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1

Tucker, Cynthia Grant, and Sally B. Purvis. "Prophetic Sisterhood: Liberal Women of the Frontier." Review of Religious Research 33, no. 2 (December 1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511918.

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2

Lys. "Women Soldiers' Tales during Louis XIV's War Conflicts." Marvels & Tales 33, no. 1 (2019): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/marvelstales.33.1.0140.

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3

Manning, Christel J. "Women in a Divided Church: Liberal and Conservative Catholic Women Negotiate Changing Gender Roles." Sociology of Religion 58, no. 4 (1997): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3711922.

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4

Rivkin-Fish, Michele. "‘Fight Abortion, Not Women’." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 27, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2018.270203.

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This article traces the conceptual emergence and development of feminist-oriented abortion politics in urban Russia between 2011 and 2015. Examined as an example of local adaptions of global reproductive rights movements, Russians’ advocacy for abortion access reflects commitments and tensions characterising post-Soviet feminism. Specifically, I show how calls to preserve women’s access to legal abortion have drawn on both socialist-inspired ideals of state support for families and liberal-oriented ideas of individual autonomy. Attention to the logics underlying abortion activists’ rhetoric reveals the specific historical sensibilities and shifting cultural values at stake in the ways progressive Russian activists construe justice. The analytic concept of ‘moral economy’ brings into relief how their advocacy evokes ideal visions of reciprocal obligations and uncertainties in both state-citizen relations and intimate relations. I argue that contextualised analyses of local feminist abortion politics may enrich global debates for reproductive rights and justice.
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5

Scott, Alison M., and Cynthia Grant Tucker. "Prophetic Sisterhood: Liberal Women Ministers of the Frontier, 1880-1930." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 34, no. 3 (September 1995): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1386895.

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6

Twenge, Jean M. "Attitudes Toward Women, 1970–1995." Psychology of Women Quarterly 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00099.x.

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The social climate for women has changed considerably since the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS; Spence & Helmreich, 1972a) was developed in the early 1970s, but the pattern of change in AWS scores throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s is unclear. Published reports of data from 71 samples of American undergraduates responding to the AWS were located and analyzed for differences across time (1970–1995) and region (South and non-South). Women's AWS scores were strongly correlated with year of scale administration ( r = .78, p < .001), and men's scores showed a similar trend toward more liberal/feminist attitudes ( r = .60, p < .001). Scores show a steady trend toward more liberal/feminist attitudes, with no appreciable reversal or slowdown during the 1980s. Gender differences steadily increased from 1970 to 1985 and decreased from 1986 to 1995. Southern samples were marginally more conservative/traditional. The results are discussed in terms of generational differences, the effects of maternal employment on attitudes, and the individual's experience of cultural change.
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7

Kelly, Rita Mae, Bernard Ronan, and Margaret Cawley. "Liberal Positivistic Epistemology and Research on Women and Politics." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 7, no. 3 (1987): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.1987.9970492.

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8

Isaacson, Lynne, and Cynthia Grant Tucker. "Prophetic Sisterhood: Liberal Women Ministers of the Frontier, 1880-1930." Review of Religious Research 37, no. 1 (September 1995): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3512073.

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9

Landman, Christina. "Responses to 'The piety of Afrikaans women'." Religion and Theology 2, no. 3 (1995): 334–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430195x00249.

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AbstractThe book The piety of Afrikaans women is placed in the context of the methodological discussion on religion feminism, that is religion feminism as it was discussed in Western Europe in the early 1990s. It is argued that in South Africa the book was not read against this background but as an onslaught on Afrikanerdom and as a liberal effort to alienate metaphysics from spirituality. Three reactions for and against the contents of the book are discussed. The first refers to local nationalism, the second to the political agenda of women's spirituality and the third to the relationship between spirituality and historical criticism.
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10

Cornwall, Marie, and Cynthia Grant Tucker. "Prophetic Sisterhood: Liberal Women Ministers on the Western Frontier, 1880-1930." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30, no. 4 (December 1991): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387297.

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11

Schermer Sellers, Tina, Kris Thomas, Jennifer Batts, and Cami Ostman. "Women Called: A Qualitative Study of Christian Women Dually Called to Motherhood and Career." Journal of Psychology and Theology 33, no. 3 (September 2005): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164710503300305.

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The intersection between spirituality, motherhood and vocation is largely unexplored in contemporary writing and research. The cultural and religious messages received by women regarding motherhood and vocation often produce complicated dilemmas for women who seek to participate in both domains simultaneously. Even though working mothers represent a significant number of women in America, the stories, themes and voices of deeply spiritual career mothers have been largely silenced in literature. This phenomenological study looks into the lives of eleven Christian women who are mothers working across career disciplines in a liberal arts university setting. Four dominant themes emerged from the analysis, including the meaning of “calling,” formative messages, the lived experience, and wisdom for the next generation. Though complex and demanding, overall these women were deeply satisfied and grateful for the opportunity to craft lives fulfilling longings to both motherhood and career. Implications for the community and future research are also addressed.
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12

Ponichtera, Robert M. "Feminists, Nationalists, and Soldiers: Women in the Fight for Polish Independence." International History Review 19, no. 1 (March 1997): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1997.9640772.

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13

Fuentes, Andrés Reséndez. "Battleground Women:Soldaderasand Female Soldiers in the Mexican Revolution." Americas 51, no. 4 (April 1995): 525–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007679.

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Revolution and women did not mix well, at least in the eyes of most leaders of the insurrection that swept Mexico in 1910-17. Moreover, common wisdom suggested that armies were no place for the “gentler sex” and hence the two kinds of women that did accompany men to the battleground–female soldiers and soldaderas–were generally regarded as marginal to the fighting and extraordinary, or strange, in character.Female soldiers received much notice in the press and arts during the revolution and in its aftermath. They were portrayed as fearless women dressed in men's garb flaunting cartridge belts across the chest and a Mauser rifle on one shoulder. But they were invariably shown in the guise of curiosities, aberrations brought about by the revolution. Soldaderas received their share of attention too. They were depicted as loyal, self-sacrificing companions to the soldiers or, in less sympathetic renderings, as enslaved camp followers: “the loyalty of the soldier's wife is more akin to that of a dog to its master than to that of an intelligent woman to her mate.” But even laudatory journalistic accounts,corridos, and novels did not concede soldaderas a prominent role in the revolutionary process, much less in the success of the military campaigns.
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14

Lindenmeyr, Adele. "Writing Women into the Russian Revolution of 1917." Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 13, no. 1 (September 11, 2020): 214–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102388-01301007.

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Abstract While scholarship on Russian women’s history has flourished in recent decades, the participation of women in the 1917 Revolution continues to be under-researched and poorly understood. This article explores various reasons for the marginalization of women in studies of the revolution. It reviews promising recent research that recovers women’s experiences and voices, including work on women in the wartime labor force and soldiers’ wives, and argues for the usefulness of a feminist and gendered approach to studying 1917.
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15

Thompson, Barbara Marcia. "Succumbing, surviving, succeeding? Women managers in academia." Gender in Management: An International Journal 30, no. 5 (July 6, 2015): 397–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/gm-08-2013-0095.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to address an under-explored and under-theorised aspect of gender work in UK academia in that it looks at the professional lives of middle and senior women managers and leaders who are responsible for initial teacher training in their institutions. As Maguire (2002) and Murray (2002, 2006) point out, within academia, teacher trainers occupy a particularly under-researched space despite some recent interest (Korthagen and Vasalos, 2005; Thompson, 2007). Design/methodology/approach – This research draws on a larger study which explored how 22 middle and senior managers and leaders in ten institutions in England try to come to terms with carrying out their roles in the education marketplace. In-depth semi-structured interviews were carried out with these women and data were also collected from field notes from participant observation undertaken at three of the institutions. Findings – Whereas some women are moving into positions of authority in the education marketplace, some existing women managers are being marginalised within new internally differentiated layers of managerial structures. Simultaneously, many women who manage teacher training are engaged in a struggle for survival individually and professionally. Those who succeed have managed to re-invent themselves to endorse neo-liberal discourses. Originality/value – Original empirical research which sheds new light on previous discourses related to women managers in neo-liberal academia.
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16

Moon, S. "Beyond Equality Versus Difference: Professional Women Soldiers in the South Korean Army." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 9, no. 2 (September 1, 2002): 212–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/9.2.212.

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17

Wang, Yang. "The Image of “Chinese Girl” in Japanese War Literature: Taking Tatsuzo Ishikawa, Ashihei Hino and Hiroshi Ueda as examples." Lifelong Education 9, no. 5 (August 2, 2020): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i5.1205.

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Taking the representatives of Japanese war literature during the Anti-Japanese War as examples, and combining gender studies and analysis on post-colonialism and text, this paper interprets the images of “Chinese girl” in Tatsuzo Ishikawa’s Soldiers Alive, Ashihei Hino’s Hana to Heitai and Hiroshi Ueda’s Koujin. The sexual violence suffered by Chinese women revealed in Soldiers Alive has brought trouble to the writer, while Ashihei Hino was warned by the army department about the description of Chinese women in Hana to Heitai, in which the communication and love between the Japanese army and local women shown coincide with the Japanese policy of “propaganda and comfort”. Hiroshi Ueda is a famous “solider writer” as Ashihei Hino. In his war novel Koujin, Chinese women are also portrayed as being full of “smiles” and kindness to Japanese soldiers. So Chinese women in the Anti-Japanese War were deprived of their national consciousness, thought and resistance, thus becoming “others” without any threat.
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18

Lavan, Spencer. "Prophetic Sisterhood: Liberal Women Ministers of the Frontier, 1880-1930. Cynthia Grant Tucker." Journal of Religion 72, no. 1 (January 1992): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488857.

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19

Wical, Carol. "Book Review: Soldiers' Stories: Military Women in Cinema and Television since World War II." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (February 2012): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200133.

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20

Harel-Shalev, Ayelet. "Book review: Women Soldiers and Citizenship in Israel: Gendered Encounters with the State." European Journal of Women's Studies 27, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 322–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506820930148.

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21

Pinto, Vânia Carvalho. "Book Review: Rethinking Islam and Liberal Democracy: Islamist Women in Turkish Politics." Feminist Review 86, no. 1 (July 2007): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400349.

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22

WRIGLEY, CHRIS. "‘For Women, for Wales and for Liberalism’: Women in Liberal Politics in Wales, 1880-1914 by Ursula Masson." Gender & History 23, no. 1 (March 21, 2011): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2010.01631_16.x.

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23

Ahn, Yonson. "Yearning for affection: Traumatic bonding between Korean ‘comfort women’ and Japanese soldiers during World War II." European Journal of Women's Studies 26, no. 4 (August 27, 2018): 360–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506818796039.

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This work analyses the complex and contentious issues of mutual affection and codependency in relationships between Korean ‘comfort women’ and Japanese soldiers during World War II. Drawing on a combination of interviews and published resources, it explores the groups’ perceptions of one another within the framework of ‘traumatic bonding’. Despite traumatic violence and stark inequalities, this article finds nuanced contributions from the parties involved. For the soldiers, the relationships provided a form of emotional relief from the violence of war and from the oppression they themselves were subjected to by those of superior rank within the military hierarchy, while the women often sought kindness and protection from the military men with whom they had formed relationships. However, underneath the yearning for human connection, these relationships were highly complex and deeply affected by the overarching power dynamics of gender and the racialised colonial hierarchy.
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24

Gaunder, Alisa, and Sarah Wiliarty. "Conservative Women in Germany and Japan: Chancellors versus Madonnas." Politics & Gender 16, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000867.

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AbstractDespite many similarities between them, the German Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) have represented women in parliament at different rates. This article argues that differences in party organization, electoral system rules, and left party strength interact to explain the varying levels of representation of conservative women in parliament. The CDU's corporatist structure allowed it to represent diverse interests and successfully respond to challenges for female support from the left. As a result of a weaker left party challenge and a classic catch-all party organization, the LDP's attempts to incorporate women have been less extensive and largely symbolic.
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25

Cheever, Abigail. "Book review: Soldiers’ Stories: Military Women in Cinema and Television since World War II." Cultural Sociology 7, no. 4 (November 11, 2013): 500–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975513512453c.

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26

Bergman Rosamond, Annika, and Annica Kronsell. "Cosmopolitan militaries and dialogic peacekeeping: Danish and Swedish women soldiers in Afghanistan." International Feminist Journal of Politics 20, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2017.1378449.

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27

Schwegman, Marjan. "Amazons for Garibaldi: women warriors and the making of the hero of two worlds." Modern Italy 15, no. 4 (November 2010): 417–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.506293.

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This article analyses the place and meaning of female heroism in the process of the making of modern Italy. Beginning with Garibaldi's first wife Anita in Brazil, a great number of women all over the world were attracted to Garibaldi and his movement. Theirs was a sentimental and political engagement, which in some cases turned them into real soldiers, like those who joined the ranks of Garibaldi's troops. Whereas until 1860 the Garibaldinian volunteer was not understood as an exclusively male category, this changed around that key year, both in reality and in the collective imagination of the Risorgimento. Women were denied the right to be soldiers in Garibaldi's legendary Thousand. Subsequently, stories of militant women like Anita Garibaldi were softened in the foundation fictions that narrate the birth of Italy, turning women into passive members of the Italian nation. This change is analysed in depth by focusing on the emblematic case of Esperance von Schwartz, one of Garibaldi's biographers, and for a time, one of his female companions in arms.
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28

Harel-Shalev, Ayelet, Ephrat Huss, Shir Daphna-Tekoah, and Julie Cwikel. "Drawing (on) women’s military experiences and narratives – Israeli women soldiers’ challenges in the military environment." Gender, Place & Culture 24, no. 4 (February 7, 2017): 499–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369x.2016.1277189.

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29

Ehrick, Christine. "Affectionate Mothers and the Colossal Machine: Feminism, Social Assistance and the State in Uruguay, 1910-1932." Americas 58, no. 1 (July 2001): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0070.

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In 1910, the Uruguayan Public Assistance Law established the concept of universal poor relief, declaring that “anyone … indigent or lacking resources has the right to free assistance at the expense of the state.” Nothing better than this law qualifies Uruguay for its distinction as the ‘first welfare state’ in Latin America. As in other countries, much of the first social assistance legislation targeted poor women and children and relied on elite women for much of its implementation. In the Uruguayan case, the primary intersections between public assistance and private philanthropy were the secular “ladies’ committees” (comités de damas), charitable organizations without direct ties to the Catholic Church. These organizations were also an important catalyst for liberal feminism in Uruguay, whose chronology—from the foundation of the National Women's Council in 1916 through the women's suffrage law of 1932—closely parallels the history of the early Uruguayan welfare state. Following a discussion of the formation of the National Public Assistance and its significance for class and gender politics in Uruguay, this article will summarize the evolving relationship between the Uruguayan social assistance bureaucracy and one of these groups, theSociedad“La Bonne Garde,” an organization that worked with young unmarried mothers. It then discusses how a formal and direct relationship with the state helped make the Bonne Garde and other groups like it a principal point of entry for many elite women in the early phases of Uruguayan liberal feminism. Finally, this article shows how processes set in motion in the 1910s resulted in a relative marginalization of elite women from both state welfare and organized liberal feminism in the 1920s. Through an examination of the history of these ladies’ committees, we gain new insight into both welfare state formation in its earliest Latin American example as well as some of the elements and circumstances which helped shape liberal feminism in Uruguay.
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30

Yang, R. "Varieties of Feminisms in Contemporary China: Local Reception and Reinvention of Liberal Feminism in Ford Foundation Projects." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 3 (December 10, 2019): 510–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz050.

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Abstract This article explores how liberal feminism has been received and hybridized with local feminisms in post-socialist China. Based on interviews and documents from four Ford Foundation projects, the results show how local actors appropriated elements from three strands of feminism: liberal, socialist, and cultural. Conflicts among these strands were reconciled by de-emphasizing the structural origins of gender inequality and putting impetus for change on individual women. The human rights-based understandings of gender equality are thereby converted into women’s obligation to improve their “quality” and exercise their legal rights, which ignores intersectional disadvantages confronting rural women.
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31

Jose, Jim. "Feminist Political Theory without Apology: Anna Doyle Wheeler, William Thompson, and the Appeal of One Half the Human Race, Women." Hypatia 34, no. 4 (2019): 827–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12485.

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Anna Doyle Wheeler was a nineteenth‐century, Irish‐born socialist and feminist. She and another Irish‐born socialist and feminist, William Thompson, produced a book‐length critique in 1825, Appeal of One Half the Human Race, Women: Against the Pretensions of the Other Half, Men, to Retain Them in Political, and Thence in Civil and Domestic, Slavery: In Reply to a Paragraph of Mr. Mill's Celebrated “Article on Government,” to refute the claims of liberal philosopher James Mill in 1820 that women did not need to be enfranchised. In so doing the Appeal undermined the philosophical credibility of Mill's liberal utilitarianism. The Appeal exposed the hypocrisy of the language of contract (whether social, sexual, or marriage) by showing that men's freedom and claims to rights presupposed the unfreedom and sexual subjugation of women. The article argues that the Appeal was an original formulation of feminist political theory that still retains its relevance in the twenty‐first century.
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32

Popescu, Liliana. "Women and Security - Contemporary Approaches And Issues." Security science journal 2, no. 1 (August 5, 2021): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.2.1.1.

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The article discusses the contrasts between the traditional conception of security and feminist viewpoints on the issue. It presents the traditional realist viewpoint on security and discusses the representation of women in state security structures as well as their representation in international organizations. It briefly presents feminist criticisms of liberal origin concerning the lack of equal participation and representation in these power structures that affect everyone regardless of gender. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the discussion of the important issues raised by feminist perspectives on security and the specificity of feminist security studies. The widening of the security studies area is portrayed, as present in these writings: the overvaluation of the importance of state structures, in which women are underrepresented; the importance of expanding ‘security from the area of the state and applying it to communities; the decentering of dominant modes of knowledge (the “normal”); the inclusion of femininities, masculinities, and gender is security analyses; the importance of issues like #metoo international movement and the withdrawal of states in our region, East, South East and Central Europe, from the Istanbul Convention. The article concludes by asserting the importance of enhancing women solidarity in this region, including here the development of feminist security studies by applying it to common transborder issues.
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Jarymowycz, Christina Olha. "Guardians and Protectors: The Volunteer Women of the Donbas Conflict." Feminist Review 126, no. 1 (October 22, 2020): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778920944373.

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How does war reconfigure women’s social roles and status? This article investigates how women’s volunteering during conflict can challenge gendered divisions within society and transform the binary of masculine protector and feminine protected. When the Donbas conflict erupted in Ukraine in 2014, women assumed central roles as civilian volunteers who aided populations affected by violence. They gained a high level of social status in the context of a weak state, distrusted by its populace. Based on ten months of fieldwork and eighty-two interviews with civilian volunteers, this article argues that volunteering became a space of gendered negotiations over women’s position alongside wartime binaries of home/front and protector/protected. Ultimately, certain types of wartime volunteering created more opportunities for blurring these gendered divisions, enabling volunteer women to be framed as protectors of both soldiers and civilians. Moreover, age intersected with gender, as volunteer women’s life stage influenced their ability to become leaders within volunteer groups and their bodies were interpreted alongside gender roles within the family.
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Ali, Mohd Akil Muhamed, Mazlan Ibrahim, and Dwi Sukmanila Sayska. "HADITH “ANTI WANITA” BERKENAAN DENGAN KEHIDUPAN RUMAH TANGGA: KAJIAN KRITIK TERHADAP FEMINIS LIBERAL." Al-Bayān – Journal of Qurʾān and Ḥadīth Studies 9, no. 1 (April 26, 2011): 135–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22321969-90000024.

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Equality and gender justice issues are often debated by liberal feminist groups in either the West or East. Muslim feminist groups in particular often use certain hadiths to show the injustice of Islam against women. Therefore, this article will analyze some of the hadiths that are used by this group as anti-women. This article will focus on sanad and matan and also the right meaning of the hadith. The methodology used in this study is literature and content analysis. This article is intended to correct the allegation or wrong assumption and put the hadith on the right position, therefore it will be respected and being noble.
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Burney, Saleema Farah. "Beyond ‘the Stepford Wives Syndrome’." Journal of Muslims in Europe 10, no. 2 (March 23, 2021): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-bja10025.

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Abstract Moving away from politicised and institutional agendas, research on Muslims has now begun to document the voices and concerns of individual Muslim women. Based on two years of doctoral fieldwork in and around London, this paper raises methodological dilemmas in the study of Muslim communities. It then presents data showcasing how Muslim women are successfully creating hybrid identities, and navigating new sites and opportunities for mutual exchange with non-Muslims. It argues that their public interactions as religious women living in a liberal secular society provide hope for a plural Britain, built on a convivial and interactive model of integration.
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Roberts, Melinda R., Wendy Turner, Leigh Anne Howard, Erin E. Gilles, and Anne Statham. "Gender and Social Justice: An Examination of Attitudes and Behaviors Among Undergraduate Liberal Arts Students." Affilia 34, no. 4 (August 5, 2019): 552–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109919866151.

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This study examines university student attitudes concerning social justice and their perceptions of inequality. In this article, we explore how gender shapes students’ understanding of issues of inequality, sexism, racism, classism, and their inclinations to act against these issues. This research seeks to explore how gender shapes students’ understanding of social justice. Moreover, it seeks to answer the following questions: Are women or men more willing to engage in social justice actions? Are women or men more likely to recognize and perceive inequality? Lastly, are women or men more determined to do something to achieve social justice? Results show that women students are far more likely to identify inequality and engage in actions to achieve social justice.
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Salaymeh, Lena. "Imperialist Feminism and Islamic Law." Hawwa 17, no. 2-3 (October 23, 2019): 97–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341354.

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Abstract This article presents three arguments about defects in imperialist feminism. First, I show that imperialist feminists engage in decontextualized comparisons: they consistently compare Western women to the Muslimwoman, without comparing Muslim men and women or comparing non-Muslim men and women. These inconsistent comparisons are the source of significant misrepresentations of Muslim women. Second, I propose that imperialist feminists view Muslim women through the heteronormative male gaze. That is, when imperialist feminists assess Muslim women’s practices, they implement the normative assumptions of heterosexual males in the West. Third, I argue that imperialist feminists incorrectly presume that Western women enjoy full autonomy or fail to recognize that women everywhere do not enjoy full autonomy. I present medieval Islamic legal ideas about a wife’s right to sexual fulfillment as evidence that the liberal myth of autonomy is not translatable to orthodox Islamic jurisprudence.
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Reynolds, Amy C., Catherine O’Mullan, Anja Pabel, Ann Martin-Sardesai, Stephanie Alley, Susan Richardson, Linda Colley, Jacquelin Bousie, and Janya McCalman. "Perceptions of success of women early career researchers." Studies in Graduate and Postdoctoral Education 9, no. 1 (May 14, 2018): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sgpe-d-17-00019.

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Purpose In the highly gendered academic sector, womens’ high participation rates have not translated into equal career progression with men. Existing literature suggests that early career publication success is a good indicator of long-term publication success. This research is intended to provide a better understanding of whether the notions of success espoused by neo-liberal universities align with the subjective measures of what constitutes academic success for women ECRs (early career researchers). Design/methodology/approach The study examines the perceptions of nine successful women ECRs at an Australian university. It uses collaborative autoethnography with thematic analysis of participants’ self-reflective narratives on being a successful ECR. Findings Five themes were identified. One focussed on objective academic success, which included publications, grants and citations. The other four themes – living a balanced life, making a difference, labour of love and freedom and flexibility – offered more subjective views of success. These included: research making a contribution to society, undertaking research they are passionate about, having autonomy in their role and achieving work-life balance. Practical implications The findings demonstrate that women define success in broader terms than neo-liberal universities, and future studies should consider these divergent definitions. Universities committed to equality should understand differences in how women may approach career progress and incorporate this into support processes and in alignment of individual and university goals. Originality/value This research offers unique insights into the experience of post-doctoral employment for women in the academic environment and the factors influencing their success in this early career phase.
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Landesman, Bruce M. "On Nancy Fraser's “Women, Welfare and the Politics of Need Interpretation”." Hypatia 3, no. 2 (1988): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1988.tb00077.x.

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In “Women, Welfare and the Politics of Need Interpretation,” Nancy Fraser pursues a “meaning-oriented” inquiry intended to illuminate the gender bias of the American welfare system in order to aid feminists and their allies in the continuing political struggles over the welfare system. For Fraser the fundamental issues are over judgments about what women need—“need interpretation.” I argue that although her analysis of the system is vivid and provocative, it is inadequate as a contribution either to political theory or practical strategy. Fraser substitutes a search for patterns and meanings for careful clarification and defense of political values. She leaves needs without foundation and does not explore the capacities for change in modem liberal states. The meanings she reveals provide us neither with a sound basis for judgments on political values nor with a strategy for improvement.
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Li, Chen, Miron Zuckerman, and Ed Diener. "Culture Moderates the Relation Between Gender Inequality and Well-Being." Psychological Science 32, no. 6 (June 2021): 823–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797620972492.

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Research on the relation of gender inequality and subjective well-being (SWB) has produced inconsistent results. We suggest that culture moderates this relation such that inequality has a greater adverse effect in liberal than in conservative societies. The present studies, using aggregate data from 86 countries (Study 1) and 145,975 individuals’ data from 69 countries (Study 2), support this notion. Among liberal countries, inequality was negatively related to SWB for both men and women; there was some evidence that this relation was stronger for women. In conservative countries, the relation was not significant. Previously, the same liberal–conservative continuum moderated the relation between income inequality and SWB for groups with both high and low socioeconomic status (SES) but particularly for the low-SES group. The similarity in results across two different studies strongly supports the notion that the relation between inequality and SWB is contingent on where specific cultures are located on the liberal–conservative continuum.
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41

Nelson, Hilde Lindemann, and James Lindemann Nelson. "Cutting Motherhood in Two: Some Suspicions Concerning Surrogacy." Hypatia 4, no. 3 (1989): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1989.tb00593.x.

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Surrogate motherhood—at least if carefully structured to protect the interests of the women involved—seems defensible along standard liberal lines which place great stress on free agreements as moral bedrocks. But feminist theories have tended to be suspicious about the importance assigned to this notion by mainstream ethics, and in this paper, we develop implications of those suspicions for surrogacy. We argue that the practice is inconsistent with duties parents owe to children and that it compromises the freedom of surrogates to perform their share of those duties. Standard liberal perspectives tend to be insensitive to such considerations; we propose a view which takes more seriously the moral importance of the causal relationship between parents and children, and which therefore illuminates rather than obscures the stake that women and children have in surrogacy.
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42

Sany, K. P. "Kurichiya Women of Kerala - Tradition, and Modernity." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 7, no. 4 (April 1, 2020): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v7i4.2302.

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The status of tribal women has been like a moving equilibrium at various times and in various parts of the globe. It has sometimes been liberal and other times of constraint and subordination. With regard to India, gradual variations are marked in the works of vedic, puranic medieval and modem age writers. The (constitution of India guarantees several rights to Scheduled Tribes including women. Various studies on the South Indian tribals have always been ignored tribal women though they continue to constitute half of the tribal population. Predominantly, the male bias remained largely unrestricted as such studies were by a large, carried out by the males. The latter extracted information from male respondents, as the women were comparatively difficult to approach due to their inherent reluctance for the purpose.1 Hence, the world’s view of tribal women, regarding their own position in society, could not be put forth. Women have been playing a significant role in the society and culture and will continue to do the same in future. Even when the intimate relation of man and women is accepted and women have been occupying a very prominent status in the social milieu, the treatment of men and women has been differentiated in social structure as well as social organization.
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43

Kayyal, Mahmoud. "Damascene Shahrazād: The Images of Women in Zakariyyā Tāmir's Short Stories." Hawwa 4, no. 1 (2006): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920806777504571.

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AbstractTāmir describes the other/the woman as a realistic character who reflects the maladies of Arab society, and as an ideal image that fulfills his vision of an egalitarian and liberal society. In both instances, he emerges as an author who is highly critical of the status of women and attitudes toward them in traditional and conservative Arab society. In his early collections, the author's descriptions of the submissive and obedient woman, who suffers the violence and tyranny of men in a patriarchal society, are grotesque and ironic. To escape this harsh reality, he feels the need for fantasies, the center of which is the mythical woman who at times appears as part of nature, bestowing tranquility on man at times of crisis, and at others resembles Shahrazād, equal to man and his partner. In his later collections, women are no longer passive and dependent on men; they are independent, have initiative and are liberated from all the traditional norms and taboos, particularly sexual ones.
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Chia, Rosina C., Linda J. Allred, and Page A. Jerzak. "Attitudes Toward Women in Taiwan and China." Psychology of Women Quarterly 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00105.x.

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The goals of this article are to review published data from both English and Chinese sources on current attitudes toward women in Taiwan and China and to discuss issues in cross-cultural research that may affect the discovery and reporting of effects. Chinese women in both countries, when compared to men, had more liberal attitudes toward women, but women in China had more traditionally oriented attitudes than women in Taiwan. Yang's (1986) modernization theory was used to explain these results. There was also some overlap of gender roles in both cultures, with some traditional masculine (or feminine) roles played by the other gender. We propose that modernization may lead not only to greater gender equality but also to changes in the nature of gender roles, leading to greater gender-role overlap, in which it is advantageous for both men and women to have less distinctive gender-role characteristics. Finally, issues of construct validation, response sets, and alternative approaches to scale development are addressed, and suggestions for future research are offered.
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Mead, Karen. "Gender, Welfare and the Catholic Church in Argentina: Conferencias de Señoras de San Vicente de Paul, 1890-1916." Americas 58, no. 1 (July 2001): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0075.

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Between 1880 and 1916, elite women engaged in social welfare and transformed the politics of subordination in Argentina as they brokered a new accommodation between the Catholic Church and the Argentine state. Without ever claiming equality, women made it clear that the progress of the new nation—as male intellectuals and statesmen conceived it—could not be accomplished without their assistance. By stressing what they considered to be their essential contributions to social peace and national integration, elite women completely ignored both traditional and liberal ideas of the divisions between public and private responsibility without appearing to challenge gender norms.
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Dhahir, Sanna. "Turning Oppression into Challenges: Women in Badriyya l-Bišr’s Hind wa-l-ʿaskar." Arabica 61, no. 1-2 (2014): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341287.

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Abstract Saudi novelist Badriyya l-Bišr, a well-known advocate for women’s rights in her country, uses her novel Hind wa-l-ʿaskar1 (Hind and the Soldiers) to trace the growth and the struggle of a young woman in a rigid, conventional society. As the novel’s title suggests, the female protagonist, Hind, finds herself in a situation of war at different stages in her life—war against various forces that deny her self-expression and jeopardize her happiness as a human being. Yet the novel is not just a series of complaints about the grievances experienced by women in Saudi Arabia; it focuses in the main on women’s potential and their power to use their judgment and arm themselves with all the weapons available to them in order to overcome oppression and marginalization.
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Smith, Ruth L., and Deborah M. Valenze. "Mutuality and Marginality: Liberal Moral Theory and Working-Class Women in Nineteenth-Century England." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 13, no. 2 (January 1988): 277–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494406.

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48

Moder, Ally. "Women, Personhood, and the Male God: A Feminist Critique of Patriarchal Concepts of God in View of Domestic Abuse." Feminist Theology 28, no. 1 (August 6, 2019): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735019859471.

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Domestic abuse is a common occurrence for women in the Christian Church. Underlying this dark reality is a long history of patriarchal theological interpretations that have depicted God as a dominant male figure that subjects women to male hierarchy as a subordinate. Often based on an understanding of Jesus as subordinate to God the Father in the Trinity, the correlated praxis of the Church has commonly been to subject women to suffering at the hands of men – even at the cost of their lives – thus mimicking the death of Christ. This deeply flawed androcentric theology and subsequent praxis of women’s subordination has been severely challenged by liberal feminists, and rightly so for the sake of women’s survival and flourishing. This article utilizes the Social Trinity to provide a Christian feminist critique of patriarchal atonement models and theology towards the feminist goal of liberating women from male-perpetrated violence. Ultimately a reframing of God will be presented that includes women as full persons and calls them to resist the suffering of domestic abuse and to reclaim their full personhood as the imago Dei.
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Mackenzie, Catriona. "Reason and Sensibility: The Ideal of Women's Self-Governance in die Writings of Mary Wollstonecraft." Hypatia 8, no. 4 (1993): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1993.tb00274.x.

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It is standard in feminist commentaries to argue that Wollstonecraft's feminism is vitiated by her commitment to a liberal philosophical framework, relying on a valuation of reason over passion and on the notion of a sex-neutral self. I challenge this interpretation of Wollstonecraft's feminism and argue that her attempt to articulate an ideal of self-governance for women was an attempt to diagnose and resolve some of the tensions and inadequacies within traditional liberal thought.1
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HIRSHFIELD, CLAIRE. "Fractured Faith: Liberal Party Women and the Suffrage Issue in Britain, 1892-1914*." Gender & History 2, no. 2 (June 1990): 173–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.1990.tb00092.x.

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