Academic literature on the topic 'Libération (French resistance movement)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Libération (French resistance movement)"
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Eloit, Ilana. "American lesbians are not French women: heterosexual French feminism and the Americanisation of lesbianism in the 1970s." Feminist Theory 20, no. 4 (October 21, 2019): 381–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119871852.
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This article examines the ways in which 1970s French feminists who participated in the Women’s Liberation Movement (Mouvement de libération des femmes – MLF) wielded the spectre of lesbianism as an American idiosyncrasy to counteract the politicisation of lesbianism in France. It argues that the erasure of lesbian difference from the domain of French feminism was a necessary condition for making ‘woman’ an amenable subject for incorporation into the abstract unity of the French nation, wherein heterosexuality is conceived as a democratic crucible where men and women harmoniously come together and differences are deemed divisive. Looking at the history of feminism from the standpoint of a lesbian perspective reveals unforeseen continuities between French ‘feminist’ and ‘anti-feminist’ genealogies insofar as they rest on common heterosexual and racial foundations. Finally, the article demonstrates that the alleged un-Frenchness ascribed to the word ‘lesbian’ in the 1970s feminist movement spectrally returned in the 1990s when the word ‘gender’ was, in its turn, deemed radically foreign to the French culture by feminist researchers. Fiercely reactionary constituencies against the legalisation of same-sex marriage have more recently taken up this rhetorical weapon against sexual and racial minorities.
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Puspitaningrum, B. Dewi, and Airin Miranda. "Le rôle de l’armée juive dans la libération de Juifs en France 1942 - 1945." Digital Press Social Sciences and Humanities 3 (2019): 00007. http://dx.doi.org/10.29037/digitalpress.43280.
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<p class="Keyword">Nazi Germany used Endlösung to
persecute Jews during the Second World War, leading them to the Holocaust,
known as “death”. During the German occupation in France, the status of the
Jews was applied. Polonski reacted to the situation by establishing a Zionist
resistance, Jewish Army, in January 1942. Their first visions were to create a
state of Israel and save the Jews as much as they could. Although the members
of the group are not numerous, they represented Israel and played an important
role in the rescue of the Jews in France, also in Europe. Using descriptive
methods and three aspects of historical research, this article shows that the
Jewish Army has played an important role in safeguarding Jewish children,
smuggling smugglers, physical education and the safeguarding of Jews in other
countries. In order to realize their visions, collaborations with other Jewish
resistances and the French army itself were often created. With the feeling of
belonging to France, they finally extended their vision to the liberation of
France in 1945 by joining the French Forces of the Interior and allied troops.</p>
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Lebedenko, Roman V., and Victoria B. Prozorova. "SOURCES ON THE PARTICIPATION OF SOVIET PEOPLE IN THE FRENCH RESISTANCE MOVEMENT. PART 2." History and Archives, no. 1 (2021): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-1-67-87.
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The article reveals the history of the formation, description, and use of the documentary systems preserved in France and Russia about the participation of Soviet people in the Resistance and the creation of their scientific and reference apparatus. For the first time, historians analyzed Russian and French materials, comparing the informative value of the French and Soviet documents on the participation of Soviet citizens in the French Resistance, evaluating their authenticity and reliability. The article also describes the integration methodology of the Resistance movement participants Database of the French Defense Ministry Archives and specifies the complexity of extracting information about the Soviet citizens from this integrated source. Furthermore, the main databases created by the Resistance Foundation are analyzed. The authors demonstrate how these sources were used in the French and Russian historiography of the Resistance during various periods of Soviet history and the Franco-Russian relations. They also show the historian’s specific use of the Resistance movement participant’s memoirs. The authors provided the most relevant information about the training and learning material, about the libraries, museums, and archives that store and collect these documents; for the first time, recommendations are made – including the Russian-speaking researchers of the Second World War, as well as family history researchers – on how to work with their scientific and reference apparatus.
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Bißmann, Daniel. "Soviet Prisoners of War in the French Resistance Movement. Research Perspectives." Historical Courier, no. 3 (June 28, 2021): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/2618-9100-2021-3-1.
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Drafta, Sergiu, Mihai Burlibasa, Viorel Perieanu, Raluca Costea, Oana Eftene, Nicoleta Maru, Andreea Angela Stetiu, et al. "Dentists, members of the French Resistance movement during the World War II." Romanian Medical Journal 69, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37897/rmj.2022.1.7.
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The Resistance was a reaffirmation of France's independence and individuality, as well as a struggle to regain freedom and, above all, national integrity. In fact, many historians appreciate that the French Resistance could have achieved more if it had been more effectively integrated into Allied plans and strategies. Thus, in this material we tried to present some short biographies of dentists who worked in the French Resistance against the German occupation troops, some of them even paying with their lives for the courage they showed.
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Dobie, Madeleine. "Politics and the Limits of Pluralism in Mohamed Arkoun and Abdenour Bidar." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 2 (December 2020): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.20.
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One of the striking features of the literary culture of the modern Maghreb is the profusion of works that undertake to identify the essential features of the region – exercises in definition that almost always emphasize plurality. Philosophers, social scientists, and literary writers have highlighted the Maghreb's multilingualism – the coexistence of different forms of Arabic, Tamazight, French, and Spanish – the varied and hybrid cultural legacies of conquest and colonialism, and the effects of the region's geographical proximity to other parts of Africa, Europe, and the Middle East. It would be hard to find a more ubiquitous theme of francophone Maghrebi literature than cultural diversity, and the subject is by no means absent from Arabic-language literature. This preoccupation with plurality can be seen as a response to a history of colonization and decolonization with particular ideological features. In their efforts to build “l'Algérie française,” the French colonial authorities suppressed Arabic as a language of culture and government. In response, anticolonial nationalists called for the replacement of French with Arabic. “Islam is my religion, Arabic is my language, Algeria is my nation” – the catchphrase of Abdelhamid Ben Badis's Jam'iyat al-'Ulama [Association of Muslim Ulema], an Islamic reform movement of the 1930s and 1940s – later became a slogan of the nationalist movement, the Front de libération nationale (FLN) [National Liberation Front]. Since the 1980s, a similar call to restore Arabic and eliminate French has been issued by the Islamist opposition to the corrupt and undemocratic FLN government and at times by officials in that same government seeking to restore their legitimacy. In emphasizing linguistic and cultural diversity, writers and scholars have tried to tender an alternative to these recurrent efforts to delimit the region's identity.
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Lebedenko, Roman V., and Victoria B. Prozorova. "SOURCES ON THE PARTICIPATION OF SOVIET PEOPLE IN THE FRENCH RESISTANCE MOVEMENT. PART 1." History and Archives, no. 4 (2020): 36–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2020-4-36-52.
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Based on Russian and French materials, a comparative analysis of the informational value of French and Soviet (archived in Russia) documents on the participation of Soviet citizens in the French Resistance was carried out for the first time, their authenticity and reliability were evaluated. In this article, the authors examined the difficulties of documenting the participation of Soviet people in the French Resistance during and after World War II. The authors showed how the processes of “liquidation” of the Resistance structures and the repatriation of displaced Soviet citizens caused lacunae in the archival holdings. The article reveals the history of the formation, description and use of documentary systems preserved in France and Russia about the participation of Soviet people in the Resistance, as well as the creation of their scientific and reference apparatus. The authors demonstrate how those sources were used in the historiography of the Resistance in various periods of Soviet history and Franco-Russian relations. The authors provided the most relevant information about the libraries, museums and archives that store and collect those documents; for the first time, recommendations are given for working with their scientific and reference apparatus, as well as an advice to Russian-speaking researchers of the Second World War, including the family history researchers.
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Transnational Cultural Propaganda." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370104.
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The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals, communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand, to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim French culture in the name of the Resistance.
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McLeod, Mark W. "Trương Định and Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, 1859–64: A Reappraisal." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1993): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000151x.
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By any measure, Trương Định (1820–64) was one of the leading figures of nineteenth-century Vietnamese resistance to French colonialism. As such, he has received a good deal of scholarly attention in Vietnam, France, the United States, and elsewhere. This article analyses the anti-colonial movement led by Trương Định in southern Vietnam during the years 1859–64, focusing on the questions of Trương Định's relationship to the Vietnamese imperial government at Huế and his motivation for continuing the anti-French struggle after Huế had made peace with France in 1862. Its organization is as follows: first, the historical context is summarized; second, Trương Định's resistance movement and its relationship to the Huế court are analyzed; third, various explanations of Trươg Định's motivation are considered and my own hypothesis is offered.
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Majtenyi, David. ""Mirek" z Reportáže psané na oprátce - Jaroslav Klecan (1914-1943)." Časopis Národního muzea. Řada historická 188, no. 1-2 (2020): 3–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/cnm.2019.001.
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This paper focuses on the fate of Jaroslav Klecan, a native from southern Bohemia, a pre-war member of the Communist Party who had left as a volunteer for the Spanish Civil War in late 1937. He fought in the battalion T. G. Masaryk of the 129th interbrigade. After the fall of the Spanish Republic, he was interned in the French camp in Gurs. When the Second World War begun he enrolled to the Czechoslovak Army, albeit he was probably never committed at the front. After the French capitulation, he stayed in the free zone and joined the French resistance movement in the FTP-MOI group led by Ladislav Holdoš. However, the Comintern soon ordered him and few other Czechoslovak Resistance fighters to return to the occupied homeland. Klecan arrived to the Protectorate in 1941 and affiliated the Communist resistance movement in Bohemia immediately. He was arrested by the Nazi secret police on 24 April 1942, together with Julius Fučík and others. After a series of interrogations, the German People’s Court sentenced him to death and he was executed in Berlin-Plötzensee on 8 September 1943. He is known as “Mirek” from Fučík’s Notes from the Gallows.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Libération (French resistance movement)"
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Weiss, Stephane. ""Le jour d'après" : organisations et projets militaires dans la France libérée : août 1944 - mars 1946." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2080/document.
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A la mi-septembre 1944, la France métropolitaine se trouve en grande partie libérée. Au terme de quatre années d'occupation, l'outil militaire national est à reconstruire. Soucieux de préparer l'avenir et, à court terme, de contribuer significativement à la victoire alliée, le gouvernement provisoire de la République française entend s'y atteler sans attendre, en négociant, un nouveau plan de réarmement avec les Alliés et en mettant à profit le potentiel humain constitué par les Forces françaises de l'Intérieur (FFI). Les négociations avec les Alliés aboutissent laborieusement au plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944, dont la mise en œuvre va tourner court au printemps suivant. Quant à l'intégration des hétérogènes FFI dans l'Armée, elle donne brièvement lieu à un bras de fer politique durant l'automne 1944. Le gouvernement provisoire n'est en effet pas la seule entité politique française à envisager la refondation d'une armée nationale. Sans attendre le gouvernement, une part des cadres et des organes issus de la Résistance intérieure a en effet d'emblée engagé des initiatives militaires, dérégulées et décentralisées, bien que non nécessairement divergentes par rapport à l'action gouvernementale. La présente thèse propose d'étudier ces projets et ces organisations, ainsi que les voies de leur intégration au sein des projets gouvernementaux, en prêtant une attention particulière aux dynamiques régionales. Cette thèse est divisée en quatre parties. La première partie, intitulée Tous en rangs !, est consacrée aux jeux d’acteurs français. Cette partie a pour centre de gravité la question du rétablissement par le gouvernement, avec un mode opératoire tantôt dirigiste, tantôt négocié, d'une administration militaire territoriale, sous la forme de régions militaires, destinées à servir de matrices incubatrices pour la formation de nouvelles unités. La seconde partie, intitulée Formez vos bataillons !, traite des modes de construction des projets de réarmement de 1944-1945. Outre une réinterrogation du plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944 et des raisons de son échec, cette partie est consacrée aux initiatives décentralisées de grandes unités (avec une douzaine de projets de divisions FFI) et au parcours souvent sinueux ayant conduit des bataillons de marche FFI de l'automne 1944 aux nouveaux régiments du printemps 1945. Une troisième partie, intitulée Engagez-vous !, décrit les modalités de réunion des ressources humaines nécessaires aux projets de réarmement, sans se limiter aux FFI ni à la seule question de l'amalgame pratiqué au sein de la 1re Armée française. Enfin, la dernière partie, intitulée Aux armes !, présente les modalités d’accès aux ressources matérielles requises pour l’équipement des forces recréées en métropole, en se focalisant sur les voies alternatives au matériel américain qui n'a guère été perçu en 1945 que sous forme d'échantillons. Cette partie aborde successivement l'emploi de matériels britanniques de seconde main, les essais de relance d'une production industrielle française dès l'automne 1944 et le recours à la récupération de matériels de prise, abandonnés par les forces allemandes. Au final, la présente thèse expose une dynamique de refondation militaire hybride, sensiblement différente de celle opérée en Afrique du Nord en 1943. Dans un environnement mouvant et concurrentiel, en l’absence des livraisons escomptées d'armement américain, le projet gouvernemental initial a été largement amendé, intégrant une part des initiatives décentralisées et entrepreneuriales issues de la Résistance intérieure, tout en les canalisantIn September 1944, the main part of France has been liberated. Thus, for the French provisional government as for the Allied headquarter, time was to rearmament by using the French manpower and the metropolitan industrial plants. The place for innovation is weak: what was planned, was just the continuity of allied schemes and of the pre-war French military institution. But, without waiting for governmental or allied instructions, a part of the Resistance's leaders has developed different local or global rearmament programs, especially by using the volunteers of the French Forces of Interior, in order to contribute to the final victory as to the renaissance of a new French army earned by the Resistance's ideas.The present thesis deals with the organizations and the projects born in this frame: their conditions of apparition, their ways of development and their integration’s modalities within the French Army and within the Allied strategy. A large importance is accorded to the regional and decentralized dynamics observed through the French territory. As a result, compared to the rearmament occurred in North Africa in 1943, the French rearmament's approaches took on the French ground a different and novel path, including initiatives and entrepreneurship
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Balu, Raphaële. "Les maquis de France, la France libre et les Alliés (1943-1945) : retrouver la coopération." Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMC016.
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Au tournant de 1942 et de 1943, les premiers maquis virent le jour en France occupée. Principalement constitués de jeunes gens qui refusaient la conscription de travailleurs au service de l’Allemagne et trouvaient refuge dans les bois et les montagnes, les maquis connurent une progressive militarisation. Le souvenir de leurs combats à la Libération a largement éclipsé l’histoire de leurs relations avec la France libre et ses Alliés britanniques et américains. Pourtant, dès 1943, Londres, Alger et Washington discutèrent l’intégration des maquis aux plans de guerre, créant même des structures ad hoc. Sans ignorer les désaccords politiques, stratégiques et diplomatiques qui accompagnèrent ces discussions, cette recherche entend retrouver la coopération entre maquis français, France libre et Alliés. Elle s’intéresse aux individus qui, au sein des institutions britanniques et américaines comme de la France libre, s’investirent dans la cause des maquisards et tissèrent des réseaux qui permirent de leur apporter de l’aide. Des difficultés multiples se posèrent aux services de renseignement chargés de cette tâche : leurs communications sporadiques avec la France occupée, la mobilité des maquis et la réticence des états-majors réguliers n’étaient pas des moindres. Ils parvinrent cependant à faire entendre la voix des maquis au sommet des états-majors et des États alliés, permettant leur prise en compte progressive dans les plans d’ensemble, alors même que la coordination entre armées régulières et maquisards représentait un défi stratégique presque dénué de précédent. En étudiant, depuis les états-majors et jusque sur le terrain, les individus qui portèrent cette coopération, ce travail interroge les identités de combattants divers réunis par les hasards de la guerre. Chemin faisant, il explore l’expérience de la guerre et de la répression commune aux maquisards et aux envoyés de Londres et d’Alger qui les rejoignirent dans la clandestinité, développant avec leurs nouveaux compagnons d’armes de fortes solidarités. Il intègre la progressive libération du territoire français et la concurrence des pouvoirs qui l’accompagna, courant jusqu’en 1945 pour intégrer les sorties de guerre de ces différents combattants et un peu au-delà, pour évoquer les mémoires diverses qui en sont néesBetween the end of 1942 and 1943, the first maquis came into existence in occupied France. While their members were mainly young people who refused to be sent as workers to Germany and sought refuge in the woods and the mountains, during the war the maquis turned into military formations. The memories of their fight during Liberation has largely overshadowed the history of their relationship with Free France and its British and American allies. However, as early as 1943, London, Algiers, and Washington discussed the integration of the maquis into their war plans, even creating the necessary structures. While taking into consideration the political, strategic, and diplomatic disagreements that were part of the discussions, this study intends to bring back the cooperation between the maquis, Free France, and the Allies into the narrative of the war. It looks at individuals who, within British and American institutions as well as Free France structures, dedicated their efforts to work alongside the maquisards, and built networks to assist them. Numerous obstacles came in the way of intelligence services when they took on that task: sporadic communication channels with occupied France, the maquis’ mobility, and the reluctance of regular military headquarters — among other problems. They managed, however, to carry the voice of the maquis back to the head of regular armies and Allied States, allowing them to be progressively taken into account in general war planning, even as coordination between maquisards and regular forces constituted an almost unprecedented strategic challenge. From military headquarters to the realm of clandestine operations, this study takes interest in the people who found themselves involved in this common fight, addressing the identities and fighting experiences of different individuals brought together by the fortunes of war. It also explores an experience of war and repression shared by the maquisards and the London and Algiers envoys who met them in their clandestine life, together building strong ties of solidarity. It follows them through the progressive liberation of the French territory, on the stage of its competing powers, reaching until 1945 to follow those fighters during their transition from war to peacetime, and beyond that year — shining a light onto the memories and narratives that ensued
Books on the topic "Libération (French resistance movement)"
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Cobb, Matthew. The Resistance: The French fight against the Nazis. London: Pocket Books, 2010.
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Kahn-Farelle, Pierre. Je suis un rescapé des bagnes du Neckar: Récit. Paris: Éd. Volets verts, 2000.
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Living and fighting with the French underground: A true World War II story told by American airmen and resistance fighters in Nazi-occupied France. New Orleans: UniqPublishing, 2011.
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Alland, Alexander. Crisis and commitment: Life history of a French social movement. Chemin de la Sallaz (Switzerland): Gordon and Breach, 1994.
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Sonia, Alland, ed. Crisis and commitment: The life history of a French social movement. 2nd ed. [London, England]: Harwood Academic Publishers, 2001.
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Alland, Alexander. Crisis and commitment: The life history of a French social movement. New York, NY: Gordon and Breach, 1994.
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Cobb, Matthew. Resistance: The French Fight Against the Nazis. Simon & Schuster, Limited, 2009.
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La resistance dans les PTT: Temoignages recueillis et edites par Liberation Nationale PTT. Paris: OS/FNL/FTPF, 1986.
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Timmermann, Marybeth, trans. Preface to Stories from the French Women’s Liberation Movement. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039003.003.0038.
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In August, 1970, barely six years ago, a few women demonstrated at the Arc de Triomphe in honor of “the wife of the unknown soldier.” And so for the first time the newspapers mentioned the MLF [Mouvement de libération des femmes or French Women’s Liberation Movement]. This name, similar to the American “Women’s Lib,” was given to the movement by the press, and the militants took it on for themselves. Ever since, the MLF has become very well known, or rather very poorly known, because the image propagated about them is one of hysterical shrews and lesbians. The primary merit of this book is to completely refute this cliché....
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Cheng, Yang-En. The theology of the Calvinist resistance movement: A theological study of the French Calvinist resistance literature (1572-1579). 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Libération (French resistance movement)"
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Bivar, Venus. "Greening the Mainstream, 1968–1980." In Organic Resistance. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469641188.003.0006.
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The success of the productivity drive led to surplus problems by the end of the 1960s. French and European policy makers demanded even greater efficiencies, largely by way of farming less land and moving into high-value low-output niche production. The simultaneous rise of environmentalism justified the removal of land from production. By the 1970s, the SAFER was overseeing the creation of nature reserves and recreational areas, while new guidelines for remembrement required environmental planning. High-value low-output production was not only adopted by the mainstream. As part of the growing counter-cultural movement, urban youth moved to the countryside to farm. As niche markets grew, thanks to a growing demand from consumers for a greener world, the Ministry of Agriculture took notice. Along with the new Fédération nationale d'agriculture biologique (FNAB), the Ministry created official standards for organic production, institutionalizing a movement that had spent several decades at the margins.
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Coffin, Judith G. "Sexual Politics and Feminism." In Sex, Love, and Letters, 203–36. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750540.003.0009.
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This chapter covers letters to Simone de Beauvoir simmering with grievances about stifling marriages, constrained choices, the grind and boredom of housework, the absence of contraception, serial pregnancies, criminalized abortion, and the affective burdens of family throughout the 1960s. It recounts the French legislature that legalized contraception, women that swelled the ranks of labor unions, and books on the female condition that filled bookstores in 1967. It also mentions the explosion of student radicalism and enormous general as the most distinctive features of France in May 1968. The chapter discusses that feminism transformed and renamed women's liberation, which emerged with immense force in the aftermath of this movement. It highlights the movement of the French press called the Mouvement de la Libération des Femmes (MLF) which emerged in 1970.
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Bivar, Venus. "Alternative Ideals, 1944–1958." In Organic Resistance. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469641188.003.0003.
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In response to the industrialization of agriculture, biodynamic and organic practices emerged across Europe. Inspired by the work of Rudolph Steiner, French doctors, farmers, and agronomists banded together in order to create the first anti-industrial farm organizations. Many of these early pioneers were drawn to alternative agriculture because they valued the purity that came with food free from chemical additives. This obsession with purity was often grounded in fascist, anti-Semitic ideology, and many of these of these early pioneers had supported both the Vichy government of the 1930s and the eugenics movement. These early pioneers included Raoul Lemaire, André Louis, Henri-Charles Geffroy, André Birre, Jean Boucher, and Mattéo Tavera.
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Watkin, Christopher. "Catherine Malabou: The Plastic Human." In French Philosophy Today. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474414739.003.0004.
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The transition from Badiou and Meillassoux to Malabou leads us away from thinking the human in terms of a ‘host capacity’ and proposes instead a ‘host substance’: the brain. The first half of this chapter argues that Malabou manages to avoid a host capacity account of the human by developing a notion of plasticity not as a uniquely human trait but as the possible transformation of all traits. This position harbours an irreducible ambiguity, however, between an escape from the host capacity approach and its hyperbolisation, and so what Malabou offers us can be construed as nothing less than a host meta-capacity. The second half of the chapter explores Malabou’s determination to initiate a new plastic encounter between philosophy and neuroscience, eschewing both the ‘cognitivism’ of neuroscientist Jean-Pierre Changeux and the ‘Continental’ resistance to neuroscience of Paul Ricœur in order to elaborate her own ‘neuronal materialism’ in terms of ‘destructive plasticity’. In an attempt to develop this neuronal materialism in a way that avoids plasticity becoming one more defunct metaphor of the human, the chapter concludes by offering a reading of ‘the self’ in Malabou not as a metaphor but as a movement or tension of metaphoricity.
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Sharp, Thomas. "The changing boundaries of resistance: the UPC and France in Cameroonian history and memory." In Francophone Africa at fifty, 189–203. Manchester University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719089305.003.0013.
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Thomas Sharp elaborates on the case of the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), which became an underground guerilla movement in Cameroon after 1955. The UPC attempted in this period and well into the 1960s to build up an international anticolonial network, to mobilize against the structures of collusion between the Ahidjo Government and French institutions. Sharp notably offers a fresh interpretation of UPC activities between 1962 and 1966, which as a phase of the movement has not yet attracted scholarly interest. He links these experiences to the new situation of Cameroon under multi-party democracy from the 1990s, in which many opposition groups have attempted to ‘reveal’ this ‘hidden history’, as a method to secure international support for their political projects. This is especially true of secessionist Anglophone groups, whose leaders, like those of the UPC, claim to have been dispossessed of a ‘true’ independence by the continuation of neo-colonial relationships, as brutal and marginalizing practices.
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Norland, Patricia D. "Trang." In The Saigon Sisters, 35–46. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749735.003.0002.
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This chapter centers on the second Saigon sister named Trang, who inherited her family's gifts for languages and music. It points out how Trang credits learning French with raising her political awareness, which allowed her to read about French and Soviet resistance against the Nazis. It also describes Trang's irritation at the thought of mirroring the cloistered life in which her mother grew up as she wanted to live more and be free. The chapter details how Trang, like her sister Thanh, craved the chance to join the movement to rid her country of its colonial master. It also illustrates her time in the resistance, where she learned to plant crops, fish, and forge across streams in order to prove herself a female cadre equally dedicated as the men.
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Résistantes and Children in the Service of Charles de Gaulle’s Propaganda." In Propaganda, Gender, and Cultural Power, 158–86. British Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197267318.003.0007.
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The disruption of interwar cultural channels that followed the signing of the Franco-German armistice on 22 June 1940 led to the emergence of new cross-Channel and transnational cultural connections, which this chapter examines. During the Second World War, French cultural diplomacy was the product of efforts undertaken by a complex nexus of French and British organizations and the leading French external Resistance movement, Free France, which Charles de Gaulle had established in London in the summer 1940. The movement was never officially recognized by the Allies as a government-in-exile. Cultural propaganda was therefore a crucial tool through which to acquire much-needed legitimacy in Britain and beyond, including in the empire. A dynamic group of individuals, among whom a handful of women, rapidly came to support de Gaulle in his efforts to design and implement propaganda policies. These included Denis Saurat, the head of the French Institute in London (who later became a strident anti-Gaullist), Yvonne Salmon, who worked in London and Algiers for the Alliance Française, as well as Eve Curie and Elisabeth de Miribel both of whom initiated propaganda policies in North America. Finally, this chapter discusses how children, including refugees from Belgium and central Europe, were active participants of Free French cultural propaganda.
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Griffiths, Ryan D. "New Caledonia." In Secession and the Sovereignty Game, 110–26. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754746.003.0008.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter focuses on New Caledonia, an example of a decolonial movement. It tracks the development of the movement since the 1960s and follows the different tactics it used at different points in time. The chapter also elaborates the tactics of compellence of New Caledonia, which involved nonviolent civil resistance, the use of violence, and electoral capture. It details how French democracy gradually enfranchised the indigenous group, the Kanaks, and gave them political voice. The chapter presents the independence effort in New Caledonia led by the Kanaks and other ethnic groups including immigrants from France, elements of the white settler community, and Wallisians. It then introduces a new period of cultural movement known as the Kanak Awakening, and its greatest leader, Jean-Marie Tjibaou from the east coast of Grand Terre. Ultimately, the chapter argues that Caledonia differs most from the other movements in this study, for, unlike them, it is classified as a non-self-governing territory and therefore eligible for independence via the path of decolonization.
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Furtado, Henrique Tavares. "The Brazilian Case." In Politics of Impunity, 84–116. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474491501.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter offers a historical account of the Brazilian case. Working as a bridge between the theoretical and empirical contributions of the manuscript, it traces the historical changes and ruptures of ideas about violence and justice produced by the emergence of the anti-impunity movement in Brazil (1970–9). The chapter explains the atmosphere of radicalisation that preceded the 1964 coup. It describes the explosive rise of far-right anti-communism across society, the effects of the Cuban Revolution in the imaginary of the radical left and the adoption of French theories of counterinsurgency by the armed forces. The chapter recounts the overthrowing of Goulart’s labour administration in 1964 and the ensuing Years of Lead (1968–79), when torture, extrajudicial executions and forced disappearances became institutionalised. It then moves on to show how the gruesome actions of the military unintentionally paved the way for a new form of democratic resistance. The violent repression of political dissidents, the repression of strikes, the deterioration of wages, the expansion of censorship to the most banal dimensions of everyday life united various societal grievances (the struggles of survivors, family members, workers, legal practitioners, feminists) around the amnesty movement in the mid-1970s.
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Gerund, Katharina. "Josephine Baker’s Routes and Roots: Mobility, Belonging, and Activism in the Atlantic World." In Deferred Dreams, Defiant Struggles, 11–32. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786940339.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter uses research paradigms from mobility studies, black diaspora studies, and transnational American studies, in order to create a nuanced picture of the many facets of Josephine Baker’s career as an artist and activist. It discusses Baker’s often neglected role as an activist for the French Resistance and in the US Civil Rights Movement, as well as her self-fashioning as a mother, head of state, and humanitarian at Les Milandes: a 15th century château where Baker established her Rainbow Tribe. The chapter considers how Baker’s changing positionalities, mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion in different social contexts, and experiences of displacement and exile, partially determined her political work and how she was simultaneously constructed by these discourses. Baker is cast as a “revolutionary diva” who does not simply belong on the margins of current debates around transnational affiliations and cosmopolitanisms, cultural mobilities and immobilities, and political activism in the black diaspora.