Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberalism. Totalitarianism. Political science

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Liberalism. Totalitarianism. Political science'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberalism. Totalitarianism. Political science"

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DUONG, KEVIN. "“DOES DEMOCRACY END IN TERROR?” TRANSFORMATIONS OF ANTITOTALITARIANISM IN POSTWAR FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 537–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000207.

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Does democracy end in terror? This essay examines how this question acquired urgency in postwar French political thought by evaluating the critique of totalitarianism after the 1970s, its antecedents, and the shifting conceptual idioms that connected them. It argues that beginning in the 1970s, the critique of totalitarianism was reorganized around notions of “the political” and “the social” to bring into view totalitarianism's democratic provenance. This conceptual mutation displaced earlier denunciations of the bureaucratic nature of totalitarianism by foregrounding anxieties over its voluntarist, democratic sources. Moreover, it projected totalitarianism's origins back to the Jacobin discourse of political will to implicate its postwar inheritors like French communism and May 1968. In so doing, antitotalitarian thinkers stoked a reassessment of liberalism and a reassertion of “the social” as a barrier against excessive democratic voluntarism, the latter embodied no longer by Bolshevism but by a totalitarian Jacobin political tradition haunting modern French history.
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Carr, Danielle Judith Zola. "‘Ghastly marionettes’ and the political metaphysics of cognitive liberalism: Anti-behaviourism, language, and the origins of totalitarianism." History of the Human Sciences 33, no. 1 (February 2020): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695119874009.

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While behaviourist psychology had proven its worth to the US military during the Second World War, the 1950s saw behaviourism increasingly associated with a Cold War discourse of ‘totalitarianism’. This article considers the argument made in Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism on totalitarianism as a form of behaviourist control. By connecting Arendt’s Cold War anti-behaviourism both to its discursive antecedents in a Progressive-era critique of industrial labour, and to contemporaneous attacks on behaviourism, this paper aims to answer two interlocking questions: Why was behaviourism overtaken by cognitivism as the dominant theoretical orientation of psychologists in the 1960s, and what role did the concept of language play in this shift?
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Tyapin, Igor N. "Liberal Totalitarism: The Foundation of the Conceptual Synthesis." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 66 (February 20, 2019): 421–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-1-421-431.

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The article is devoted to the problem of transformation of the ideology and practices of the globalist ultra-liberalism in the socio-political model of liberal totalitarianism. The first signs of the Western system evolution in that direction were noted and described by A.I. Solzhenitsyn when delivering the commencement address at Harvard University. The author of the article offers a review of the bibliography on the problem that highlights the key approaches of a number of authors, representing different niches of the political spectrum. As part of the review the author determines the connection of liberal totalitarianism with the phenomenon of pseudo-science, institutions of global superpower, the ideology of anti-morality, sophistical discourse of postmodernism, as well as the implementation of the new totalitarian model, consisting in the transition from the constant and sophisticated consciousness manipulation technology to the spiritual and physical dehumanization. On the basis of the synthesis of the foreign and domestic philosophy achievements and original practices, the author distinguishes a wide range of the specific characters of the liberal totalitarianism model that can serve as conceptual and methodological basis for the modern political regimes classification.
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Tatum, Dillon Stone. "A pessimistic liberalism: Jacob Talmon’s suspicion and the birth of contemporary political thought." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119866086.

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Discussions of liberalism as a political ideology often focus on the progressive, civilisational, and triumphalist ideologies of liberal thinkers. Scholarly work on liberal empire situates these issues in the context of colonialism, and contemporary discussions of liberal world order devote much intellectual space to optimism about liberalism. Scholars have spent much less time connecting liberalism to deep cynicism and suspicion. This article, in focusing on what I term a ‘pessimistic liberalism’, fills this gap by examining the ways that the spectre of totalitarianism influenced post-war liberal thought. The mid-20th century was a pivotal moment where both liberalism and its critics proceeded to make arguments about politics that began from similar attitudes about the nature of the political: suspicion, cynicism, resignation, and fear. Specifically, the article analyses historian Jacob Talmon’s genealogy of modern leftist thought to illustrate the shift in liberal thinking from its 19th century optimism to its 20th century pessimism and scepticism. Talmon’s engagement with the issues of political messianism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism represented a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ ( pace Paul Ricoeur) that critiqued the triumphalism of previous political projects. The article concludes by connecting this project to the broader development of ‘contemporary political thought’ and reflects on pessimism’s place in politics.
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Paul, Ellen Frankel. "Liberalism, Unintended Orders and Evolutionism." Political Studies 36, no. 2 (June 1988): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00228.x.

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There is something gravely amiss about a liberalism based upon evolutionism, as F. A. Hayek bases his endorsement of the free, open, or ‘Great Society’. Such a society—one based upon individual liberty, autonomy, and free-market institutions —is not guaranteed by the evolutionary process, as Hayek's own indictment of twentieth-century totalitarianism in The Road to Serfdom amply demonstrated. In the first section of this paper, I explore some of the pitfalls for a liberalism grounded on evolutionary foundations: a relucance to tamper with existing institutions which borders on traditionalism; a tension between individualism and holism, the latter born of an evolutionist's concern for the survival of the group; and a relativism derived from evolutionism which seems ill-suited to a liberalism which values freedom. The last two sections of the paper examine some striking connections between Hayek's liberalism and that of William Graham Sumner and Herbert Spencer. While there are important differences between Hayek's and Sumner's positions, on the one hand, and Spencer's, on the other, all three suffer from a common problem: their liberalism sits uneasily upon evolutionary foundations.
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Barša, Pavel. "Trapped in False Antitheses: Timothy Snyder’s Analyses of the Global Authoritarian Turn Are Crippled by His Anti-totalitarian Framework." Czech Journal of International Relations 55, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1702.

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This paper critically scrutinizes Timothy Snyder’s book The Road to Unfreedom. Russia, Europe, America (The Bodley Head, Vintage, London 2018). It claims that the main reason for his failure to present a convincing account of the current neo-nationalist and authoritarian turn and outline an adequate intellectual and political response to it is his clinging to an anti-totalitarian framework which he had applied to Eastern Europe in some of his previous historical works (Snyder 2003, 2010). The framework reduces three main ideological alternatives that fought with each other in the last century into two: liberalism was supposedly challenged by totalitarianism. Since Snyder reduces the present crisis to the threat of the return of totalitarianism, he sees an appropriate response in the revival of the human and civic solidarity associated with the anti-totalitarian movements of the last century. The essay outlines an alternative view: it links the present crisis of democracy to the ravaging effects of neo-liberal globalization and, accordingly, suggests combining anti-authoritarianism with anti-capitalism – or human and civic solidarity with social solidarity.
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TROFIMOV, ANDREY. "THE LIBERAL CONCEPT OF RUSSIAN HISTORY." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654/-2020-2-3-11-19.

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Historical science in Russia was formed and developed under the influence of European socio-political thought, in which liberalism was understood as an ideology, socio-political movement, a set of democratic institutions, procedures and principles of governance. Liberal historians searched for interrelations between socio-political and economic aspects of historical development, and paid attention to the need to study state, political and cultural history. In line with the liberal paradigm, the stages of human history are considered from the position of priority of personal development, ensuring its individual freedoms, and Russia, as a potentially European country, with a catch-up type of development. A liberal view of history presupposes the presence of intellectual polyphony, competition of conceptual explanations. To represent the liberal version of Russian history, the article uses the cognitive capabilities of several concepts existing in the modern historiographic space: «patrimonial state», «totalitarianism», «socio-cultural split», «Russian system», «distribution economy», «catching up development, backwardness», «servile and contractual Russia», «non-modern country». Based on them, a liberal interpretation of the content of various stages of Russian history is presented.
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Venn, Couze. "World Dis/Order." Theory, Culture & Society 19, no. 4 (August 2002): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276402019004009.

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This article addresses the fundamental issues about sovereignty and an ethical polity that the event of September 11th has brought to a crisis. It examines the geography of power that has become more visible as the USA sets about ensuring that the new world order that has been emerging with neo-liberalism and corporate capitalism is protected from challenges of any kind. It argues that the state of emergency has become chronic, making possible the enactment of exceptional measures that threaten the basic principles underlying democracy and liberty. Terror is becoming a universal tool to compel compliance with a global form of neo-feudalism. It questions the way in which Islamic fundamentalism is being used as ideological cover to legitimate another fundamentalism, namely neo-liberalism. The article opens up aspects of fundamentalism to an analysis that explores the interconnections between onto-logical lack, violence, surplus terror and the un(re)presentable in the discourse constitutive of authority. It also examines the exceptional status and character of the USA in the history of modernity, particularly with regard to its militarism. It calls for a critique of the present that recognizes that the current forms of totalitarianism eliminate the possibility of just forms of sociality emerging.
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Chappel, James. "The God That Won: Eugen Kogon and the Origins of Cold War Liberalism." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (April 2020): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419833439.

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Eugen Kogon (1903–87) was one of the most important German intellectuals of the late 1940s. His writings on the concentration camps and on the nature of fascism were crucial to West Germany’s fledgling transition from dictatorship to democracy. Previous scholars of Kogon have focused on his leftist Catholicism, which differentiated him from the mainstream. This article takes a different approach, asking instead how Kogon, a recovering fascist himself, came to have so much in common with his peers in West Germany and in the Cold War West. By 1948, he fluently spoke the new language of Cold War liberalism, pondering how human rights and liberal democracy could be saved from totalitarianism. He did not do so, the article argues, because he had decided to abandon his principles and embrace a militarized anti-Communist cause. Instead, he transitioned to Cold War liberalism because it provided a congenial home for a deeply Catholic thinker, committed to a carceral understanding of Europe’s fascist past and a federalist vision for its future. The analysis helps us to see how European Catholics made the Cold War their own – an important phenomenon, given that Christian Democrats held power almost everywhere on the continent that was not controlled by Communists. The analysis reveals a different portrait of Cold War liberalism than we usually see: less a smokescreen for American interests, and more a vessel for emancipatory projects and ideals that was strategically employed by diverse actors across the globe.
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Ball, Terence. "Liberalism in the Shadow of Totalitarianism. By David Ciepley. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006. 379p. $52.50 cloth." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 398–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709091038.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberalism. Totalitarianism. Political science"

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Field, Sandra Leonie Philosophy UNSW. "Political liberalism and political change." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Philosophy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24365.

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Michel Foucault???s and John Rawls??? respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault???s arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls??? preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls??? later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls??? and Foucault???s historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
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Kumar, Pooja. "Ethical liberalism." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243049.

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Salami, Kolawole. "The coherence of political liberalism." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387389.

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Macmillan, John Ross. "Liberalism and peace." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334142.

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Ossewarde, Marinus Richard Ringo. "Tocqueville's Catholic liberalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270861.

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Manikkalingam, Ramanujam. "Political liberalism, social pluralism and group conflict." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8239.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-221).
This dissertation develops a political liberal approach to multiculturalism as an alternative to its dismissal by some egalitarian liberals and its celebration by some multicultural liberals. Some egalitarian liberals overstate the liberal tension with group-specific claims, disregard the role of culture in a person's life, and exaggerate the propensity of group-specific claims to exacerbate conflict. Confusing religion with culture, they assign to religion the status of an all purpose good that liberals traditionally assign to income and wealth. While political liberals require that the state grant exemptions to religious practices that violate uniform rules, these egalitarian liberals do not. Some multicultural liberals overstate the liberal failure to accommodate group-specific political claims, exaggerate the role of culture in a person's life, and ignore the invented nature of culture. Confusing culture with religion, they assign to culture the moral weight liberals traditionally assign to religion. Political liberals, however, assign to culture the same social weight they assign to a person's family, firm, neighborhood and other associations. Political liberals also distinguish encompassing groups, such as language-nations or factory-towns, whose members primarily live, work and socialize with their own group, from other groups, whose members do not. The former have greater social weight, though not moral weight, than the latter. This leads political liberals to require state support for encompassing groups to adjust to new social and economic circumstances, irrespective of whether they are cultural.
(cont.) Unlike some multicultural liberals, political liberals do not require that such adjustment lead to the maintenance of the encompassing group because it is a cultural community. Finally, political liberals distinguish the role of reasonable differences over how to treat others as equals, from that of hate and greed in aggravating group conflict. This leads to a less pessimistic view about the prospects for resolving group conflict. By looking at reasonable differences among liberals over political claims in two group conflicts - Tamil self-determination in Sri Lanka and Black political representation in the United States - a political liberal approach to cultural pluralism can contribute to the design of just institutions that resolve group conflict.
by Ram Manikkalingam.
Ph.D.
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Wijze, S. A. de. "Political liberalism : a consolidation, reconstruction, and defence." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284771.

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Thompson, Simon. "Political theory in a democratic society : a critique of political liberalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239381.

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Tamir, Yael. "Nationalism within the boundaries of liberalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302963.

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Scalet, Steven Paul. "Justice, liberalism, and responsibility." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/288997.

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This dissertation addresses the importance of conceptions of responsibility for contemporary theories of justice. I criticize recent defenses of liberalism which try to proceed without conceptions of responsibility. I argue that a conception of neutrality does not provide adequate support for defending a liberal theory of justice. I defend this claim by examining Brian Barry's recent defense of neutrality liberalism. His idea of neutrality reduces to an indefensible skeptical argument about conceptions of the good. I next examine John Rawls's account of political liberalism. I argue that his approach fails to appropriately address the persons and traditions that would be sacrificed within a Rawlsian liberal order. Rawls's notion of reasonableness and his argument from the burdens of judgment are insufficient bases to develop a liberal theory of justice. I then examine the idea of equality and its relationship with responsibility. Egalitarians describe the ideal of equality as the most fundamental notion for a theory of justice. They also interpret other traditions--such as the contractarian approaches of Barry and Rawls--in terms of this commitment to moral equality. Through a discussion of Ronald Dworkin's liberal egalitarianism, I argue that any plausible interpretation of moral equality must rely on an account of personal responsibility. Claims about responsibility, I argue, must be at the core of any theory of theory of justice. In the last chapter, I consider what a theory of justice should be about. I argue that the common assumption that justice is about devising principles to regulate institutions distorts how we should organize concerns of justice. Justice is about people treating each other with the respect and dignity that they are due. Problems about institutional design must be responsive to an account of individual responsibilities of justice, rather than the contemporary liberal approach of devising institutional principles prior to and with regulative primacy.
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Books on the topic "Liberalism. Totalitarianism. Political science"

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Apostolov, Aleksi. Vlast i makiavelizŭm. Sofii︠a︡: Izd-vo Bŭlgarski Pisatel, 1999.

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1934-, Marks John, and Institute for the Study of Civil Society., eds. The ' West', Islam and Islamism: Is ideological Islam compatible with liberal democracy? London: Civitas, Institute for the Study of Civil Society, 2003.

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Caroline, Cox. The West, Islam and Islamism: Is ideological Islam compatible with liberal democracy? 2nd ed. London: Civitas: Institute for the Study of Civil Society, 2006.

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After Liberalism?: The future of liberalism in international relations. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

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Galipeau, Claude. Isaiah Berlin's liberalism. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.

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Isaiah Berlin's liberalism. Oxford: Clarendon press, 1993.

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Strauss, Leo. Liberalism ancient and modern. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.

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Liberalism, ancient and modern. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989.

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Modus vivendi liberalism: Theory and practice. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Liberalism and the limits of power. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberalism. Totalitarianism. Political science"

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Bell, Duncan. "What is Liberalism?" In Reordering the World. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691138787.003.0003.

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This chapter attempts to reframe the way in which the liberal tradition is understood. It opens with a critique of some existing interpretive protocols used to delimit political traditions. It then introduces a new way of conceptualizing liberalism, suggesting that it can be seen as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognized as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, across time and space. The second half of the chapter analyzes the emergence and subsequent transformation of the category of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950. It traces the evolution of the language of liberalism in nineteenth-century Britain, and explores how the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the century, chiefly in the United States, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. It argues that this broad understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences.
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Adcock, Robert. "The “Political” in Political Science." In Liberalism and the Emergence of American Political Science, 14–41. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199333622.003.0002.

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Adcock, Robert. "The “Science” in Political Science." In Liberalism and the Emergence of American Political Science, 42–66. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199333622.003.0003.

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"Salvation through science." In Political Economy and Liberalism in France, 78–94. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203826584-8.

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"Natural science in the Soviet Union under totalitarian conditions at the beginning of the 1930s." In Totalitarianism and Political Religions, Volume 1, 76–86. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203340288-14.

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Adcock, Robert. "Progressive Liberalism as a Political Vision." In Liberalism and the Emergence of American Political Science, 204–34. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199333622.003.0008.

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Ryan, Alan. "Alexis de Tocqueville." In The Making of Modern Liberalism. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691148403.003.0023.

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This chapter offers a reading of Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, arguing that the book was not a philosophical analysis of the concept of democracy, nor a simple narrative of the origins of American political institutions, but a form of political theory that used historical evidence to teach general lessons about the prospects for politics in the present. The chapter first places Tocqueville in his times and among his family before discussing his journey to America in 1831. It then considers the three major themes that might be extracted from the second volume of Democracy: the quality of intellectual and cultural life in an egalitarian society; the stability or proneness to revolutionary upheaval of such societies; and Tocqueville's final and most distinctive thoughts on democratic despotism, or what one might term quiet totalitarianism.
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Sanders, David. "International Relations: Neo‐Realism and Neo‐Liberalism." In A New Handbook of Political Science, 428–45. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0198294719.003.0017.

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Adcock, Robert. "Disenchanted Classical Liberalism as a Political Vision." In Liberalism and the Emergence of American Political Science, 172–203. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199333622.003.0007.

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Adcock, Robert. "Political Science and Political Economy in the Age of Academic Reform." In Liberalism and the Emergence of American Political Science, 104–34. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199333622.003.0005.

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