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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberal Socialism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Pierson, Christopher. "Liberal socialism." History of European Ideas 21, no. 4 (1995): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)90277-5.

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2

Sadoun, Marc. "Is Socialism Liberal?: Democracy and French Socialist Ideas." Dissent 54, no. 2 (2007): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2007.0070.

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Smith, Robert C. "Democracy, Race, and the Socialist Project in the United States." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 1 (2020): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.1.34.

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This paper examines the relationship between race, socialism, and democracy in America. It is organized into five sections and a conclusion. The first section explores how socialism has been viewed by many black leaders and intellectuals as necessary, imperative perhaps, in the black struggle for material equality, and further investigates the relationship of this black perspective on socialism to white opposition. The second section uses the most recent historical work to identify the factors that have the stalled the development of socialism in America. I also assess how these factors have c

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4

Krygier, Martin. "Conservative-Liberal-Socialism Revisited." Good Society 11, no. 1 (2002): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2002.0009.

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5

Cohen, Mitchell. "For a Liberal Socialism." Dissent 68, no. 3 (2021): 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2021.0060.

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6

Arneson, Richard J. "Socialism as the Extension of Democracy." Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no. 2 (1993): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004180.

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Are socialists best regarded as those who are most truly and consistently committed to democracy, under modern industrial conditions? Is the underlying issue that divides liberals from socialists the degree of their wholeheartedness in affirming the ideal of a democratic society? On the liberal side, Friedrich Hayek has remarked: “It is possible for a dictator to govern in a liberal way. And it is also possible that a democracy governs with a total lack of liberalism. My personal preference is for a liberal dictator and not for a democratic government lacking in liberalism.” No doubt many soci

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7

Williams, Mason B. "Socialism and the Liberal Imagination." Dissent 65, no. 4 (2018): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2018.0079.

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8

Femia, Joseph. "Liberal Socialism by Carlo Rosselli." Political Theory 24, no. 2 (1996): 346–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591796024002013.

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9

Morrice, David. "C. B. Macpherson's Critique of Liberal Democracy and Capitalism." Political Studies 42, no. 4 (1994): 646–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb00303.x.

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C. B. Macpherson's project was to revise liberal-democratic theory in the light of Marxism, to rescue the valuable part of the liberal tradition from the dangers of capitalist market relations, and to democratize socialism. I identify Macpherson's concept of political theory, which informs his project; reconstruct his criticisms of liberal democratic theory and capitalist market relations; and note his prescriptions for a better political theory and practice. The project remains significant and valuable in a world in which political and economic liberalism is said to be triumphant and socialis

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Cunliffe, John. "The Liberal Rationale of ‘Rational Socialism’." Political Studies 36, no. 4 (1988): 653–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00254.x.

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This article draws attention to the ideas of an unduly neglected Belgian thinker, Hippolyte Colins. From the 1830s, Colins addressed many issues in the political theory of property, especially problems of interpersonal, intergenerational and inter-societal justice. His ideas are discussed in the first section. A critical examination of his arguments about justified property regimes enables contemporary disputes (notably in the work of Nozick and Steiner) to be placed in a fresh perspective, offered in the second section. This locates the difficulty of distinguishing between liberal and sociali

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11

WATSON, GEORGE. "Take back the past." European Review 10, no. 4 (2002): 459–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000376.

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The surprising fact about the 20th century was the return of the liberal free market, circling back to where it began. It was helped because liberalism, unlike socialism, was never a theory of history and could not be falsified by events. But, socialist historians still control the past, and it is still widely believed that the welfare state was created by socialism and that genocide is right-wing. In fact, socialist leaders, fearful of preserving capitalism, opposed the welfare state, which in Britain was the creation of Asquith. Between the wars, Labour had no national health plans, and it w

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12

Miller, David. "In What Sense must Socialism be Communitarian?" Social Philosophy and Policy 6, no. 2 (1989): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000637.

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This paper stands at the confluence of two streams in contemporary political thought. One stream is composed of those critics of liberal political philosophy who are often described collectively as ‘communitarians’. What unites these critics (we shall later want to investigate how deep their collegiality goes) is a belief that contemporary liberalism rests on an impoverished and inadequate view of the human subject. Liberal political thought – as manifested, for instance, in the writings of John Rawls, Robert Nozick, and Ronald Dworkin – claims centrally to do justice to individuality: to spec

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13

Mitchell, Adrian. "Preaching the Enjoyable Revolution." New Theatre Quarterly 18, no. 4 (2002): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x02000386.

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Socialism is alive. Theatre is alive. Socialist theatre is alive. And, in every sense except the literal one, John McGrath, whose body gave up a long, brave fight against illness in January this year, is alive and kicking – Liberal and Tory arses for choice.

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14

Levy, Jacob T. "LIBERALISM'S DIVIDE, AFTER SOCIALISM AND BEFORE." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (2002): 278–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201126.

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For most of the century and a half that began roughly with the later works of John Stuart Mill, the most important divide within liberal political thought was that between classical (or market, or libertarian) liberalism and welfare (or new, or redistributionist) liberalism. The questions that were important to the socialist/liberal debate also became important for debates within liberalism: What is the relationship between property and freedom? Between free trade and freedom? Is freedom of commercial activity on a moral par with other sorts of freedom? Is the alleviation of poverty or materia

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15

JACKSON, BEN. "At the Origins of Neo-Liberalism: The Free Economy and the Strong State, 1930–1947." Historical Journal 53, no. 1 (2010): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990392.

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ABSTRACTIt is often suggested that the earliest theorists of neo-liberalism first entered public controversy in the 1930s and 1940s to dispel the illusion that the welfare state represented a stable middle way between capitalism and socialism. This article argues that this is an anachronistic account of the origins of neo-liberalism, since the earliest exponents of neo-liberal doctrine focused on socialist central planning rather than the welfare state as their chief adversary and even sought to accommodate certain elements of the welfare state agenda within their market liberalism. In their e

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16

Simmonds, Nigel. "Rights, socialism and liberalism." Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (1985): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1985.tb00318.x.

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In his recent book, The Left and Rights, Tom Campbell argues that the concept of an individual right has no special or exclusive connection with the political philosophy of liberalism, or with the legal order of a liberal society. The belief that there is some such connection has been shared by both the revolutionary left and the libertarian right. Campbell argues that both groups falsely attribute to the concept of a right features that are contingently associated with the particular rights enforced in bourgeois society. A socialist society, he argues, would have good reason to accord and res

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17

Djurkovic, Misa. "John Stuart Mill, labour issue and the problem of socialism." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 120 (2006): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0620129d.

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The topic of this article is the analysis of Mill's attitude to socialism The author starts from the contemporary libertarian dogma about Mill as the spoiler of liberalism who supposedly turned this ideology towards socialist trends. The detailed and taxonomic analysis based on Mill's Principles of Political Economy and Chapters on Socialism shows that this theory in not correct; that the opposite is true - Mill actually, as the first serious critic of socialism, set all the relevant arguments which the liberal theory would later use to challenge this rival ideology. The emphasis is placed on

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18

Pejovich, Svetozar (Steve). "From socialism in the 1900s to socialism in the 2000s: the rise of liberal socialism." Post-Communist Economies 30, no. 1 (2017): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631377.2017.1398527.

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Howard, Michael W. "Basic income, liberal neutrality, socialism, and work." Review of Social Economy 63, no. 4 (2005): 613–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00346760500364775.

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20

Nomer, Nedim. "Fichte and the Idea of Liberal Socialism*." Journal of Political Philosophy 13, no. 1 (2005): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2005.00213.x.

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21

Tomasi, John. "SOVEREIGNTY, COMMERCE, AND COSMOPOLITANISM: LESSONS FROM EARLY AMERICA FOR THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (2002): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201102.

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If socialism and liberalism are rivals, one ambition these rivals have shared is that of being a transnational, even universal doctrine. Socialists and liberals have each thought of their own view as being well designed to expand, to reach out and be taken up in an ever-growing number and variety of societies. I do not know whether now is the time to write the final obituary for the socialist version of this dream. But the universalizing dream most vivid before the minds of the inhabitants of the world today clearly is not the socialist one, but the liberal one. “Globalization,” in our day, ha

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22

Mendus, Susan. "Liberal Man." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 26 (March 1989): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100004896.

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I begin with two quotations: one from Anthony Crosland's Socialism Now, the other from Thucydides' account of the Peloponnesian War. Crosland says:experience shows that only a small minority of the population wish to participate [in politics]. I repeat what I have often said—the majority prefer to lead a full family life and cultivate their gardens. And a good thing too … we do not necessarily want a busy, bustling society in which everyone is politically active and fussing around in an interfering and responsible manner, and herding us all into participating groups. The threat to privacy and

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23

Katznelson, Ira. "Is Liberal Socialism Possible? Reflections on “Real Utopias”." Politics & Society 48, no. 4 (2020): 525–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329220962646.

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This essay, written in memory of Erik Olin Wright (1947–2019), explores the possibility of liberal socialism. Wright sought to rescue both liberalism and socialism from their demonstrated capacity for depredation. His legacy challenges reformers to proceed with the audacity of real, and realistic, utopianism together with an awareness that, unfortunately, the obverse of an appealing utopianism always beckons.

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24

Scholtyseck, Joachim. "Fascism—National Socialism—Arab “Fascism”: Terminologies, Definitions and Distinctions." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 242–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a2.

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Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at

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25

Fuller, Edward W. "Was Keynes a socialist?" Cambridge Journal of Economics 43, no. 6 (2019): 1653–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/bez039.

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Abstract This paper addresses the controversy over Keynes’s political thought. Robert Skidelsky portrays Keynes as a liberal who wanted to save capitalism. By contrast, Rod O’Donnell argues Keynes was a socialist. This paper presents unexplored evidence that shows Keynes was a non-Marxist socialist from 1907 until his death in 1946. First, the paper demonstrates that Keynes described himself as a socialist and aligned himself with socialism. Next, the paper shows Keynes can be defined as a socialist because he advocated socialist policy. Finally, the paper discusses Keynes’s socialist politica

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26

Kors, Alan Charles. "CAN THERE BE AN “AFTER SOCIALISM”?" Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (2002): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201011.

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There is no “after socialism.” There will not be in our or in our children's lifetimes an “after socialism.” In the wake of the Holocaust and the ruins of Nazism, anti-Semitism lay low a bit, embarrassed by its worst manifestation, its actual exercise of state dominion. In the wake of the collapse of Communism, socialism's only real and full experience of power, socialism too lays low for just a moment. Socialism's causes in the West, however, remain ever with us, the product of the convergence of two extraordinary achievements: liberal free enterprise and political democracy. The former creat

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27

Bricmont, Jean, and Normand Baillargeon. "Bertrand Russell and the Socialism That Wasn't." Monthly Review 69, no. 3 (2017): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-069-03-2017-07_7.

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Russell was both a liberal and a socialist, a combination perfectly comprehensible in his time, but almost unthinkable today. As a liberal, he opposed concentrations of power in all its military, governmental, and religious manifestations. But as a socialist, he equally opposed the concentrations of power stemming from the private ownership of the means of production, which therefore had to be put under social control.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

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28

ROBERTSON, JAMES M. "NAVIGATING THE POSTWAR LIBERAL ORDER: AUTONOMY, CREATIVITY AND MODERNISM IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA, 1949–1953." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 2 (2018): 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000379.

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Between the years 1949 and 1953 the leaders of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia embarked on a series of radical social and economic reforms that restructured state–society relations in line with a decentralized, participatory model of socialism. “Self-management socialism,” as this system became known, served to harmonize local revolutionary ambitions with the embedded liberalism of the postwar international order into which Yugoslavia sought to integrate. During the early reform period Yugoslav intellectuals reorganized socialist ideology around new understandings of autonomy an

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29

Polášek, Martin. "Josef Macek Between Liberal Socialism and Social Liberalism." Politická ekonomie 58, no. 3 (2010): 402–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.738.

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30

Pejovich, Svetozar. "THE EMERGENCE OF LIBERAL SOCIALISM IN CONTINENTAL EUROPE1." Economic Affairs 29, no. 4 (2009): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2009.01958.x.

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31

Bastow, Steven. "The discourse of 19th-century French liberal socialism." Journal of Political Ideologies 24, no. 1 (2018): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2019.1548085.

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32

Beltrán Pineda, Angélica. "Feminismo y socialismo en los albores del xx en Colombia." Clepsydra. Revista de Estudios de Género y Teoría Feminista, no. 19 (2020): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.clepsydra.2020.19.06.

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This article addresses the problematic relationship between feminism and socialism, based on four experiences of social struggle developed in the first decades of the 20th century in Colombia. From these cases, the forms of relationship between feminist and socialist expressions of the time are explored, as well as the existence of popular feminism at the dawn of the 20th century and its characteristics. As main findings, advances and limitations in the relationship between feminism and socialism in terms of organization and program are identified; in turn, the existence of liberal and popular

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33

Rodríguez Braun, Carlos. "Early Liberal Socialism in Latin America: Juan B. Justo and the Argentine Socialist Party." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 67, no. 4 (2008): 567–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.2008.00588.x.

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34

O’Shea, Tom. "Socialist Republicanism." Political Theory 48, no. 5 (2019): 548–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719876889.

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Socialist republicans advocate public ownership and control of the means of production in order to achieve the republican goal of a society without endemic domination. While civic republicanism is often attacked for its conservatism, the relatively neglected radical history of the tradition shows how a republican form of socialism provides powerful conceptual resources to critique capitalism for leaving workers and citizens dominated. This analysis supports a programme of public ownership and economic democracy intended to reduce domination in the workplace and wider society. I defend this soc

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35

DUFF, KOSHKA. "The Criminal Is Political: Policing Politics in Real Existing Liberalism." Journal of the American Philosophical Association 3, no. 4 (2017): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/apa.2017.39.

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ABSTRACT:The familiar irony of ‘real existing socialism’ is that it never was. Socialist ideals were used to legitimize regimes that fell far short of realizing those ideals—indeed, that violently repressed anyone who tried to realize them. This paper suggests that the derogatory concept of ‘the criminal’ may be allowing liberal ideals to operate in contemporary political philosophy and real politics in a worryingly similar manner. By depoliticizing deep dissent from the prevailing order of property, this concept can obscure what I call the ‘legitimation gap’. This is the gulf between (a) libe

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36

Holt, Justin P. "Moral Objectivity and Property: The Justice of Liberal Socialism." Analyse & Kritik 40, no. 2 (2018): 413–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2018-0023.

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Abstract This paper restates the thesis of ‘The Requirements of Justice and Liberal Socialism’where itwas argued that liberal socialism best meets Rawlsian requirements of justice. The recent responses to this article by Jan Narveson, Jeppe von Platz, and Alan Thomas merit examination and comment. This reply shows that if Rawlsian justice is to be met, then non-personal property must be subject to public control. If just outcomes merit the public control of non-personal property and this control is not utilized, then justice has been subordinated to the objectively less important institution o

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37

Davidson, Alastair. "Dilemma of Liberal Socialism: The Case of Norberto Bobbio." Australian Journal of Politics & History 41, no. 1 (2008): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1995.tb01335.x.

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38

Martin, James. "Italian liberal socialism: Anti-fascism and the third way." Journal of Political Ideologies 7, no. 3 (2002): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1356931022000010601.

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39

Eudaily, Sean Patrick. "Haunting Hegemony: A Certain Spirit of Conservative-Liberal-Socialism." Good Society 11, no. 1 (2002): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2002.0005.

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40

Soltan, Karol Edward. "Conservative Liberal Socialism and Politics of a Complex Center." Good Society 11, no. 1 (2002): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2002.0018.

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41

Davidson, Alastair. "Norberto Bobbio, liberal socialism and the problem of language." Citizenship Studies 2, no. 2 (1998): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621029808420680.

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42

Zavaleta Betancourt, José Alfredo. "El laberinto de Octavio." Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 14 (April 3, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i14.2664.

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Este ensayo propone una interpretación de las posiciones políticas de Octavio Paz, con el propósito de identificar su legado político. Para tal efecto, pone a discusión la idea de que Octavio Paz era un intelectual de izquierda socialista, a partir de la relectura de sus principales ensayos políticos. En esta lógica, lo conceptúa como poeta con posiciones políticas, que discursivamente defendía un tipo de socialismo democrático desde una posición nacional-revolucionaria.En la búsqueda de las reglas y estrategias discursivas utilizadas por Paz para hablar de la violencia, la izquierda, la democ

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43

Medearis, John. "Schumpeter, the New Deal, and Democracy." American Political Science Review 91, no. 4 (1997): 819–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952166.

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Joseph Schumpeter is known to American political scientists as the originator of an elite conception of democracy as a political “method,” a conception found in his Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1942). But I show in this paper that in Schumpeter's study of the development of liberal capitalist societies, he also treated democracy as a socially transformative historical tendency, one of several that he thought were propelling such societies toward a form of “democratic” socialism. Schumpeter regarded the politics of labor and the reorientation of state policy in the New Deal era as evide

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Kozerska, Ewa, and Tomasz Scheffler. "EDWARDA MUSZALSKIEGO KONCEPCJA NARODOWEGO PRAWA CYWILNEGO." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (2016): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.10.

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Edward Muszalski’s Idea of National Private LawSummary The paper presents the views of Polish lawyer Edward Muszalski on the state of private law in Europe and Poland of the interwar period and his proposals for changes. Muszalski assumed that the law was shaped by two schools of thought : liberal and socialist. In the 18th and 19th century the liberal school dominated, the result of which was the creation of the Napoleonic Code and the BGB. In the 19th century, socialism also influenced the law, which resulted in the creation of labor legislation and trade unions. In the 20th century, the bad

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Karlson, Nils. "The Idea Vacuum of Liberalism and the Quest for Meaning and Community." Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no. 2-4 (2019): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.259.

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Liberalism is losing ground, while populist or even authoritarian nationalist regimes are on the rise. This article argues that the causes of the decline are, at least partly, endogenous, that a narrow focus on economic efficiency and the successful critique of socialism and the welfare state have created an idea vacuum that has opened up for these illiberal tendencies. The conclusion is that a central challenge for liberalism is to offer a comprehensive idea and narrative about meaning and community that is not socialist, conservative or nationalist, but distinctly liberal, to counter these d

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Flaherty, Seamus. "H.M. Hyndman and the Intellectual Origins of the Remaking of Socialism in Britain, 1878–1881*." English Historical Review 134, no. 569 (2019): 855–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez188.

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Abstract In recent years, the historiography of late nineteenth-century British Socialism has reached a new level of sophistication. The determinism and essentialism that typified much of the work on the subject prior to the so-called linguistic turn in social history has been decisively dropped. This article, however, argues that the influence of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels still persists in two crucial respects. Firstly, it suggests that historians continue to take their lead from Marx in pinpointing the start of the Socialist movement; and second, it posits that historians also continue

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Rupprecht, Tobias. "Pinochet in Prague: Authoritarian visions of economic reforms and the State in Eastern Europe, 1980-2000." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 3 (2020): 312–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420925024.

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The ‘1989’-inspired liberal enthusiasm about Eastern Europe’s democratisation has led to an overestimation of the efficacy of liberal ideas, and to a blotting-out of decidedly illiberal strands of political thought, in the region both during and after the end of Communist rule. One such strand was a remarkable interest in different aspects of the Chilean transformation from socialism to liberal democracy via authoritarianism across (post-)socialist Europe in the 1980s and 1990s. Based on reform debates from Poland, Russia, and Czechoslovakia, this article argues that this fascination with the

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48

Galston, William A. "AFTER SOCIALISM: MUTUALISM AND A PROGRESSIVE MARKET STRATEGY." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (2002): 204–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201096.

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I undertake three tasks in this exploratory essay. First, I examine some of the lessons of recent history concerning the relation between socialism, markets, and liberal democracy. Second, I lay out the basic theoretical building-blocks of an alternative to both socialism and laissez-faire that I call “mutualism.” Finally, I draw some conclusions for public policy and practice, in the form of what I call a “progressive market strategy.” A brief conclusion ponders the question, What's left of socialism?

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49

Riley, Jonathan. "J. S. Mill's Liberal Utilitarian Assessment of Capitalism Versus Socialism." Utilitas 8, no. 1 (1996): 39–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800004726.

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John Stuart Mill argued, in his Principles of Political Economy (1848, 7th edn., 1871), that existing laws and customs of private property ought to be reformed to promote a far more egalitarian form of capitalism than hitherto observed anywhere. He went on to suggest that such an ideal capitalism might evolve spontaneously into a decentralized socialism involving a market system of competing worker co-operatives. That possibility of market socialism emerged only as the working classes gradually developed the intellectual and moral qualities required for worker co-operatives to succeed against

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50

Praznik, Katja. "Alternative culture, civil society and class struggle." Maska 35, no. 200s3 (2020): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska_00043_1.

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Abstract The abridged Chapter 5 from Praznik’s Slovenian book The Paradox of Unpaid Artistic Labour: Autonomy of Art, the Avant-Garde and Cultural Policy in the Transition to Post-Socialism (Ljubljana: Sophia, 2016) reconsiders alternative art workers’ political agenda of the 1980s in light of political transformations of late Yugoslav socialism and the emergence of neo-liberal rationality. During the 1980s, art workers of the alternative art scene in Yugoslavia aimed to redefine and transform socialist production model by critiquing socialist ideology and institutions without taking issue wit

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