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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberalism. Totalitarianism. Political science'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

DUONG, KEVIN. "“DOES DEMOCRACY END IN TERROR?” TRANSFORMATIONS OF ANTITOTALITARIANISM IN POSTWAR FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 537–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000207.

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Does democracy end in terror? This essay examines how this question acquired urgency in postwar French political thought by evaluating the critique of totalitarianism after the 1970s, its antecedents, and the shifting conceptual idioms that connected them. It argues that beginning in the 1970s, the critique of totalitarianism was reorganized around notions of “the political” and “the social” to bring into view totalitarianism's democratic provenance. This conceptual mutation displaced earlier denunciations of the bureaucratic nature of totalitarianism by foregrounding anxieties over its voluntarist, democratic sources. Moreover, it projected totalitarianism's origins back to the Jacobin discourse of political will to implicate its postwar inheritors like French communism and May 1968. In so doing, antitotalitarian thinkers stoked a reassessment of liberalism and a reassertion of “the social” as a barrier against excessive democratic voluntarism, the latter embodied no longer by Bolshevism but by a totalitarian Jacobin political tradition haunting modern French history.

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2

Carr, Danielle Judith Zola. "‘Ghastly marionettes’ and the political metaphysics of cognitive liberalism: Anti-behaviourism, language, and the origins of totalitarianism." History of the Human Sciences 33, no. 1 (February 2020): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695119874009.

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While behaviourist psychology had proven its worth to the US military during the Second World War, the 1950s saw behaviourism increasingly associated with a Cold War discourse of ‘totalitarianism’. This article considers the argument made in Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism on totalitarianism as a form of behaviourist control. By connecting Arendt’s Cold War anti-behaviourism both to its discursive antecedents in a Progressive-era critique of industrial labour, and to contemporaneous attacks on behaviourism, this paper aims to answer two interlocking questions: Why was behaviourism overtaken by cognitivism as the dominant theoretical orientation of psychologists in the 1960s, and what role did the concept of language play in this shift?

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3

Tyapin, Igor N. "Liberal Totalitarism: The Foundation of the Conceptual Synthesis." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 66 (February 20, 2019): 421–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-1-421-431.

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The article is devoted to the problem of transformation of the ideology and practices of the globalist ultra-liberalism in the socio-political model of liberal totalitarianism. The first signs of the Western system evolution in that direction were noted and described by A.I. Solzhenitsyn when delivering the commencement address at Harvard University. The author of the article offers a review of the bibliography on the problem that highlights the key approaches of a number of authors, representing different niches of the political spectrum. As part of the review the author determines the connection of liberal totalitarianism with the phenomenon of pseudo-science, institutions of global superpower, the ideology of anti-morality, sophistical discourse of postmodernism, as well as the implementation of the new totalitarian model, consisting in the transition from the constant and sophisticated consciousness manipulation technology to the spiritual and physical dehumanization. On the basis of the synthesis of the foreign and domestic philosophy achievements and original practices, the author distinguishes a wide range of the specific characters of the liberal totalitarianism model that can serve as conceptual and methodological basis for the modern political regimes classification.

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4

Tatum, Dillon Stone. "A pessimistic liberalism: Jacob Talmon’s suspicion and the birth of contemporary political thought." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119866086.

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Discussions of liberalism as a political ideology often focus on the progressive, civilisational, and triumphalist ideologies of liberal thinkers. Scholarly work on liberal empire situates these issues in the context of colonialism, and contemporary discussions of liberal world order devote much intellectual space to optimism about liberalism. Scholars have spent much less time connecting liberalism to deep cynicism and suspicion. This article, in focusing on what I term a ‘pessimistic liberalism’, fills this gap by examining the ways that the spectre of totalitarianism influenced post-war liberal thought. The mid-20th century was a pivotal moment where both liberalism and its critics proceeded to make arguments about politics that began from similar attitudes about the nature of the political: suspicion, cynicism, resignation, and fear. Specifically, the article analyses historian Jacob Talmon’s genealogy of modern leftist thought to illustrate the shift in liberal thinking from its 19th century optimism to its 20th century pessimism and scepticism. Talmon’s engagement with the issues of political messianism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism represented a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ ( pace Paul Ricoeur) that critiqued the triumphalism of previous political projects. The article concludes by connecting this project to the broader development of ‘contemporary political thought’ and reflects on pessimism’s place in politics.

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5

Paul, Ellen Frankel. "Liberalism, Unintended Orders and Evolutionism." Political Studies 36, no. 2 (June 1988): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00228.x.

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There is something gravely amiss about a liberalism based upon evolutionism, as F. A. Hayek bases his endorsement of the free, open, or ‘Great Society’. Such a society—one based upon individual liberty, autonomy, and free-market institutions —is not guaranteed by the evolutionary process, as Hayek's own indictment of twentieth-century totalitarianism in The Road to Serfdom amply demonstrated. In the first section of this paper, I explore some of the pitfalls for a liberalism grounded on evolutionary foundations: a relucance to tamper with existing institutions which borders on traditionalism; a tension between individualism and holism, the latter born of an evolutionist's concern for the survival of the group; and a relativism derived from evolutionism which seems ill-suited to a liberalism which values freedom. The last two sections of the paper examine some striking connections between Hayek's liberalism and that of William Graham Sumner and Herbert Spencer. While there are important differences between Hayek's and Sumner's positions, on the one hand, and Spencer's, on the other, all three suffer from a common problem: their liberalism sits uneasily upon evolutionary foundations.

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6

Barša, Pavel. "Trapped in False Antitheses: Timothy Snyder’s Analyses of the Global Authoritarian Turn Are Crippled by His Anti-totalitarian Framework." Czech Journal of International Relations 55, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1702.

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This paper critically scrutinizes Timothy Snyder’s book The Road to Unfreedom. Russia, Europe, America (The Bodley Head, Vintage, London 2018). It claims that the main reason for his failure to present a convincing account of the current neo-nationalist and authoritarian turn and outline an adequate intellectual and political response to it is his clinging to an anti-totalitarian framework which he had applied to Eastern Europe in some of his previous historical works (Snyder 2003, 2010). The framework reduces three main ideological alternatives that fought with each other in the last century into two: liberalism was supposedly challenged by totalitarianism. Since Snyder reduces the present crisis to the threat of the return of totalitarianism, he sees an appropriate response in the revival of the human and civic solidarity associated with the anti-totalitarian movements of the last century. The essay outlines an alternative view: it links the present crisis of democracy to the ravaging effects of neo-liberal globalization and, accordingly, suggests combining anti-authoritarianism with anti-capitalism – or human and civic solidarity with social solidarity.

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7

TROFIMOV, ANDREY. "THE LIBERAL CONCEPT OF RUSSIAN HISTORY." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654/-2020-2-3-11-19.

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Historical science in Russia was formed and developed under the influence of European socio-political thought, in which liberalism was understood as an ideology, socio-political movement, a set of democratic institutions, procedures and principles of governance. Liberal historians searched for interrelations between socio-political and economic aspects of historical development, and paid attention to the need to study state, political and cultural history. In line with the liberal paradigm, the stages of human history are considered from the position of priority of personal development, ensuring its individual freedoms, and Russia, as a potentially European country, with a catch-up type of development. A liberal view of history presupposes the presence of intellectual polyphony, competition of conceptual explanations. To represent the liberal version of Russian history, the article uses the cognitive capabilities of several concepts existing in the modern historiographic space: «patrimonial state», «totalitarianism», «socio-cultural split», «Russian system», «distribution economy», «catching up development, backwardness», «servile and contractual Russia», «non-modern country». Based on them, a liberal interpretation of the content of various stages of Russian history is presented.

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8

Venn, Couze. "World Dis/Order." Theory, Culture & Society 19, no. 4 (August 2002): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276402019004009.

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This article addresses the fundamental issues about sovereignty and an ethical polity that the event of September 11th has brought to a crisis. It examines the geography of power that has become more visible as the USA sets about ensuring that the new world order that has been emerging with neo-liberalism and corporate capitalism is protected from challenges of any kind. It argues that the state of emergency has become chronic, making possible the enactment of exceptional measures that threaten the basic principles underlying democracy and liberty. Terror is becoming a universal tool to compel compliance with a global form of neo-feudalism. It questions the way in which Islamic fundamentalism is being used as ideological cover to legitimate another fundamentalism, namely neo-liberalism. The article opens up aspects of fundamentalism to an analysis that explores the interconnections between onto-logical lack, violence, surplus terror and the un(re)presentable in the discourse constitutive of authority. It also examines the exceptional status and character of the USA in the history of modernity, particularly with regard to its militarism. It calls for a critique of the present that recognizes that the current forms of totalitarianism eliminate the possibility of just forms of sociality emerging.

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9

Chappel, James. "The God That Won: Eugen Kogon and the Origins of Cold War Liberalism." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (April 2020): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419833439.

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Eugen Kogon (1903–87) was one of the most important German intellectuals of the late 1940s. His writings on the concentration camps and on the nature of fascism were crucial to West Germany’s fledgling transition from dictatorship to democracy. Previous scholars of Kogon have focused on his leftist Catholicism, which differentiated him from the mainstream. This article takes a different approach, asking instead how Kogon, a recovering fascist himself, came to have so much in common with his peers in West Germany and in the Cold War West. By 1948, he fluently spoke the new language of Cold War liberalism, pondering how human rights and liberal democracy could be saved from totalitarianism. He did not do so, the article argues, because he had decided to abandon his principles and embrace a militarized anti-Communist cause. Instead, he transitioned to Cold War liberalism because it provided a congenial home for a deeply Catholic thinker, committed to a carceral understanding of Europe’s fascist past and a federalist vision for its future. The analysis helps us to see how European Catholics made the Cold War their own – an important phenomenon, given that Christian Democrats held power almost everywhere on the continent that was not controlled by Communists. The analysis reveals a different portrait of Cold War liberalism than we usually see: less a smokescreen for American interests, and more a vessel for emancipatory projects and ideals that was strategically employed by diverse actors across the globe.

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10

Ball, Terence. "Liberalism in the Shadow of Totalitarianism. By David Ciepley. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006. 379p. $52.50 cloth." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 398–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709091038.

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11

Schmidinger, Thomas. "Tyrants and Terrorists: Reflections on the Connection between Totalitarianism, Neo-liberalism, Civil War and the Failure of the State in Iraq and Sudan." Civil Wars 11, no. 3 (September 2009): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240903157594.

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12

Audard, Catherine. "Political Liberalism, Secular Republicanism: two answers to the challenges of pluralism." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 40 (March 1996): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100005932.

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The main challenge facing democracies in the post-Communist era is probably not so much the threat of totalitarianism as the consequences of pluralism, of the existence within these societies of a plurality of incompatible cultural allegiances. How are they to survive their fragmentation into communities many of whom no longer share the basic moral requirements of a democratic regime: recognition of the liberty of conscience, of equality of rights, and the like?

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13

Crockatt, Richard. "Totalitarianism." International Affairs 72, no. 3 (July 1996): 556–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625560.

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14

Brooks, Jeffrey. "Totalitarianism Revisited." Review of Politics 68, no. 2 (May 2006): 318–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506000088.

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“Totalitarianism” is a powerful word rich in historical associations and rebounding in current political usage. The four books under review reflect both the term's range of usage and the enduring fascination with the phenomena it described. Totalitarianism's initial terminological siblings, “nazism” and “communism,” are applied chiefly to the original historical subjects that generated them. A close political cousin, “fascism,” long ago escaped its close ideological family and is applied to everything from brutal police to road hogs. In contrast, “totalitarianism,” formerly confined to a narrow political as opposed to a cultural context, is suddenly in play. In recent issues of the New York Times, David Brooks excoriates Iraqi proponents of “totalitarian theocracy” (5/16/2004); President Bush deplores the terrorists’ “totalitarian ideology” (5/29/05), and Condoleezza Rice abhors Iran as a “totalitarian state” (5/29/2005). A Central Asian despot is characterized as a “fragile totalitarian” in a feature by David E. Sangler (5/29/2005), and the group of army officers (the Military Council for Justice and Democracy) that overthrew President Maouya Sidi Ahmed Taya in Mauritania in August 2005 defend their decision “to put an end to the totalitarian practices of the deposed regime.” Totalitarianism is back, but what does it mean?

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15

Fuentes, Juan Francisco. "Totalitarian Language." Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080203.

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This article deals with totalitarianism and its language, conceived as both the denial and to some extent the reversal of liberalism and its conceptual framework. Overcoming liberal language meant not only setting up new political terminology, but also replacing words with symbols, ideas with sensations. This is why the standard political lexicon of totalitarianism became hardly more than a slang vocabulary for domestic consumption and, by contrast, under those regimes—mainly Italian fascism, Nazism, and Stalinism—a amboyant universe of images, sounds, and metaphors arose. Many of these images revolved around the human body as a powerful means to represent a charismatic leadership and, at the same time, an organic conception of their national communities. Totalitarian language seems to be a propitious way to explore the “dark side” of conceptual history, constituted by symbols rather than words.

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16

Maffettone, Sebastiano. "Political liberalism." Philosophy & Social Criticism 30, no. 5-6 (September 2004): 541–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453704045754.

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17

Ramonet, Ignacio. "A New Totalitarianism." Foreign Policy, no. 116 (1999): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149648.

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18

Havel, Václav. "Stories and totalitarianism." Index on Censorship 17, no. 3 (March 1988): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534381.

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19

Despard, Lucy, and Ellen Frankel Paul. "Totalitarianism at the Crossroads." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 5 (1990): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044661.

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20

Stanley, John L. "Is Totalitarianism a New Phenomenon? Reflections on Hannah Arendt's Origins of Totalitarianism." Review of Politics 49, no. 2 (1987): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500033787.

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Contrary to Arendt's claims, totalitarianism is not unique to the modern world. It is found occasionally in past ages and is exemplified in Shaka's rule over the Zulu. It is not clear whether the ideological “logic” of modern dictators differs from the seemingly paranoid behavior of Shaka or of certain ancient despots. Indeed, if Aristotle's account is accurate, certain extreme despots, by definition, treated citizens as slaves or household laborers. They thus projected the private realm into the public, effectively abolishing both; Arendt is wrong to say that modern dictators were the first to do so.

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21

Scoccia, Danny. "Autonomy, Want Satisfaction, and the Justification of Liberal Freedoms." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 3 (September 1987): 583–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1987.10716455.

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By ‘Liberalism’ or ‘a liberal-democratic theory of justice’ I understand the thesis that a modern, affluent society is just only if it respects and enforces certain rights. Among these are rights to free speech, the liberty to make one's own self-regarding choices (free from excessive paternalistic meddling by the state), privacy, due process of law, participation in society's political decision-making, and private property in personal posessions. By a ‘justification’ of these core rights of liberalism I understand a moral theory (plus necessary empirical assumptions) from which they are derivable. A moral theory which justifies the core rights will, ipso facto, condemn slavery, totalitarianism, and other social arrangements incompatible with a liberal-democratic constitution. What shape that moral theory should have is a matter of some dispute. According to philosophers like Ronald Dworkin it must be ‘rights-based.’ The core rights of liberalism in his view are derivable from the fundamental human right to ‘equal respect and consideration.’ A widely held alternative view is that the core rights are simply social rules the existence of which promotes human welfare.

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22

Hall, Robert W. "Plato and Totalitarianism." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 7, no. 2 (1988): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000317.

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23

Iakovou, Vicky. "Totalitarianism as a Non-State." European Journal of Political Theory 8, no. 4 (September 25, 2009): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885109337999.

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24

McLaughlin, Neil. "Totalitarianism, Social Science, and the Margins: Peter Baehr, Hannah Arendt, Totalitarianism and the Social Sciences." Canadian Journal of Sociology 35, no. 3 (August 22, 2010): 463–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs8876.

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25

ERDMANN, K. D. "National-socialism, Fascism, Totalitarianism." Australian Journal of Politics & History 27, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 354–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1981.tb00472.x.

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26

Moyn, Samuel. "The Ghosts of Totalitarianism." Ethics & International Affairs 18, no. 2 (September 2004): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2004.tb00470.x.

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Tzvetan Todorov's book, originally published in 2000 in French and now available in a superb translation, paused at the end of a violent century to attempt to assess-as the title and subtitle suggest-how to remember it and what lessons to learn. A contemporary figure in the long tradition of French-speaking moralists, Todorov writes beautifully and with ethical passion about some of the darkest crimes in humanity's recent history. For Todorov, these crimes are not just past: reflecting on them can provide guidance for contemporary international affairs, such as NATO's intervention in Kosovo or the current war on terrorism. Todorov's basic theses are two: first, totalitarianism counts as the primary novelty of the twentieth century and has to be the basis for moral reflection about it; second, there is a proper manner of response to totalitarianism, which consists of the defense of a democratic and pluralistic alternative politics, one that reacts to the disasters of the past with moral vigilance in the present.… Many in France since the mid-1970s have adopted the concept of “totalitarianism”-much criticized elsewhere-to refer to the new alternatives to democratic rule-fascist and communist-thrown up by the twentieth century. … Todorov is intervening in a characteristically French debate in which the distinction of the regimes from one another has become part of a much larger ideological dispute and therefore freighted with heavy implications.What implications? For of course, it is hard to gainsay Todorov's argument that it is necessary for the experience of politically evil regimes to be at the heart of moral reflection today. Even so, Todorov's book illustrates some of the difficulties toward which such a commitment can lead….

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27

Diamond, Larry. "The Threat of Postmodern Totalitarianism." Journal of Democracy 30, no. 1 (2019): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2019.0001.

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28

Hedges, Chris. "Sheldon Wolin and Inverted Totalitarianism." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 6 (June 2021): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250014472-2.

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29

Klosko, George. "Political Constructivism in Rawls's Political Liberalism." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 635–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952079.

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In Political Liberalism, John Rawls employs a distinctive method of “political constructivism” to establish his well-known principles of justice, arguing that his principles are suited to bridge the ineradicable pluralism of liberal societies and so to ground an “overlapping consensus.” Setting aside the question of whether Rawls's method supports his principles, I argue that he does not adequately defend reliance on this particular method rather than alternatives. If the goal of Rawls's “political” philosophy is to derive principles that are able to overcome liberal pluralism, then another and simpler method should be employed. The “method of convergence” would develop liberal principles directly from the convergence of comprehensive views in existing societies, and so give rise to quite different moral principles.

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Zivanovic, Igor. "Plato, Machiavelli and machiavellism." Filozofija i drustvo 22, no. 3 (2011): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1103045z.

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Throughout this paper the author questions Machiavelli?s Machiavellism, i.e. the position that Machiavelli?s political theory takes stance of immoralism. The first part of the paper compares Plato?s and Machiavelli?s political philosophy, analyzing differences as well as similarities between these two philosophers. Author finds Plato?s views on politics and political community more malignant than Machiavelli?s. Machiavelli?s views on politics, state, laws and liberty are in fact closer to the basic principles of liberalism then to the tenets of tyranny or totalitarianism. The second part of the paper deals with the concept of the autonomy of politics and the use of cruelties and evils as the instruments of rule in Machiavelli?s work. In this part of the paper, author denies that Machiavelli was the philosopher of evil or the proponent of political gangsterism.

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Lipschutz, Ronnie D. "What Comes after Liberalism? More Liberalism!" Millennium: Journal of International Studies 38, no. 3 (April 7, 2010): 545–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829810363510.

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Baer, Josette. "Two Perspectives On Totalitarianism." East Central Europe 27, no. 2 (2000): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633000x00057.

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Bozóki, András. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000329.

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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.

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Bunce, Valerie. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000330.

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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.

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35

Falk, Barbara J. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000342.

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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.

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36

Tismăneanu, Vladimir. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 538–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000354.

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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.

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Bernhard, Michael H. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000366.

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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.

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Blake, Samuel W. "Totalitarianism in Sandinista Nicaragua." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 15, no. 3 (January 1992): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109208435902.

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Elbasani, Arolda. "The Dangers of Inverted Totalitarianism." European Political Science 8, no. 4 (November 19, 2009): 412–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2009.29.

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Weigle, Marcia A. "Political Liberalism in Postcommunist Russia." Review of Politics 58, no. 3 (1996): 469–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500020155.

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This article examines the discussion among Russian scholars and activists concerning the principles of political liberalism in Soviet Russia during the Gorbachev era (1985–1991) and in independent Russia during the Yeltsin presidency (1991-present). After a review of the emergence of liberalism during the Gorbachev years, the analysis focuses on three models of political liberalism which have emerged in the context of Russian postcommunist state construction. Each competing model of liberalism—statist, rule of law, and social—offers a different vision of the principles of political liberalism and the strategies necessary to institutionalize liberalism as the foundation of the postcommunist polity.

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Melvin, Neil. "Dilemmas of independence: Ukraine after totalitarianism." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620680.

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Calvert, Peter. "The Grenada documents: window on totalitarianism." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621827.

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Legvold, Robert, and Alexander J. Motyl. "Dilemmas of Independence: Ukraine after Totalitarianism." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (1993): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045671.

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Taylor, Flagg. "Post-Totalitarianism inThe Lives of Others." Perspectives on Political Science 40, no. 2 (April 12, 2011): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2011.560542.

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ZHANG, BAOHUI. "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy." Comparative Political Studies 27, no. 1 (April 1994): 108–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414094027001004.

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Recent studies of democratization generally emphasize the role of elites and political pacts in transitions to democracy. They usually give little attention to the institutional conditions for elite's successful pact making. This article argues that although choices by elites are important, pact making does require certain institutional conditions. By examining the democratization experiences of Spain, Brazil, the Soviet Union, and China in 1989, this article argues that only some types of authoritarian regimes have the historical possibility of following a pacted transition. Specifically, the author argues that corporatist regimes have unique advantages in following such a path. On the other hand, the totalitarian institutional legacies of once-entrenched communist regimes left democratic oppositions as broadly based social movements and their leaders with strong populist tendencies. These, the author argues, create structural obstacles to democratization through elite's pactmaking for these regimes.

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Festenstein, Matthew. "Pragmatism, inquiry and political liberalism." Contemporary Political Theory 9, no. 1 (February 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2009.6.

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Alejandro, Roberto. "What Is Political about Rawl's Political Liberalism?" Journal of Politics 58, no. 1 (February 1996): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2960346.

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Ivison, Duncan. "The Art of Political Liberalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 28, no. 2 (June 1995): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900018813.

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AbstractThis article considers John Rawls's recent turn to “political liberalism.“ Rawls has revised his argument from A Theory of Justice in order to establish a more realistic account of a “well-ordered” society; that is, creating legitimate political stability amidst a plethora of conflicting yet reasonable conceptions of the good. The aim here is to consider the extent to which Rawlsian theories are at once open to the deep diversity of late-modern political communities, and yet seek to manage and constrain the liberty of “difference” for the purposes of maintaining a distinctive liberal political order. This involves trying to persuade people to comply with liberal norms despite themselves. But it has been the claim of Rawlsian liberalism that citizens be presented, without pretence, with reasons they can accept and live by in the course of establishing a well-ordered society. The drive for transparency here—through seeking out agreement on first principles of justice—obscures the “arts” of political liberalism and prevents us from thinking about the diversity of political communities in other ways.

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Phelan, Shane. "Queer Liberalism?" American Political Science Review 94, no. 2 (June 2000): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586023.

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Dunn, John. "After liberalism." International Affairs 72, no. 3 (July 1996): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625594.

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