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1
Buttle, Nicholas. "Liberal Republicanism." Politics 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00046.
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In this article I defend a broadly Rawlsian interpretation of citizenship which combines both liberal and republican themes to provide an account of citizenship which is more appropriate for modern democracies than alternative interpretations, such as that offered by communitarian critics of political liberalism. Liberal republicanism, I argue, gives a convincing interpretation of the nature and value of citizenship and provides the basis for a radical political agenda.
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Krupa, Christopher. "Unfolding the crease in liberal republican citizenship." Focaal 2012, no. 63 (June 1, 2012): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2012.630108.
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The following article by Andrés Guerrero is an unedited translation of the sixth and final chapter of his recent book, Administración de poblaciones, ventriloquía, y transescritura (Admini stration of Populations, Ventriloquism, and Trans-writing, 2010), a remarkable text of political history and philosophy that has been largely inaccessible to readers outside the Andean region. 1 Our publication of that chapter in this issue, with commentaries on it and an interview with the author, reflects the unusually loud “echoes” (to use a Guerreroism) we heard in it of Focaal’s efforts to promote unorthodox ways of addressing the global and historical composition of political critique. Extracting a chapter such as this from its source cannot but leave scars. Here we aim to fill in some of the missing pieces to the story that follows.
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Lavdas, Kostas A. "Republican Europe and Multicultural Citizenship." Politics 21, no. 1 (February 2001): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00129.
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This article explores the possibilities for a normative understanding of the politics of EU development from a republican perspective. It draws on current debates on republicanism, which combine republican, liberal and multicultural themes, and defends an approach to European citizenship and the design of European institutions in which the contemporary republican emphasis on freedom as non-domination is complemented with the multiculturalist concern with group rights that cut across national boundaries. It is argued that the combination of republican institutions and multicultural citizenship can provide a model for European construction.
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Moynagh, Patricia. "A Politics of Enlarged Mentality: Hannah Arendt, Citizenship Responsibility, and Feminism." Hypatia 12, no. 4 (1997): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00297.x.
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Drawing from four Arenaaan themes—plurality, the public realm, power, and perspective appreciation—I argue for citizenship as a “politics of enlarged mentality.” This term suggests an alternative conception of citizenship that surpasses the limits of both the liberal and civic republican traditions. Unlike die masculinized liberal ideal of the citizen and contrary to the gendered universality that defines the civic republican traditions, a politics based on enlarged mentality combines context sensitivity with principled judgments.
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Miller, David. "Citizenship and Pluralism." Political Studies 43, no. 3 (September 1995): 432–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb00313.x.
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The idea of citizenship has played a prominent role in recent political debate. But how is common citizenship possible in societies that seem increasingly prone to cultural fragmentation along ethnic and other lines? The paper distinguishes three conceptions of citizenship – liberal, libertarian and republican – and asks how far each is able to respond to cultural pluralism. The liberal conception, exemplified by Rawls, interprets citizenship in terms of a set of principles that everyone has reason to accept; but Rawls fails to show why everyone should give political priority to the citizen perspective as he defines it. The libertarian conception views the citizen as a rational consumer who through contract and choice can gain access to a range of public goods. This caters to pluralism, but at the cost of eroding the idea of citizenship as a common status enjoyed by all members of society. The republican conception sees the citizen as someone who plays an active role in shaping his or her society through public discussion. Contrary to the claims of critics such as I. M. Young, this does not require the imposition of norms of impartiality and publicity which exclude certain cultural groups. This conception offers the best prospect of developing a political consensus to which all groups can subscribe.
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Effendi, Winda Roselina. "Konsepsi Kewarganegaraan dalam Perspektif Tradisi Liberal dan Republikan." JURNAL TRIAS POLITIKA 2, no. 1 (April 20, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33373/jtp.v2i1.1238.
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Kewarganegaraan terbagi ke dalam dua tradisi besar dan ada juga yang melihatnya terbagi dalam tiga tradisi. Mereka yang melihat adanya dua tradisi membuat pengelompokan, yaitu tradisi liberal dan tradisi republikan. Sementara mereka yang membuat tiga pengelompokan pendekatan, membaginya ke dalam liberal, republican dan komunitarian. Sementara itu ada penulis yang menggunakan istilah republican sipil dan ada yang menggunakan istilah republican partisipatoris. Kajian kewarganegaraan (citizenship studies) tampak lebih menitikberatkan perhatiannya kepada persoaran hak dan kewajiban warganegara yang bertalian erat dengan posisi dan status individu sebagai anggota komunitas politik bernama negara. selain itu, status warga negara lebih banyak diwarnai oleh kedudukan hukum yang berdampak kepada persoaran priverege sebagai anggota (warganegara) sebuah Negara.
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Levy, Jacob T. "Citizenship and National Identity. By David Miller. Cambridge, MA: Polity, 2000. 216p. $29.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402404315.
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From the title one might expect a sequel of sorts to the author's highly regarded On Nationality (1995). The volume is both less and more than that, although mostly more. David Miller has long been critical of the Anglo-American liberal approach to political theory and has advanced his criticism along a number of fronts. To oversimplify, Miller is not a liberal, he is a civic republican; he is not a universalist liberal, he is a nationalist; he is not a liberal democratic, he is a deliberative democrat; he is not an economic liberal, he is a social democrat.
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Wonicki, Rafał. "Porównanie liberalnej i republikańskiej kultury politycznej w państwie demokratycznym." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 16 (January 30, 2014): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2014.16.07.
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The main purpose of this article is to compare the liberal and republican understanding of the role of political culture. The reconstruction of the liberal and republican elements of the political sphere demonstrates how these theories present the role of citizenship, government and democracy, thus revealing differences in the concepts of political culture. Firstly, the liberal concept of political culture is described as a practice that allows citizens to fulfil their individual interests. Liberal political culture helps to integrate people in the institutional framework, thus enabling them to realize their individual preferences without the state’s pressure to choose one particular model of a good life. Secondly, the republican model of political culture is analysed. It stresses citizens’ engagement in the public sphere and the role of positive freedom, based on an active search for common good and the cultivation of common practices supporting the state’s paternalistic techniques of integration. This type of culture allows citizens to achieve common moral development. In conclusion, it is argued that in the age of galloping globalization, these two normative models do not fit perfectly well into the Western social and political landscape because today we live in communities which embrace both the liberal and republican elements of political culture. Thus, it is demonstrated that there is some space for compromise between these two approaches, i.e. liberal republican culture.
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Thompson, Michael J. "Rousseau’s Post-Liberal Self: Emile and the Formation of Republican Citizenship." European Legacy 26, no. 1 (September 22, 2020): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2020.1823623.
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Thurner, Mark. "‘Republicanos’ and ‘la Communidad de Peruanos’: Unimagined Political Communities in Postcolonial Andean Peru." Journal of Latin American Studies 27, no. 2 (May 1995): 291–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00010762.
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AbstractAlthough unimagined and unanticipated within the Creole nationalist ‘discursive frameworks’ of the liberal-republican state, nineteenth-century Andean peasant communities sought mediated re-insertion in the postcolonial Peruvian Republic. Key to peasant political engagement in the Andean region of Huaylas-Ancash was the tactical deployment of ‘Indian rights’ of colonial origin to make moral and material claims on the postcolonial caudillo state. In Huaylas-Ancash peasant claims and political practices destabilised liberal notions of ‘republic’ and ‘republican’ citizenship, and eventually challenged the teleogical historicity of Creole nation-building itself.
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Sørvoll, Jardar, and Viggo Nordvik. "Social Citizenship, Inequality and Homeownership. Postwar Perspectives from the North of Europe." Social Policy and Society 19, no. 2 (November 14, 2019): 293–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746419000447.
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In this article, we analyse the social distribution of residential property in Norway post-1945 in light of the concept of social citizenship. Drawing on data from censuses and tax registers, we examine the social stratification of owner-occupation and housing wealth in a Nordic nation of homeowners. Our study shows that residential property and housing wealth is very unevenly distributed, and that the share of low-income homeowners decreased markedly after 1990. The implications of these findings are discussed with reference to three different conceptions of citizenship: the socio-liberal, the republican and the libertarian. Our main argument is that the falling rate of low-income owner-occupation constitutes an erosion of social citizenship viewed from the socio-liberal and republican conception of citizenship. This follows from theoretical arguments and empirical studies linking homeownership to positive welfare outcomes, such as civic engagement and social integration. The latter is arguably particularly true in some high-homeownership countries, such as Norway, where owner-occupation is the cultural norm and rental housing is associated with low quality and insecurity.
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Carter, April. "Liberalism and the Obligation to Military Service." Political Studies 46, no. 1 (March 1998): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00130.
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This article argues that liberalism's failure to address systematically the question of citizens' obligation to military service is indicative of its wider failure to develop a satisfactory concept of citizenship. Whilst liberalism's individualist bias, implicit class assumptions and hope of transcending war have all contributed to neglect of citizen duty to bear arms, the most interesting reason, in relation to contemporary republican critiques, is liberalism's inadequate view of citizenship. This article examines the different approaches of the classical English liberals Locke, Bentham and J. S. Mill to international relations, forms of national defence and the role (if any) of citizens, and considers very briefly the views of some contemporary liberal theorists on military service and justified resistance to the draft. Finally, it comments on the implicit reliance of liberal polities on non-liberal models of citizenship, and the need for a coherent liberal concept of citizenship which includes an examination of responsibility for defence.
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Magnette, Paul. "La Citoyenneté dans la pensée politique Européenne : Eléments pour une histoire doctrinale du concept." Res Publica 38, no. 3-4 (December 31, 1996): 657–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i3-4.18616.
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This article tries to describe the conceptual evolution of the concept of citizenship. Following the history of the word, it defines the succeeding meanings of this idea from Aristotle to Marx. It argues that this history shows that the concept is inherent in the republican tradition, which affirms that man's freedom is an illusion without the institution of the State. The modern concept, in particular, brings together the ideas of the Rule ofLaw and Popular Sovereignty and demonstrates that they are conceptually undividable. This, it is concluded, means that opposing "liberal" and "republican" concepts of citizenship is a contradiction in terms.
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FLATHMAN, RICHARD E. "Liberal Versus Civic, Republican, Democratic, and other Vocational Educations." Political Theory 24, no. 1 (February 1996): 4–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591796024001002.
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Herzog, Ben. "Revocation of Citizenship in the United States." European Journal of Sociology 52, no. 1 (April 2011): 77–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975611000038.
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AbstractRogers Brubaker in his 1992 path-breaking study proposes a theory of citizenship as a coherent world view: the French liberal model identifies citizenship as a community based on territoriality; the German ethno-nationalist model bases citizenship on blood-line. Rogers Smith challenged Brubaker and, based on a 1997 study of United States immigration laws, claims that the American concept of citizenship is a non-coherent mix of various principles: liberal, ethno-nationalist and republican at the same time. Both authors inspired a great deal of research, but all studies so far have attempted to adjudicate between the two competing theories by looking at inclusionary practices, at the various ways citizenship is granted in various countries, and their results are inconclusive. This paper reports findings for a study which looked at exclusion. The data on United States laws and legislative debates about the states’ rights to revoke, and citizens’ privilege to renounce, citizenship lends support to Rogers Smith’s arguments regarding inclusion and citizenship, while underlining war as an independent sociological source for the genesis, persistence and dispersion of these bundles or equilibria.
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Macedo, Stephen. "Liberal Virtues, Constitutional Community." Review of Politics 50, no. 2 (1988): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500015655.
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Liberal constitutionalism embodies an aspiration to public moral justification. The practice of liberal politics, on this view, is bound up with an ongoing effort to justify our political arrangements to one another, an effort that must not be collapsed into the mere affirmation of community standards or conventions. This ideal of public justification lends support to judicial review, an institution that helps make constitutional government a publicly principled enterprise. But it also suggests the value of drawing the “political” branches into the interpretive project: the Supreme Court is not the final interpreter of our Constitution's liberal public morality. The “political” branches of the national government, and citizens themselves play a crucial role in the interpretive process. Viewed in this way, the theory and practice of constitutionalism embody ideals of virtue, citizenship, and community that add up to positive rejoinders to liberalism's communitarian and republican critics.
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Vasiljevic, Jelena. "Some remarks about the classical foundations and contemporary trends of reconceptualizing citizenship." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 3 (2013): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1303135v.
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The paper explores some of the key historical and theoretical traditions of thinking about citizenship, basic tensions and problems inherent to the concept itself, as well as the main contemporary challenges. After presenting key problems that stem from the classical liberal and republican traditions - complemented by a discussion of citizenship within the nation-state framework - the paper turns to an overview of the main contemporary challenges and debates aiming at reconceptualizing the concept itself and including it into novel and different political and theoretical frames.
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Ward, Cynthia V. "The Limits of "Liberal Republicanism": Why Group-Based Remedies and Republican Citizenship Don't Mix." Columbia Law Review 91, no. 3 (April 1991): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1122799.
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Ndegwa, Stephen N. "Citizenship and Ethnicity: An Examination of Two Transition Moments in Kenyan Politics." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952077.
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In some African countries, democratic openings have intensified ethnic competition and led to protracted transitions or outright conflict. In Kenya, I argue, the stalled transition reflects the effects ofrepublicancitizenship in ethnic political communities andliberalcitizenship in the national political community. This duality in citizenship engenders conflict over democracy—conceived as liberal majoritarian democracy—and results in ethnic coalitions disagreeing over which institutions are appropriate for a multiethnic state. I provide evidence from discourses over institutions from two transition periods in Kenya: at independence and in the recent shift from one-party rule. This study makes two contributions. First, it adds to current citizenship theory, which is largely derived from Western experience, by demonstrating that republican and liberal citizenships are not necessarily compatible and that the modern nation-state is not the only relevant community for forming citizens. Second, it adds to studies of African transitions by highlighting citizenship issues in institutional design with regard to ethnicity in Kenya.
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Herzog, Ben. "The Ethics of Citizenship in Israel." Israel Studies Review 33, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2018.330306.
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The evaluation of citizenship has always been tied to ethical issues, as citizenship laws reflect existing rules and also define the desired ‘good’ citizen. In order to assess whether ethical considerations have affected the legal construction of citizenship in Israel, I compared the two main laws in Israel that regulate newcomers and their citizenship—the Law of Return (1950) and the Citizenship Law (1952). I examined the legal texts and used content analysis to address the subjective intentions of the legislators who proposed them, as presented in an explanatory memorandum. Many scholars have argued that these laws were introduced as the foundational laws of the Jewish state. Nevertheless, until the 1980s, the Citizenship Law was explained as a technical measure governing the citizenship of non-Jews. Although both laws are presented as ethical, politicians characterize them as mainly republican, concealing their liberal ethical component.
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Lainer-Vos, Dan. "Social Movements and Citizenship: Conscientious Objection in France, the United States, and Israel." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.3.q10334171q6q0155.
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This article examines the ways in which citizenship regimes shape social struggles. It traces the conscientious objection movements in France during the war in Algeria, in America during the Vietnamese War, and in Israel after the invasion of Lebanon to show how they employed different practices and formed different alliances despite having similar goals. These differences can be attributed, in part, to the different citizenship regimes in each country: republican in France; liberal in the U.S.; and ethnonational in Israel. Arguments and practices that seemed sensible in one locale seemed utterly inappropriate in another. Social movements' activists did not manipulate conceptions of citizenship strategically. Rather, citizenship regimes constitute subjectivities and thereby shape the sensibilities and preferences of activists and state actors. Citizenship regimes shape social dramas by structuring the repertoire of contention available in a particular struggle.
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BETTS, JOCELYN PAUL. "AFTER THE FREEHOLDER: REPUBLICAN AND LIBERAL THEMES IN THE WORKS OF SAMUEL LAING." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 1 (May 15, 2017): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000154.
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Samuel Laing was a key figure in propagating both an academically respectable defense of peasant proprietors and a critique of bureaucratic central government in Victorian Britain, his writings cited and argued with by John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, Walter Bagehot, and John Austin (among others). This article corrects misapprehensions that Laing was a libertarian apologist for unfettered commercialism and complacent patriotism. It situates Laing in his argumentative contexts to show him as a critic of conventional political economy who called for a “natural” society of self-governing freeholders like that he observed in Norway, but who gradually became ambivalently caught between a British commercial and aristocratic order and a Continental model of greater property diffusion and strong central government. Laing's story sheds new light on the complex afterlives of republican and civic themes in nineteenth-century Britain, and their interaction with emergent concerns over the dangers to active citizenship of both wage labor in international markets and centralizing bureaucracies.
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Daly, Eoin. "Political liberalism and French national identity in the wake of the face-veiling law." International Journal of Law in Context 9, no. 3 (September 2013): 366–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174455231300013x.
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AbstractPolitical liberalism suggests state power must be exercised and justified on terms all citizens can reasonably be expected to endorse, independently of their comprehensive identities or worldviews. For Rawls, a democratic community cannot be united by any shared ends or identities other than those connected with the political conception of justice itself. Republican political thought often seems to undermine this ‘liberal principle of legitimacy’ through its stronger demands of social cohesion and participative civic virtue. Conversely, however, it generally seeks to define citizenship independently of any non-political commonalities citizens might be assumed to share. This theoretical tension was reflected in recent French republican discourses on Islam, gender and national identity. France's recent prohibition on public face-veiling coincided with an officially orchestrated debate on national identity which seemed to challenge the traditional republican conception of national identity as a purely civic and political construct. While couched in republican terminologies, these recent discourses seemed to understand the principle oflaïcité, or constitutional secularism, as a bulwark for the pre-political dimensions of national identity. Accordingly, this article outlines how these discourses on religion and gender illuminated tensions and contradictions within the prevailing republican account of national identity.
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Peled, Yoav. "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State." American Political Science Review 86, no. 2 (June 1992): 432–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964231.
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The citizenship status of its Arab citizens is the key to Israel's ability to function as anethnic democracy, that is, a political system combining democratic institutions with the dominance of one ethnic group. The confluence of republicanism and ethnonationalism with liberalism, as principles of legitimation, has resulted in two types of citizenship: republican for Jews and liberal for Arabs. Thus, Arab citizens enjoy civil and political rights but are barred from attending to the common good.The Arab citizenship status, while much more restricted than the Jewish, has both induced and enabled Arabs to conduct their political struggles within the framework of the law, in sharp contrast to the noncitizen Arabs of the occupied territories. It may thus serve as a model for other dominant ethnic groups seeking to maintain both their dominance and a democratic system of government.
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Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod, Leila Mohsen Ibrahim, and Katherine D. Rubin. "The Dark Side of American Liberalism and Felony Disenfranchisement." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 4 (November 23, 2010): 1035–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003178.
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What can the disenfranchisement of people convicted of felonies tell us about the character of American liberalism? Felony disenfranchisement reveals a dark face of American liberal democracy that is distinct from two more familiar narratives: the Tocquevillean story of a triumphal and inclusionary liberalism and the “multiple traditions” account proposed by Rogers Smith that sees liberalism battling with racial and other exclusionary ideologies. The history of felony exclusion points to a third perspective: a hyphenate American liberalism (liberal-ascription; liberal-republicanism) in which an exclusionary politics is embedded within liberalism itself. We develop this argument with specific reference to the ways in which liberalism as an abstraction is reflected in concrete advocacy debates over reform, in court decisions, and in the legislative domain. We identify three strands of liberal argumentation—the conceptualization of discrimination that relies on intentionality; the paradigmatic liberal belief in the social contract; and the liberal-republican adherence to norms of individual responsibility. The three strands show how the purportedly universal and impartial liberal embrace of individuality, contract, and responsibility, that ostensibly transcends the ascriptive barriers of birth has nevertheless fostered laws and policies that buttress the boundaries of an exclusionary American citizenship.
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Delgado-Algarra, Emilio José, Ignacio Aguaded, César Bernal-Bravo, and Antonio Alejandro Lorca-Marín. "Citizenship and Pluriculturalism Approaches of Teachers in the Hispanic and Japanese Contexts: Higher Education Research." Sustainability 12, no. 8 (April 13, 2020): 3109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12083109.
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Current higher education policies include several challenges, such as the academic internationalization of universities, mobility, and cultural plurality. Beyond the official curriculum, university educators have conceptions of citizenship and pluricultural competence. To understand the conceptions of educators on both topics in the Hispanic and Japanese contexts of higher education, this article presents a quantitative study involving a collaboration between a sample of education and social sciences teaching staff from universities in Spain and Japan. The CYASPS® (Citizenship and Plurilingual Social Actors in Higher Education) instrument and a categories system were designed for data collection and analysis with the support of SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) software. Using a comparative approach, this study investigated the teaching staffs’ conceptions about citizenship and pluricultural teaching–learning environments, which focused on their views regarding different kinds of citizenship, citizens’ participation, and sources for the development of pluricultural competences. Based on a descriptive and factorial analysis, there were significant correlations between citizenship and pluricultural competence, with relevant connections between key aspects of pluricultural competence, including awareness of the rights from the liberal citizenship model, civic commitment of the republican citizenship model, and several elements of cosmopolitan and radical citizenship.
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Schwarzmantel, John. "Community as Communication: Jean-Luc Nancy and ‘Being-in-Common’." Political Studies 55, no. 2 (June 2007): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00625.x.
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This article seeks to propose and defend the necessity of political community as a prerequisite for an effective democratic polity. It defends a republican model of political community, involving ideas of active citizenship and interaction across the particular identity groups which proliferate in contemporary liberal-democratic societies. It is argued that ideas of community as communication, derived from the work of the French philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy, and his distinction between ‘being-in-common’ and ‘common being’, can be applied in a more political sense than in his original usage to justify a revised notion of republican solidarity. This more open form of community is used as the basis for expounding a strong concept of civic identity, which is defended against three rival conceptions. The article takes issue with some liberal theorists who assert that political community is neither desirable nor possible under contemporary conditions. It offers reasons to be sceptical of both a ‘civic nationalist’ perspective as well as of ‘post-nationalist’ arguments. The significance of the issue of community is illustrated by examples drawn from the recent riots in France and some analyses of the significance of those events.
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Et.al, Noor Banu Mahadir. "To Be or Not To Be A Citizen: Young People Talks about Everyday Experiences of Citizenship in Malaysia." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 3 (April 10, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i3.461.
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Citizenship is generally understood as an adult experience. Being young is seen as a transitional stage between 'childhood' and 'adulthood ' where young people either learn about becoming adults or where they pass through certain 'rites of passage'. This paper draws on some of the findings from a larger project on citizenship and citizenship education experiences among student teachers in multi-ethnic Malaysia. This article attempts to explore the citizenship experiences through the student teachers participation during the community service placement and their understanding of good citizens in multi-ethnic culture. It also intends to explore the young generations’ point of view as being citizens of Malaysia, such as their rights and duties, how they perceived good and bad citizenship and how they understand the language of citizenship. In the spirit of ethnographic design, twenty eight multi-ethnic student teachers (year 2 and year 4) who enrolled into citizenship and citizenship education course in Sultan Idris Education University (SIEU) had been interviewed and observed at university and on placement. The data was analysed using a thematic analysis.The findings revealed that student teachers ‘lived citizenship’ marked comprehensive yet complex elements of citizenship. They have clear understandings of citizenship in ‘Malaysian way’ that pointed more towards communitarian than liberal or civic-republican citizenship paradigms. They drew clear distinctions between what it means to be a ‘good’ and a ‘bad ‘citizen’. They also underlined how everyday understandings of citizenship can have both inclusionary and exclusionary implications. Further study need to be done as some of student teachers faced difficulty articulating their rights than their responsibilities.
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Bikauskaitė, Renata. "RŪPESTIS IR PILIETIŠKUMAS." Problemos 79 (January 1, 2011): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2011.0.1330.
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Straipsnyje nagrinėjama šiuo metu feministiniuose ir nefeministiniuose diskursuose aktuali pilietiškumo problematika. Feministinė filosofija pateikia gausią Vakarų filosofijoje egzistuojančių pilietiškumo sampratų kritiką, tačiau ne tiek daug pozityvių alternatyvų. Šiame straipsnyje svarstomas bene originaliausiasir įdomiausias požiūris, kylantis iš rūpesčio etikos, kuri formuluoja savitą požiūrį į tai, kokios turėtų būti pilietės ir piliečiai šiuolaikiniame pasaulyje. Pateikiama rūpesčio etikos pilietiškumo sampratos, jos santykio su filosofiniame diskurse šiandien dominuojančiais pilietiškumo modeliais analizė. Į rūpesčio etikos formuluojamą pilietiškumo sampratą siūloma žvelgti kaip į šiuo metu besiformuojančią liberaliojo ir respublikoniškojo pilietiškumo modelių alternatyvą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: pilietiškumas, rūpesčio etika, respublikonizmas, liberalizmas.Care and CitizenshipRenata Bikauskaitė SummaryThe article deals with the problems of citizenship which currently prevail in both feminist and non-feminist discourses. Even though the feminist philosophy produces plentiful critique of models of citizenship which dominate the Western philosophy at the moment it does not present many positive alternatives.This article analyses probably one from the most interesting and original conceptions of the kind of citizens does the modern world require. The article is focused on the examination of the conception of citizenship in the ethics of care and its relation to the models of citizenship which prevail in contemporary political and moral philosophy. It is suggested that the conception of citizenship inherent in the ethics of care is an emerging alternative to the liberal and republican models of citizenship.Keywords: citizenship, ethics of care, liberalism, republicanism.
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SANOS, SANDRINE. "THE SUBJECT AND THE WORK OF DIFFERENCE: GENDER, SEXUALITY, AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 1 (March 3, 2011): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000126.
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In her epilogue, Tracie Matysik argues that “questions of universalism, difference, and morality beyond the law have returned with a new force” (256). Similarly, in hers, Judith Surkis shows how the recent virulent controversies around the headscarf in republican French schools and their attendant legislation have a genealogy in the vibrantfin de siècledebates on pedagogy, secularism, and citizenship (243–8). Few would argue with Surkis and Matysik's contention that contemporary debates on universalism, citizenship, and secularism which haunt Western liberal democracies have a historical past, yet few have explored this past in such an illuminating manner. By reflecting on these issues, both studies illustrate how intellectual history, far from being the abstract and arcane sub-field of history it is still considered by some critics, has contemporary purchase and speaks to a present that must be thought historically. These authors show how (sexual)differenceconstituted a central term in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century definition of the nature and social expression of the subject.
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Ong, Aihwa. "Mutations in Citizenship." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 2-3 (May 2006): 499–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276406064831.
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Mutations in citizenship are crystallized in an ever-shifting landscape shaped by the flows of markets, technologies, and populations. We are moving beyond the citizenship-versus-statelessness model. First, the elements of citizenship (rights, entitlements, etc.) are becoming disarticulated from each other, and becoming re-articulated with universalizing criteria of neoliberalism and human rights. Such ‘global assemblages’ define zones of political entitlements and claims. Second, the space of the ‘assemblage’, rather than the national terrain, becomes the site for political mobilizations by diverse groups in motion. Three contrasting configurations are presented. In the EU zone, unregulated markets and migrant flows challenge liberal citizenship. In Asian zones, foreigners who display self-enterprising savoire faire gain rights and benefits of citizenship. In camps of the disenfranchised or displaced, sheer survival becomes the ground for political claims. Thus, particular constellations shape specific problems and resolutions to questions of contemporary living, further disarticulating and deterritorializing aspects of citizenship.
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Rees, A. M. "The Other T. H. Marshall." Journal of Social Policy 24, no. 3 (July 1995): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400025150.
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ABSTRACTThis article argues that the writings of T. H. Marshall contain not one, but two, theories of citizenship, and there is a problem about whether they are compatible with one another. The second, less familiar, theory is mainly developed in Marshall's later works, especially The Right to Welfare, but many of its essential features can be found in Citizenship and Social Class, although not in the sections of that work which are most frequently quoted. Several areas where Marshall's shifting views contributed to this second version of citizenship are discussed: citizenship as national membership and as a body of obligations, the reality of social rights, discretion versus enforceable entitlements, citizenship as a bearer of its own inequalities, the relationship with the capitalist class system. Increasingly, Marshall came to restrict citizenship to the political sphere, thereby endorsing a conventional liberal view: but then he was, it is argued, in many respects a pretty conventional liberal. The article concludes by noting the paradox that much of the current interest in Marshall's thought is because a ‘strong’ view of citizenship is attributed to him which he may never have held, and which he certainly relinquished towards the end of his writing career.
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Šukys, Aurimas. "Citizenship and Unsystematic Action of Intellectuals in Soviet Lithuania." Lithuanian Historical Studies 15, no. 1 (December 28, 2010): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01501008.
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The subject of this article is an assessment of unsystematic action by intellectuals in Soviet Lithuania according to the criterion of citizenship. Unsystematic action is understood as an everyday, institutional and theoretical activity that is at variance with Marxist-Leninist ideology and the Soviet totalitarian state that embodied it in one or another form. Our research is based on the premise that the form of the totalitarian state, which Lithuanian society endured after the Second World War and especially after Stalin’s death, changed ever-more considerably with time creating some favourable possibilities for independent social action. Another significant term ‘citizenship’ is used here in a republican rather than liberal sense underlying the participation of the inhabitants of the state ‘from below’ in the activity of the society being formed in which it was sought to defend the general public interest, and human rights, as well as the rights of a citizen. On the basis of a theoretical analysis of different authors, a general model of the functioning of civil society existing in Western society is presented here and on this basis the statement is made that there were three manifestations of such citizenship in Soviet Lithuania: anti-systematic, unsystematic and systematic. The practice of unsystematic action, which was initiated by informal groups of the cultural elite, is considered in more detail.
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Fozia, Qurat ul Aein. "Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizenship: A Thereotical Debate." ICR Journal 12, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v12i1.812.
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Over the last few decades, the term ‘multiculturalism’ has been in debate. This is not only because of issues surrounding cultural diversity, racism, or ‘the minority versus the majority’, but also because of religious differences, especially regarding Muslims in the West. Many queries have been raised about the inclusion of Muslims in European society as they seem to be barbaric and alien, especially after the events of 9/11 in the USA and 7/7 in London. This paper discusses the various complex debates surrounding the term ‘multiculturalism’ in the work of political philosophers like Tariq Modood, Bhikhu Parekh, Will Kymlicka, and others. It first introduces the term ‘multiculturalism’ as interpreted by different scholars and discusses the reasons for its current retreat. Multiculturalism is said to be challenging for religious groups, especially Muslims, because of its incompatibility with liberalism, considered to be the key element of Western civilisation. Therefore, this paper attempts to describe multiculturalism’s relationship with citizenship and the long-term effect of national identity on civil society. It also discusses some basic concepts, like equality and dialogue, in relation to multiculturalism and tries to bring out the differences between liberal equality and the equality experienced under multiculturalism. This paper concludes with some policy recommendations for the adjustment of illiberal minorities (Muslims) within liberal societies (Europe) in the present world of super-diversity.
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Jaenicke, Douglas W. "Abortion and Partisanship in the 104th U.S. Congress." Politics 18, no. 1 (February 1998): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00054.
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The new Republican majorities in the 104th Congress conducted a coherent campaign to erode abortion rights Avoiding a hopeless attempt to overturn the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, congressional Republicans pressed numerous anti-abortion initiatives Analysis of the votes on those initiatives reveals a clear partisan pattern – a large majority of congressional Republicans are hostile to abortion rights while most congressional Democrats usually act to protect and even extend them. Therefore, the liberal versus conservative conflict which characterises the congressional parties on economic issues is also visible in the abortion issue.
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Onyx, Jenny. "The politics of social impact: 'value for money' versus 'active citizenship'?" Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 6, no. 2 (September 2, 2014): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v6i2.3923.
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There is growing interest in identifying the social impact of everything: academic research, funded projects, organisations themselves, whether in public , private, or community sectors. The central questions are first what benefits do organizations create and deliver for society and second how do we measure these benefits? These questions are notoriously difficult to answer and yet go to the heart of efforts by governments and civil society organisations to create a better world, to generate social value. The importance of finding a way to measure social impact becomes all the more crucial when it comes to arguing that the benefits obtained far outweigh the cost of producing those benefits, and indeed the benefits may directly or indirectly increase economic wealth. This line of thinking has started to generated various attempts in Australia and elsewhere in the neo-liberal world, to find objective indicators of social impact, and preferably to frame these in terms of monetary cost and benefit. Indeed there is increasing insistence on the part of funding bodies that we measure the social impact. However, exactly what it is that we should be measuring remains contested and elusive
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Barwicka-Tylek, Iwona. "Trzy razy res publica: Thomas Smith, Gasparo Contarini i Wawrzyniec Goślicki." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 65, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2013.65.1.03.
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The interest in Republican thought is on the increase again, now chiefl y thanks to the works of Quentin Skinner and the circle of so-called neo-Republicans (or civic Republicans) concentrated around Phillip Petit. They stress the peculiar perspective that Republicans have had on the state and society. This is seen in their distinctive view of freedom as the absence of domination, or attachment to the category of citizenship and the related role of civic virtues. These special characteristics justify, in their opinion, distinguishing the Republican trend of political thought (historically and now) from other positions, especially the liberal tradition. Accepting generally the above opinion, the paper draws our attention to signifi - cant differences within Republicanism itself. To do this, it cites the three conceptions of republic that were formed in the 16th century and refer to England (Sir Thomas Smith), Venice (Gasparo Contarini) and Poland (Wawrzyniec Goślicki). Although they were formed around the same time and have common roots mainly in Aristotle’s philosophy and Roman Republican ideas, each of the three perspectives views the republic from a different angle. While all three authors believe the coexistence of three elements – orderly institutions, wise law and virtuous citizens – to be crucial for any state, they rely in their deliberations on one element only. This has an impact on the way their conceptions fi nally appear and on the conclusions for the political system they draw. And so, Smith gives precedence to institutions, Contarini emphasises the key role of law and Goślicki gives primacy to virtue, concentrated in an ideal senator. Taking notice of such differences among thinkers openly admitting to an attachment to the Republican tradition should make us even more careful so as not to oversimplify it as if it were uniform and completely cohesive. Further, the awareness of such differences may provoke refl ection how justifi ed the use of the Republican banner is in respect of so different authors as, for instance, Machiavelli and Montesquieu.
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Hong, Seok Min. "The Notion of Social Citizenship as Reflected in American Secondary Education －Focusing on Liberal Civil Rights and Republican Civil Duties over Welfare." Korean Association of General Education 14, no. 2 (April 15, 2020): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46392/kjks.2020.14.2.115.
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Kurthen, Hermann. "Germany at the Crossroads: National Identity and the Challenges of Immigration." International Migration Review 29, no. 4 (December 1995): 914–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900404.
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In both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, German history was characterized by shifting political borders and territorial expansions and contractions. These changes correlate with extreme phases in the definition of nationhood: very broad, inclusive ones and very narrow, exclusive ones. Current problems with immigration and nationhood date back to the origins of the nation-building. They reflect unresolved contradictions between exclusive ideas of the nation-state and inclusive ideas of republican and universal principles of individual human and civil rights; between rigidly interpreted citizenship regulations and a liberal asylum law; and between the official notion of national homogeneity and increasing diversity created by immigration and refugee movements. The unforeseen consequences of unification, particularly increased immigration, have exacerbated existing tensions between exclusive and inclusive notions of nationhood. German democracy and political culture is challenged to readjust and redefine national interests and identity in the 1990s. In this process Germany must adapt to its status as an immigration society and the unavoidable consequences of increasing ethnocultural diversity.
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Ducey, Michael T. "Indian Communities and Ayuntamientos in the Mexican Huasteca: Sujeto Revolts, Pronunciamientos and Caste War." Americas 57, no. 4 (April 2001): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0032.
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Mexico's transition from a colonial society to an independent nation was extremely difficult and civil war seemed to threaten at every turn during the first half of the nineteenth century. Independence required the creation of a new republican order to replace the colonial system of corporate identities and racial domination. The creation of a new liberal order based on individual citizenship was a contested process where competing political actors sought to preserve colonial privileges even as they used the new constitutional system to their advantage. The indigenous communities, the majority of the population at independence, posed a challenge to the new society of citizens. The objective of this paper is to explore the fate of indigenous communities under the new system and how Indians manipulated it in order to survive. The following pages discuss how independence affected villagers by first describing what the change to a new liberal order meant for local town governments. Then using case studies from the gulf region of Mexico, the paper will draw connections between indigenous village politics and the pronunciamientos that frequently destabilized the national government. Pronunciamientos in the provinces had a profound effect that over time tended to create more opportunities for discontented villagers to enter politics. Finally, the paper will discuss how these political divisions played out in the series of rebellions of the late 1840s known as “caste war of the Huasteca.”
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Müller, Christian. "Designing the model European—Liberal and republican concepts of citizenship in Europe in the 1860s: The Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences Sociales." History of European Ideas 37, no. 2 (June 2011): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2010.10.015.
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Scheuerman, William E. "Revolutions and Constitutions: Hannah Arendt's Challenge to Carl Schmitt." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 10, no. 1 (January 1997): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s084182090000028x.
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No two names better recall the polarized character of political life in mid-century Europe than Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt. Like so many of his peers in the Weimar intelligentsia, Schmitt eagerly polemicized against the Weimar Republic and actively sought its destruction. In 1933, he sold his soul to the Nazis and soon became one of their most impressive intellectual apologists. In striking contrast, Arendt risked her life to help anti-fascists and fellow Jews struggling to escape Germany in the immediate aftermath of the Nazi takeover. Forced to join the ranks of the thousands of “stateless” persons stripped of their German citizenship by the new regime, she ultimately found her way to New York City and a stunning career as one of our century's most impressive critics of totalitarianism. While Schmitt would continue to seize every opportunity to belittle the achievements of liberal democracy, even after the establishment of the relatively robust German Federal Republic in 1949, Arendt refused to abandon her chosen Heimat, the United States, even in its darkest hours. For Arendt, Vietnam and Watergate offered indisputable proof that the republican legacy of the American founding demanded our critical loyalty, but hardly—as one can imagine Schmitt arguing—of the inevitability of senseless political violence and authoritarian government.
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Hong, Seok Min. "The Notion of Social Citizenship in Korea as Reflected in the 2015 Social Studies Curriculum and Its Education Textbooks: Focusing on Liberal Civil Rights and Republican Civil Duties over Welfare." Association of Global Studies Education 12, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19037/agse.12.2.03.
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Loh, Jennifer Ung. "Transgender Identity, Sexual versus Gender ‘Rights’ and the Tools of the Indian State." Feminist Review 119, no. 1 (July 2018): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0124-9.
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Sexual and gender minorities in contemporary India are formed in the interstices between the neoliberal, Hindutva state; transnational discourses of liberal democracy and sexual ‘rights’; as well as cosmopolitan culture and global LGBT movements. As is evident in recent court judgments and legislation, particularly since 2014, postcolonial Hindu nationalism has created cultural conditions where forms of queer gender are permissible while queer sexuality is generally unacceptable. In recent years, significant developments have focused on transgender communities, complicating activism surrounding sexual and gender identities. By positing some identities as state-sanctioned acceptable citizens and others as not, certain ‘transgender’ individuals are conceptualised as bearers of rights while finding other facets of their identities discriminated against and maintained as illegal. The 2014 Supreme Court NALSA v. Union of India judgment and The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2016 passed by the Lok Sabha, alongside further judgments and legislation affecting wider LGBT communities, have kept discourses fixed on sexual and gender identities and their relationship to Indian citizenship at the forefront of discussions of gender justices and injustices in India today. Focusing on recent judicial and legislative developments, this paper examines how transgender rights are being granted in the context of the neoliberal, Hindutva state and considers which forms of transgender identity are currently being conceptualised as legitimate and authentic in such discourses, which can serve to bolster larger right-wing visions and ideologies of the nation and its citizens. It contemplates the ways in which gender ‘justices’, framed in relation to both transnational LGBT rights discourses and right-wing agendas, are conceptualised and played out on the bodies of sexual and gender minorities.
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Drakulich, Kevin, John Hagan, Devon Johnson, and Kevin H. Wozniak. "RACE, JUSTICE, POLICING, AND THE 2016 AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 1 (November 7, 2016): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x1600031x.
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AbstractScholars have long been interested in the intersection of race, crime, justice, and presidential politics, focusing particularly on the “southern strategy” and the “war on crime.” A recent string of highly-publicized citizen deaths at the hands of police and the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement have brought renewed visibility to this racially-driven intersection, and in particular to issues involving contact with and attitudes toward the police. Using data from the 2016 Pilot Study of the American National Election Studies, this study explores how contact with the criminal justice system and perceptions of police injustice shape political behavior in the modern era, with a specific emphasis on prospective participation and candidate choice in the 2016 presidential election. The results indicate that being stopped by the police—an experience that can feel invasive and unjust—may motivate political participation, while spending time in jail or prison—an experience associated with a marginalization from mainstream civic life—appears to discourage political participation. Perceiving the police as discriminatory also seems to motivate political engagement and participation, though in opposite directions for conservative versus liberal voters. In addition, perceptions of police injustice were related to candidate choice, driving voters away from Donald Trump. Affective feelings about the police were not associated with candidate choice. Perceptions of the police appear to act in part as a proxy for racial resentments, at least among potential voters in the Republican primary. In sum, the intersection of race, justice, and policing remains highly relevant in U.S. politics.
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Nath, Sushmita. "Secularism in Crisis." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 45, no. 4 (October 13, 2016): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429816655573.
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In academic writings on multiculturalism in India the “ Shah Bano controversy” (1985–1986) has been a much cited example of the incompatibility between gender equality and cultural diversity. As a response to the Supreme Court’s Shah Bano verdict in 1985, the then Congress-led Indian government introduced the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986. In this article, I analyze the parliamentary debates on the aforementioned Act in order to examine the dominant normative vocabulary of the Indian state in debating the issue of religious freedom versus demands for democratic citizenship rights. Such an exercise sheds light on how the Indian state has reconciled group-differentiated rights – the legal recognition of Muslim Personal Law in this case – with the liberal democratic principles enshrined in the Constitution of India. The analysis of the parliamentary debates on the Muslim Women’s Bill shows, firstly, that when purportedly incommensurable demands of gender-justice and religious freedom come to an elected deliberative forum, it is not necessary that such demands are resolved through “consensus” or through “negotiation and compromise,” as has been argued by multicultural theorists. Secondly, the analysis of the parliamentary debates also demonstrates that while the proponents of the Bill prioritized group rights at the expense of individual rights, the opponents neglected the concern that vulnerable minority groups should be accorded differential treatment. I thus contend that both the proponents and the opponents of the Muslim Women’s Bill in the Parliament argued in terms of formal equality and lacked arguments based on substantive equality. Finally, I argue that although the Congress government prioritized group rights in the parliamentary debates, it did not give up the ideal of a common civil code, such that the government left the question of accommodating gender-equality concerns unresolved. It was thus left to the judiciary to determine whether to further entrench legal pluralism in the family law of India.
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Johnson, Aaron Paul. "What does it mean to be civic-ready? Uncovering citizenship conceptualizations in US states that require the ‘citizenship test’." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice, October 4, 2020, 174619792094997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197920949971.
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There is a growing trend within civics education within the United States to adopt the USCIS naturalization civics exam (commonly referred to as the ‘citizenship test’), which consists of 100 multiple choice questions, to determine the civic readiness of students. This study explores civics education within eight US states that have adopted the ‘citizenship test’ model through the lens of citizenship conceptualizations evidenced within their high school civics state standards. Utilizing a directed content analysis, the researcher located more than 230 standards within three citizenship discourse categories: civic republican, liberal, and reconstructionist. Citizenship within the examined state standards, was largely conceptualized as civic republican in orientation (96%) and nested within untroubled assumptions of US society and desires for a common American identity that often crowded out attention to diversity and conflict and in doing so, mirrored exclusionary practices common to standardized, high-stakes assessments including the USCIS naturalization civics exam.
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Bucur, Maria. "Between Liberal and Republican Citizenship: Feminism and Nationalism in Romania, 1880-1918." Aspasia 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2007.010105.
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Ravano, Lorenzo. "The Borders of Citizenship in the Haitian Revolution." Political Theory, November 24, 2020, 009059172097534. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591720975349.
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This essay surveys the appropriations and transformations of the modern concept of citizenship by the actors of the Haitian Revolution, analyzed through the intertwining of race, plantation labor, and the postcolonial state. The concept of citizenship is interpreted as an instrument of emancipative struggles as well as of practices of government. The reconstruction is focused around four moments: the liberal critique by free people of color of the racial boundaries of French citizenship; the strategic uses of citizenship by the insurgent slaves to secure their freedom; the inclusion of former slaves into citizenship to preserve the plantation system within the republican order; and postcolonial Haitian citizenship. By analyzing the constitutional shifts and the political thinking of different figures, such as Julien Raimond, Georges Biassou, Jean-François, Toussaint Louverture, and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the essay shows the conceptual originality of Haitian political thought and its relevance for the history of modern political concepts.
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Pitsula, James M. "Cicero Versus Socrates: The Liberal Arts Debate in the 1960s at the University of Saskatchewan, Regina Campus." Historical Studies in Education / Revue d'histoire de l'éducation, May 1, 2003, 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v15i1.476.
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The liberal arts debate among the faculty at Regina Campus in the 1960s reflected the social and political movements of the day, especially the rise of student power and the New Left. At the same time, it revived a much older debate about the nature of liberal education, which historian Bruce Kimball traces back to the thought of Socrates and Cicero. Kimball’s typology of “orators” versus “philosophers” brings order and clarity to what otherwise appears as a jumbled mix of conflicting viewpoints. The “oratorical” tradition favors general education based on knowable truth as a means to prepare youth for responsible and active citizenship. The “philosophical” or “liberal-free” ideal emphasizes the freedom to search for truth, an eternal quest that never attains its goal, and has led to the dominance of scientific research and the fragmentation of knowledge. The “orators” lost the sixties debate, and the “liberal-free” ideal is now almost uncontested.