East Central Europe in 1989. They succeed in the institutionalization of the rule of law and liberal-democratic constitutionalism. The second part of the paper presents the swift, ruthless and brutal destruction of the rule of law. In the third part the “flood” of legal regulations, especially in the domains of economic transactions is shortly presented, and the part four debates cultural contexts of the current counterrevolutions. Here axiological foundations of liberal-democratic constitutionalism and the rule of law are discussed, and the issues of legal hypocrisy and legal nihilism in the context of Eastern European Syndrome are presented.

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Millán, Jesús. "The Liberal Revolution and the Reshaping of Valencian Society." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 75, no. 5 (1998): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00074909860065556.

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López Alós, Javier. "The Battle for Education in the Spanish Liberal Revolution." Hispanic Research Journal 18, no. 4 (2017): 320–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682737.2017.1337860.

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Congost, Rosa, and Ricard García-Orallo. "¿Qué liberaron las medidas liberales? La circulación de la tierra en la España del siglo XIX." Historia Agraria. Revista de agricultura e historia rural, no. 74 (February 22, 2018): 67–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.074e03c.

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The idea of “liberating or freeing up” land can be found in numerous studies of Spain’s economic evolution in the second half of the nineteenth century. Many of the measures implemented by the liberals were related to land, some of which have been considered key by Spanish historians. However, recent empirical studies have shown very dynamic land markets even during the Ancien Régime, raising the question of whether the changes should be attributed to liberal measures. This article offers a broad view of the whole of Spain, combining statistics generated by land registry institutions with the most detailed analysis of a geographical area of marked economic vitality and registry activity –the judicial district of Figueres in north-eastern Catalonia. By pointing out the diversity of land ownership forms, practices and circulation, these two approaches call into question the idea that the latter accelerated in the liberal period, and invite us to radically reconsider the object of study and the very process of liberal revolution.

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Weber, Devra Anne. "Wobblies of the Partido Liberal Mexicano." Pacific Historical Review 85, no. 2 (2016): 188–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2016.85.2.188.

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This article examines the Mexican grassroots base of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) and PLM members who belonged to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). It suggests that a grassroots perspective, one that is also multilingual and transnational, reframes both the PLM and the IWW. Eschewing an institutional approach, this perspective suggests that the organizational underbelly for much of this work rested with Mexican social networks that formed the labor crews, strikes, foci, and union locals. PLM supporters prepared for a Mexican revolution. Some of them did so while organizing IWW locals. Within the context of the intense migration of the period, labor and revolutionary foci moved across binational space, facilitating the spread of ideas, organizing, strikes, and revolutionary forays that were, in effect, binational “circularities of struggle.” These Wobblies of the PLM challenged industrial capitalism, questioned U.S. imperialism and racism, and helped launch the first social revolution in Mexico. This perspective reframes the IWW as one part of a spectrum of organizations attempting to counteract dispossession; yet it simultaneously reveals the organization as more expansive, diverse, multilingual, and transnational than previously presented. By decentering the United States and Europe, this Mexican perspective contributes to a re-envisioned transnational internationalist Left that includes the Americas and opens interpretative frameworks that cross gender, racial, ethnic, and national categories.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal Revolution'

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