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1
Eloit, Ilana. "American lesbians are not French women: heterosexual French feminism and the Americanisation of lesbianism in the 1970s." Feminist Theory 20, no. 4 (October 21, 2019): 381–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119871852.
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This article examines the ways in which 1970s French feminists who participated in the Women’s Liberation Movement (Mouvement de libération des femmes – MLF) wielded the spectre of lesbianism as an American idiosyncrasy to counteract the politicisation of lesbianism in France. It argues that the erasure of lesbian difference from the domain of French feminism was a necessary condition for making ‘woman’ an amenable subject for incorporation into the abstract unity of the French nation, wherein heterosexuality is conceived as a democratic crucible where men and women harmoniously come together and differences are deemed divisive. Looking at the history of feminism from the standpoint of a lesbian perspective reveals unforeseen continuities between French ‘feminist’ and ‘anti-feminist’ genealogies insofar as they rest on common heterosexual and racial foundations. Finally, the article demonstrates that the alleged un-Frenchness ascribed to the word ‘lesbian’ in the 1970s feminist movement spectrally returned in the 1990s when the word ‘gender’ was, in its turn, deemed radically foreign to the French culture by feminist researchers. Fiercely reactionary constituencies against the legalisation of same-sex marriage have more recently taken up this rhetorical weapon against sexual and racial minorities.
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Puspitaningrum, B. Dewi, and Airin Miranda. "Le rôle de l’armée juive dans la libération de Juifs en France 1942 - 1945." Digital Press Social Sciences and Humanities 3 (2019): 00007. http://dx.doi.org/10.29037/digitalpress.43280.
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<p class="Keyword">Nazi Germany used Endlösung to
persecute Jews during the Second World War, leading them to the Holocaust,
known as “death”. During the German occupation in France, the status of the
Jews was applied. Polonski reacted to the situation by establishing a Zionist
resistance, Jewish Army, in January 1942. Their first visions were to create a
state of Israel and save the Jews as much as they could. Although the members
of the group are not numerous, they represented Israel and played an important
role in the rescue of the Jews in France, also in Europe. Using descriptive
methods and three aspects of historical research, this article shows that the
Jewish Army has played an important role in safeguarding Jewish children,
smuggling smugglers, physical education and the safeguarding of Jews in other
countries. In order to realize their visions, collaborations with other Jewish
resistances and the French army itself were often created. With the feeling of
belonging to France, they finally extended their vision to the liberation of
France in 1945 by joining the French Forces of the Interior and allied troops.</p>
3
Lebedenko, Roman V., and Victoria B. Prozorova. "SOURCES ON THE PARTICIPATION OF SOVIET PEOPLE IN THE FRENCH RESISTANCE MOVEMENT. PART 2." History and Archives, no. 1 (2021): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-1-67-87.
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The article reveals the history of the formation, description, and use of the documentary systems preserved in France and Russia about the participation of Soviet people in the Resistance and the creation of their scientific and reference apparatus. For the first time, historians analyzed Russian and French materials, comparing the informative value of the French and Soviet documents on the participation of Soviet citizens in the French Resistance, evaluating their authenticity and reliability. The article also describes the integration methodology of the Resistance movement participants Database of the French Defense Ministry Archives and specifies the complexity of extracting information about the Soviet citizens from this integrated source. Furthermore, the main databases created by the Resistance Foundation are analyzed. The authors demonstrate how these sources were used in the French and Russian historiography of the Resistance during various periods of Soviet history and the Franco-Russian relations. They also show the historian’s specific use of the Resistance movement participant’s memoirs. The authors provided the most relevant information about the training and learning material, about the libraries, museums, and archives that store and collect these documents; for the first time, recommendations are made – including the Russian-speaking researchers of the Second World War, as well as family history researchers – on how to work with their scientific and reference apparatus.
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Bißmann, Daniel. "Soviet Prisoners of War in the French Resistance Movement. Research Perspectives." Historical Courier, no. 3 (June 28, 2021): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/2618-9100-2021-3-1.
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Drafta, Sergiu, Mihai Burlibasa, Viorel Perieanu, Raluca Costea, Oana Eftene, Nicoleta Maru, Andreea Angela Stetiu, et al. "Dentists, members of the French Resistance movement during the World War II." Romanian Medical Journal 69, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37897/rmj.2022.1.7.
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The Resistance was a reaffirmation of France's independence and individuality, as well as a struggle to regain freedom and, above all, national integrity. In fact, many historians appreciate that the French Resistance could have achieved more if it had been more effectively integrated into Allied plans and strategies. Thus, in this material we tried to present some short biographies of dentists who worked in the French Resistance against the German occupation troops, some of them even paying with their lives for the courage they showed.
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Dobie, Madeleine. "Politics and the Limits of Pluralism in Mohamed Arkoun and Abdenour Bidar." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 2 (December 2020): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.20.
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One of the striking features of the literary culture of the modern Maghreb is the profusion of works that undertake to identify the essential features of the region – exercises in definition that almost always emphasize plurality. Philosophers, social scientists, and literary writers have highlighted the Maghreb's multilingualism – the coexistence of different forms of Arabic, Tamazight, French, and Spanish – the varied and hybrid cultural legacies of conquest and colonialism, and the effects of the region's geographical proximity to other parts of Africa, Europe, and the Middle East. It would be hard to find a more ubiquitous theme of francophone Maghrebi literature than cultural diversity, and the subject is by no means absent from Arabic-language literature. This preoccupation with plurality can be seen as a response to a history of colonization and decolonization with particular ideological features. In their efforts to build “l'Algérie française,” the French colonial authorities suppressed Arabic as a language of culture and government. In response, anticolonial nationalists called for the replacement of French with Arabic. “Islam is my religion, Arabic is my language, Algeria is my nation” – the catchphrase of Abdelhamid Ben Badis's Jam'iyat al-'Ulama [Association of Muslim Ulema], an Islamic reform movement of the 1930s and 1940s – later became a slogan of the nationalist movement, the Front de libération nationale (FLN) [National Liberation Front]. Since the 1980s, a similar call to restore Arabic and eliminate French has been issued by the Islamist opposition to the corrupt and undemocratic FLN government and at times by officials in that same government seeking to restore their legitimacy. In emphasizing linguistic and cultural diversity, writers and scholars have tried to tender an alternative to these recurrent efforts to delimit the region's identity.
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Lebedenko, Roman V., and Victoria B. Prozorova. "SOURCES ON THE PARTICIPATION OF SOVIET PEOPLE IN THE FRENCH RESISTANCE MOVEMENT. PART 1." History and Archives, no. 4 (2020): 36–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2020-4-36-52.
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Based on Russian and French materials, a comparative analysis of the informational value of French and Soviet (archived in Russia) documents on the participation of Soviet citizens in the French Resistance was carried out for the first time, their authenticity and reliability were evaluated. In this article, the authors examined the difficulties of documenting the participation of Soviet people in the French Resistance during and after World War II. The authors showed how the processes of “liquidation” of the Resistance structures and the repatriation of displaced Soviet citizens caused lacunae in the archival holdings. The article reveals the history of the formation, description and use of documentary systems preserved in France and Russia about the participation of Soviet people in the Resistance, as well as the creation of their scientific and reference apparatus. The authors demonstrate how those sources were used in the historiography of the Resistance in various periods of Soviet history and Franco-Russian relations. The authors provided the most relevant information about the libraries, museums and archives that store and collect those documents; for the first time, recommendations are given for working with their scientific and reference apparatus, as well as an advice to Russian-speaking researchers of the Second World War, including the family history researchers.
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Transnational Cultural Propaganda." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370104.
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The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals, communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand, to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim French culture in the name of the Resistance.
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McLeod, Mark W. "Trương Định and Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, 1859–64: A Reappraisal." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1993): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000151x.
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By any measure, Trương Định (1820–64) was one of the leading figures of nineteenth-century Vietnamese resistance to French colonialism. As such, he has received a good deal of scholarly attention in Vietnam, France, the United States, and elsewhere. This article analyses the anti-colonial movement led by Trương Định in southern Vietnam during the years 1859–64, focusing on the questions of Trương Định's relationship to the Vietnamese imperial government at Huế and his motivation for continuing the anti-French struggle after Huế had made peace with France in 1862. Its organization is as follows: first, the historical context is summarized; second, Trương Định's resistance movement and its relationship to the Huế court are analyzed; third, various explanations of Trươg Định's motivation are considered and my own hypothesis is offered.
10
Majtenyi, David. ""Mirek" z Reportáže psané na oprátce - Jaroslav Klecan (1914-1943)." Časopis Národního muzea. Řada historická 188, no. 1-2 (2020): 3–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/cnm.2019.001.
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This paper focuses on the fate of Jaroslav Klecan, a native from southern Bohemia, a pre-war member of the Communist Party who had left as a volunteer for the Spanish Civil War in late 1937. He fought in the battalion T. G. Masaryk of the 129th interbrigade. After the fall of the Spanish Republic, he was interned in the French camp in Gurs. When the Second World War begun he enrolled to the Czechoslovak Army, albeit he was probably never committed at the front. After the French capitulation, he stayed in the free zone and joined the French resistance movement in the FTP-MOI group led by Ladislav Holdoš. However, the Comintern soon ordered him and few other Czechoslovak Resistance fighters to return to the occupied homeland. Klecan arrived to the Protectorate in 1941 and affiliated the Communist resistance movement in Bohemia immediately. He was arrested by the Nazi secret police on 24 April 1942, together with Julius Fučík and others. After a series of interrogations, the German People’s Court sentenced him to death and he was executed in Berlin-Plötzensee on 8 September 1943. He is known as “Mirek” from Fučík’s Notes from the Gallows.
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THOMAS, MARTIN. "Silent Partners: SOE's French Indo-China Section, 1943–1945." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 4 (October 2000): 943–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003796.
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Pursued over the last two years of the Pacific war, the Free French effort to organize and direct an effective resistance to the Japanese occupation of Indo-China ended in military failure. Characterized by administrative complexity, inadequate supplies and attenuated communications, Gaullist insurgency was marred by Free France's de facto reliance upon Admiral Louis Mountbatten's South East Asia Command (SEAC). While the re-conquest of Malaya and Burma remained incomplete, British backing for a resistance network in Indo-China was bound to be limited. And as British interest in the final re-conquest of their own territories climaxed in the spring and summer of 1945, so material provision for the French in Indo-China inevitably declined. Although Mountbatten consistently supported his Free French protégés, Churchill, in particular, was reluctant to take issue with his American allies. Neither the US government nor American commanders in China and the Pacific supported Free French methods and objectives. By 1945, the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS), dedicated to supporting guerrilla warfare and resistance organization, and the Office of War Information (OWI), which disseminated US propaganda, were developing independent contacts inside northern Indo-China. As a result, the OSS increasingly endorsed the one truly effective resistance movement: Ho Chi Minh's Viet Minh coalition.
12
Varfolomeev, Yuriy V. "Alexander Ugrimov – Russian Hero of the French Resistance: «I Walked on a Tightrope over an Abyss…»." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 3 (2020): 304–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-304-309.
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The article examines the activities of French Resistance units in the occupied territory of France during the world war II. The author explores the little-known pages of the durdan Resistance group’s activities through the prism of perception of the events of those years and by the example of the fate of one of the active participants and leaders of the anti – fascist movement-a Russian emigrant of the first wave, Alexander Alexandrovich Ugrimov.
13
Jakes, Kelly. "La France en Chantant: The Rhetorical Construction of French Identity in Songs of the Resistance Movement." Quarterly Journal of Speech 99, no. 3 (August 2013): 317–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2013.806817.
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Touati, Samia. "Lalla Fatma N’Soumer (1830–1863): Spirituality, Resistance and Womanly Leadership in Colonial Algeria." Societies 8, no. 4 (December 11, 2018): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8040126.
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Lalla Fatma N’Soumer (1830–1863) is one of the major heroines of Algerian resistance to the French colonial enterprise in the region of Kabylia. Her life and personality have been surrounded by myths and mysteries. Although her name is mentioned in colonial chronicles recording the conquest of Algeria, her exact role in leading a movement of local resistance to the French army doesn’t seem to be very clear. This paper aims at shedding light on this exceptional Berber woman through the analysis of French colonial sources describing these military campaigns—despite their obvious bias—and later secondary sources. This paper focuses on the spiritual dimension which has been somehow overlooked in the existing literature. It precisely describes her family background whereby her ancestry goes back to a marabout lineage affiliated with the Raḥmāniyya sufi order. It argues that her level of education in spiritual and religious matters was probably higher than what had been so far assumed. This article discusses how this spiritual aspect helps explain the tremendous popularity she enjoyed among her people in Kabylia, where she has been considered almost a saint.
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EL AIDI, ABDELLATIF. "The Moroccan Nationalist Movement and its Anticolonial Activism from 1925 to 1944." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 9 (September 30, 2021): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.9.4.
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During the latter part of the Nineteenth Century, the European colonial rivalry over Morocco intensified. The European powers targeted the North African country because of its strategic location and rich natural resources. Hence, after establishing the French and Spanish Protectorates over Morocco, the colonial powers started to implement their exploitative policies in the Sherifian Kingdom. Those policies provoked the Moroccan people, who refused any foreign presence in their country and pushed them to engage in armed resistance. However, the failure of the armed resistance to liberate Morocco and the emergence of a new generation saturated with the spirit of peaceful resistance contributed to the birth of the Moroccan nationalist movement as a political organization aiming to confront the colonizers’ plans and ambitions by peaceful means. The present paper is intended to highlight the political struggle of the Moroccan nationalist movement from its inception to 1944. More specifically, the paper aims to outline the factors contributing to the emergence of the movement and the means of actions it adopted in its peaceful struggle against colonialism. Finllay, it discusses the historical events that encouraged the nationalist movement to move from calling for reforms to calling for full independence.
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Zinoman, Peter. "Colonial Prisons and Anti-colonial Resistance in French Indochina: The Thai Nguyen Rebellion, 1917." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2000): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003590.
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Between the pacification of Tonkin in the late 1880s and the Nghe-Tinh Soviet Movement of 1930–31, the Thai Nguyen Rebellion was the largest and most destructive anti-colonial uprising to occur in French Indochina. On August 31, 1917, an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary, the largest penal institution in northern Tonkin. From their base within the penitentiary, the rebels stormed the provincial arsenal and captured a large cache of weapons which they used to take control of the town. Anticipating a counterattack, the rebels fortified the perimeter of the town, executed French officials and Vietnamese collaborators and issued a proclamation calling for a general uprising against the colonial state. Although colonial forces retook the town following five days of intense fighting, mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides.
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Lovejoy, Paul E., and J. S. Hogendorn. "Revolutionary Mahdism and Resistance to Colonial Rule in the Sokoto Caliphate, 1905–6." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (July 1990): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025019.
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The Mahdist uprising of 1905–6 was a revolutionary movement that attempted to overthrow British and French colonial rule, the aristocracy of the Sokoto Caliphate and the zarmakoy of Dosso. The Mahdist supporters of the revolt were disgruntled peasants, fugitive slaves and radical clerics who were hostile both to indigenous authorities and to the colonial regimes. There was no known support among aristocrats, wealthy merchants or the ‘ulama. Thus the revolt reflected strong divisions based on class and, as an extension, on ethnicity. The pan-colonial appeal of the movement and its class tensions highlight another important feature: revolutionary Mahdism differed from other forms of Mahdism that were common in the Sokoto Caliphate at the time of the colonial conquest. There appears to have been no connection with the Mahdists who were followers of Muhammad Ahmed of the Nilotic Sudan or with those who joined Sarkin Musulmi Attahiru I on his hijra of 1903.The suppression of the revolt was important for three reasons. First, the British consolidated their alliance with the aristocracy of the Caliphate, while the French further strengthened their ties with the zarmakoy of Dosso and other indigenous rulers. The dangerous moment which Muslims might have seized to expel the Europeans quickly passed. Second, the brutality of the repression was a message to slave owners and slaves alike that the colonial regimes were committed to the continuation of slavery and opposed to any sudden emancipation of the slave population. Third, 1906 marked the end of revolutionary action against colonialism; the radical clerics were either killed or imprisoned. Other forms of Mahdism continued to haunt the colonial regimes, but without serious threat of a general rising.
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Reshetnikov, S. V. "Participation of Russian Emigrants and Soviet POWs in the Resistance Movement on the Island of Oléron in 1944–1945." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 1 (2022): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.103.
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The article explores a little-known episode of the joint anti-fascist struggle of Russian emigrants and Soviet citizens on the French Island of Oléron during the Second World War. In the fall of 1943, the Germans began to transfer Eastern Wehrmacht troops, formed from Soviet citizens, to France. In the spring of 1944, one of the companies of these Eastern Wehrmacht troops arrived on the island of Oléron to guard the Atlantic coast. At that time, a group of Russian emigrants headed by V. B. Sosinskiy and V. L. Andreev lived on the island, and they decided to get to know the Soviet soldiers who had arrived there. Freed from German captivity, Sosinskiy decided to form a partisan group from these soldiers, which, after the first sabotage operation, officially became part of the French Resistance. Sosinskiy’s group, initially collecting only intelligence data, soon began active sabotage actions, which seriously reduced the combat capability of the local German garrison and allowed the Allies to quickly liberate the island during its assault at the end of the war. The soldiers were convicted after they returned home, but after returning to civilian life, they were rehabilitated with the help of immigrants.
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Hanson, John H. "Generational Conflict in the Umarian Movement after the Jihād: Perspectives from the Futanke Grain Trade at Medine." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (July 1990): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025007.
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This article attempts to correct the stereotype which portrays the Futanke who joined in the jihād of al-ḥājj Umar Tal in western Mali as militant Muslim warriors who were not responsive to opportunities in production and trade. It shows that Futanke officials and settlers in the area of Jomboxo (southwestern Karta) responded quickly to the possibility of producing grain, on the land and with the slaves acquired during the jihad, and marketing it at the nearby river factory of Medine, where French officials and merchants, resident African traders and nomadic gum caravan leaders converged in a brisk commerce for three decades in the late nineteenth century. The grain sales were a response to strong demand from the desert-side economy and gum trade as well as to French needs for provisions. These emerging economic interests brought the settlers into conflict with Umarian officials and a younger generation of Futanke, recruited in the 1870s and 1880s and eager to wage war to accumulate wealth and establish their position. This social and generational cleavage hindered the effort to mobilize resistance against French encroachment and conquest.
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Peruhype, Rarianne Carvalho, Laís Mara Caetano da Silva, Elisângela Gisele de Assis, Ana Carolina Scarpel Moncaio, Lenilde Duarte de Sá, and Pedro Fredemir Palha. "Discomfort and unease of the subject in the interpretation movement of a Tuberculosis questionnaire." Revista Latino-Americana de Enfermagem 22, no. 6 (December 2014): 988–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-1169.3522.2507.
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OBJECTIVE: to propose a discussion about traces of the derivation of meanings, the subjects' discomfort and resistance when they are called upon to signify a questionnaire on the transfer of the Directly Observed Treatment of Tuberculosis policy, in order to reveal the limitations of closed questionnaires in the subject's interpretation process.METHOD: health professionals from a Primary Health Care Unit in Porto Alegre/RS were interviewed and some excerpts from the interviews were investigated in the light of French Discourse Analysis.RESULTS: resistance, discomfort, slips, silencing and the derivation of meanings were observed in the subjects' interpretation.CONCLUSION: the interpretation process has multiple meanings and varies from subject to subject. The questionnaire, as a prototype of the logically stabilized universe, fails when the purpose is to control the interpretation. Its isolated use in health research can entail inexactness or incompleteness of the collected data. Therefore, its use associated with qualitative research techniques is ideal.
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Putra, Alvons Satria Mandala. "WOMEN' RESISTANCE DURING NAZI OCCUPATION IN KRISTIN HANNAH’S THE NIGHTINGALE." Lingua Litera 7, no. 1 (June 20, 2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.55345/stba1.v7i1.119.
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Abstract
Franceas the German’s mortal enemy ended in the hand of Hitler’s Nazi occupation and forced the civilians to revolt, not only men but also women. The women’s resistance represented the effort to get gender equality in life. To focus on the resistance, this paper aims to analyze the efforts of France women during the Nazi occupation portrayed in Kristin Hannah’s novel, TheNightingale. The writer uses Liberal Feminism as the main theory to describe the women's movement in getting their freedom and equality. In completing the analysis, the writer uses qualitative and descriptive methods. In theresults of the analysis, the author found that during the occupation, French women struggle to liberate and defend their families and country from the Nazi by doing certain attempts such as educating them selves to be asequal to men, developing themselves to fight as a resistance patriot and encourage themselves to be a woman leader.
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Kant, Marion. "German Gymnastics, Modern German Dance, and Nazi Aesthetics." Dance Research Journal 48, no. 2 (August 2016): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767716000164.
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At the beginning of the nineteenth century, when Napoleon's French empire conquered much of Europe, the German patriot Friedrich Ludwig Jahn invented the first German national gymnastics program known asTurnen. The idea was to create a new German body and a new form of national discipline. Walking for bodily fitness, to instill national awareness, training on special equipment and rediscovering ancient German dance forms all became part of the new body culture. It is out of this movement with its nationalist and later racist culture that much of the modern gymnastics and dance movements in Germany gained their ideologies. This article sketches some stages of this social and physical continuity, from the resistance to the French to the establishment of the racial state in 1933 and to the provision of a Nazi aesthetic by German modern dancers.
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Aksan, Virginia H. "NUR BILGE CRISS, Istanbul under Allied Occupation 1918–1923, Ottoman Empire and Its Heritage: Politics, Society and Economy (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999). Pp. 195. $62.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 552–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002804.
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For once, the title of a book matches its contents. Criss sets out to describe the conditions of occupied Istanbul immediately upon the surrender of the Ottomans to the Allies at the end of World War I. Acknowledging the contribution of other scholars to the general history of the immediate post-war period, Criss declares her intention to trace the underground resistance movement to British and French occupation in Istanbul. To do so, she has drawn on a tremendous range of secondary sources, English and Turkish, including memoirs, personal interviews, and documentary materials, public and private, from United States, British, French, and Turkish archives, although much archival material for the period is still inaccessible in Turkey. She is particularly to be commended for making information that is found exclusively in Turkish sources available to English-speaking readers.
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My-Van, Tran. "Japan through Vietnamese Eyes (1905–1945)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1999): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400008055.
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Vietnamese resistance to French rule dates back to the mid-nineteenth century, but the first decade of the twentieth century heralded a new chapter in the long history of anti-colonialism in Vietnam. It began with the fervent reformist efforts of a group of nationalist scholars trained and brought up in traditional ways, whose Movement for Modernisation (Phong Trao Duy Tan) was greatly influenced by the rise of Japan in the eastern hemisphere, especially following Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese war (1904–1905). Japan became a source of inspiration and began to be perceived as a model, a stimulant and even as a possible saviour of Vietnam.
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Wood, Sarah L. "How Empires Make Peripheries: ‘Overseas France’ in Contemporary History." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (June 11, 2019): 434–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000917.
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The inhabitants of the overseas departments and collectivities of France have, of late, been reconsidering their relationships both to each other and to the former imperial metropole. In 2011 Mayotte, previously classified as an overseas collectivity, acceded to full French and European status as an overseas department of France following a referendum. This decision to, in the words of the social scientist François Taglioni, further ‘anchor’ the island in the republic has commonly been understood as a pragmatic decision as much as an ideological one. It was a way of distancing Mayotte from the political turmoil in neighbouring independent Comoros, as well as an indicator of the improbability of a small island nation achieving full sovereignty in a multipolar, resource hungry world. The narrative that self-determination must necessarily be obtained through national independence is still prevalent in the language of certain independence movements, including that of the Kanak people of New Caledonia. But it has been repeatedly tested at the ballot box, not least in November 2018 when New Caledonians voted in a referendum on their constitutional future. This referendum – and the further two due to follow it before 2022 – will be observed with interest by other self declared nations in waiting. Some anticipate, not a reclaiming of local sovereignty in the event of independence, but rather a transferral of economic hegemony from France to China, a prospect hinted at by Emmanuel Macron during a visit to Nouméa in 2018. However, the demographic minority status of the Kanak people whom the independentist Kanak and Socialist Liberation Front (Front de libération nationale kanak et socialiste;FLNKS) claims to represent, coupled with divisions within the movement, means it is very hard to predict the contours of a future independent New Caledonian state.
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Heuman, Johannes. "The Challenge of Minority Nationalism." French Historical Studies 43, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 483–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8278500.
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Abstract This article investigates how the French antiracist movement and its main organizations dealt with Zionism and the Middle East conflict from the liberation of France until the early 1970s. Their generally positive view of Israel and their concern for Arab interests at the end of the 1940s demonstrate these republican organizations' desire to recognize ethnic identities. During the 1950s an ideological split between left-wing antiracism and Zionism began to develop, and by the end of the 1960s a number of new antiracist associations questioned the very foundation of the Jewish state. Overall, the study argues that antiracist organizations' stances on and statements about Zionism and the Middle East conflict influenced Jewish-Arab relations during the postwar period and played an important role for both Jews and Arabs. Cet article examine comment le mouvement antiraciste français et ses principales organisations ont abordé le sionisme et le conflit au Moyen-Orient depuis la Libération jusqu'au début des années 1970. Leur opinion surtout positive d'Israël ainsi qu'un souci pour les intérêts arabes à la fin des années 1940 montrent un certain désir par ces organisations républicaines de reconnaître les identités ethniques. Pendant les années 1950, une fracture idéologique entre l'antiracisme de gauche et le sionisme commence à se développer, et dès la fin des années 1960 un activisme plus poussé a amené de nouvelles associations antiracistes à remettre en question les fondements mêmes de l'Etat juif. Dans l'ensemble, l'étude montre que les organisations antiracistes ont été impliquées dans l'élaboration des relations judéo-arabes après la guerre à travers leurs positions et déclarations sur le sionisme et le Moyen-Orient, des questions qui jouent un rôle important pour les Juifs et les Arabes.
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Bui, Xuan Thanh. "The policies of Vietnam Communist Party, of the central office for South Vietnam for the 1953-1954 southern battle in the winter-spring campaign with the peak of Dien Bien Phu campaign." Science and Technology Development Journal 18, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v18i1.1041.
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The South of Vietnam was the Southern part of our fatherland which pioneered in the Resistance War against French colonial forces when they invaded Vietnam again. In the Winter-Spring 1953-1954 Campaign with the peak of Dien Bien Phu Campaign, the Southern Battle was an enemy territory, whose mission was quite hard: to carry out guerrilla warfare, to seize power, to prevent French army’s pacification and expansion for land, for people, to prevent the enemy from supporting each other, to gather the mobile combat forces, to make preparations in the rear and to carry out different aspects of combat at Dien Bien Phu. The Southern Battle worked collaboratively with the Northern Battle, the Central Battle, and the whole Indochina Battle, contributing to the victory of the Winter-Spring Campaign of 1953-1954 with the peak of Dien Bien Phu Campaign. This paper clarifies the policies of the Communist Party of Vietnam and the Central Office for South Vietnam for the Southern Battle from the time the National Resistance movement broke out to the victory of Dien Bien Phu Campaign. It also makes clear the policies, the role and the contribution of the Southern Battle to the Winter-Spring 1953-1954 Campaign, especially the Dien Bien Phu Campaign.
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Logvinov, Igor. "The problems of migration process in Maghrebian literary milieu." Current issues of social sciences and history of medicine 29, no. 1 (February 25, 2021): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24061/2411-6181.1.2021.256.
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As a product of the North African region, Maghrebian literary phenomenon combines specific features of three cultures – Arab, Berber and French and today has a special place in the world literature. The purpose of the proposed article is to demonstrate how the colonization of the Maghreb, the expansion of the French culture, the policy of assimilation and acculturation, a resistance movement of the colonized peoples led to the literary bilingualism of Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco that intensified the literary process in the region in a specific way. The novelty of the article consists in the fact that it reflects the deep connection between the Maghreb Francophone literature and the historical and cultural context. The Maghrebian francophone literature was constituted as early as in the 50s of the last century, but only in the 60s, thanks to the works of A. Memmi and A. Katibi was recognized as a separate area in the world literature. Research methods are a complex of comparative and historical- literary approaches, The fundamental relationship between the Maghrebian francophone literature and historical and cultural context distinguishes it from the mass of the so-called colonial literature. Conclusions. The Maghrebian francophone writers covering the issues of identity and nationality, revival of identity and rebellion, loss of identity and exile, as well as women’s emancipation, determine the specificity of this literary movement. The most famous representatives of the Maghrebian francophone literature are A. Djebar, M. Dib, A. Memmi, M. Feraun, K. Yasin etc. The creative work of these writers identified a new type of literature: d’expression franзaise, nationally specific to each of these countries. This article researches the migrants’ problems and the search for identity in the context of Franco-Maghrebian literary phenomenon of the works of two French-speaking Algerian writers and A.Djebar and L.Sebbar.
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Katz, Ethan B. "Jewish Citizens of an Imperial Nation-State." French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920464.
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Abstract This article draws on the work of recent years on Jews and Algeria to map a French-Algerian frame as a new approach to French Jewish history. The article thinks through the implications of two key ideas from the “new colonial history” for the history of Jews in France and Algeria and posits that Jews in French Algeria can profitably be understood as colonial citizens. After focusing briefly on the French-Algerian War and decolonization, a period for which recent scholarship has developed robustly in suggestive ways, the article turns to a case study from a different era: World War II and the Holocaust. It addresses the history of the majority-Jewish resistance movement in Algiers that paved the way for the success of Operation Torch. Finally, the article considers how this French-Algerian framework might reshape our thinking about certain basic issues in the field of French Jewish history. Cet article s'appuie sur les travaux des dernières années sur les juifs et l'Algérie pour tracer un modèle franco-algérien comme nouvelle approche de l'histoire des juifs en France. L'article examine les implications de deux idées clés de la « nouvelle histoire coloniale » pour l'histoire des juifs en France et en Algérie, et pose comme principe que les juifs de l'Algérie française peuvent à juste titre être compris comme des « citoyens coloniaux ». Cet article commence par aborder brièvement une période que l'historiographie récente a développé de manière suggestive—la guerre franco-algérienne et la décolonisation—avant de passer à l'étude d'une autre époque, la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et l'Holocauste. L'article analyse l'histoire du mouvement de résistance à majorité juive qui a ouvert la voie au succès de l'opération Torch. Enfin, l'article discute de la manière dont ce cadre franco-algérien pourrait modifier notre réflexion sur certaines questions fondamentales pour l'histoire des juifs en France.
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Thorpe, Wayne. "The European Syndicalists and War, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001011.
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This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.
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Ettobi, Mustapha. "Literary Translation and (or as?) Conflict between the Arab World and the West." TranscUlturAl: A Journal of Translation and Cultural Studies 1, no. 1 (August 18, 2008): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21992/t99d06.
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Major developments in the translation of literary works from Arabic into French and English and vice versa tend to indicate that it has been influenced by the geopolitical relationship between the Arab world and Western countries. In my paper I try to show how the essence of this translation history has taken root in the power differentials and conflicts between these two entities by analyzing three different phases of translation, namely:
- Napoleon Bonaparte’s Expedition to Egypt in the 18th century and the translation movement that followed in the 19th century.
- Post-Second-World-War phase including the intense translation activity during the Nasser era.
- From 1988 (when Mahfouz was awarded the Nobel Prize) to the post-9/11 era.
I will also explain how translators (like Canadian-born Johnson-Davies) played a key role in these times of war and/or peace. The work of some of them can also be considered as a form of resistance against prevailing (often negative) representations of the Other and its culture. The article ends with reflections on the current (and future) situation of the translation of Arabic literature into English and French.
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Dunlap, Alexander. "Bureaucratic land grabbing for infrastructural colonization: renewable energy, L’Amassada, and resistance in southern France." Human Geography 13, no. 2 (April 16, 2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620918041.
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Governments and corporations exclaim that “energy transition” to “renewable energy” is going to mitigate ecological catastrophe. French President Emmanuel Macron makes such declarations, but what is the reality of energy infrastructure development? Examining the development of a distributional energy transformer substation in the village of Saint-Victor-et-Melvieu, this article argues that “green” infrastructures are creating conflict and ecological degradation and are the material expression of climate catastrophe. Since 1999, the Aveyron region of southern France has become a desirable area of the so-called renewable energy development, triggering a proliferation of energy infrastructure, including a new transformer substation in St. Victor. Corresponding with this spread of “green” infrastructure has been a 10-year resistance campaign against the transformer. In December 2014, the campaign extended to building a protest site, and ZAD, in the place of the transformer called L’Amassada. Drawing on critical agrarian studies, political ecology, and human geography literatures, the article discusses the arrival process of the transformer, corrupt political behavior, misinformation, and the process of bureaucratic land grabbing. This also documents repression against L’Amassada and their relationship with the Gilets Jaunes “societies in movement.” Finally, the notion of infrastructural colonization is elaborated, demonstrating its relevance to understanding the onslaught of climate and ecological crisis.
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Kaninskaya, Galina N., and Natalya N. Naumova. "The Soviet Press of the Great Patriotic War about the French Squadron “Normandie-Niemen“." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 15, no. 1 (March 11, 2021): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2021-1-6-19.
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The article is devoted to the participation of French pilots of the Normandy squadron in battles on the Soviet-German front as part of the Red Army in 1943-1945. After the defeat of France at the first stage of World War II (1940), the occupation of its territory by Germany and the organization of the Resistance movement “Fighting France” in London by General Charles de Gaulle, the pilots joined him expressed a burning desire to fight the enemy in the skies over Soviet soil. Their participation in the ranks of the Soviet Air Force was a unique event in the history of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union (1945-1945). The article analyzes the information of the Soviet press during the war years about the French squadron “Normandie-Niemen”, which fought in the Soviet Air Force on the Soviet-German front. It is shown that Soviet readers during the Great Patriotic War could get a very complete and reliable idea of the military exploits of French pilots, find out the names of heroes, get acquainted with the military everyday life of officers, appreciate their patriotism and sincere friendly feelings for the Soviet Union and its people. Along with stories about the air battles of the Normandy, the articles of Soviet correspondents contained information about the history of France, how the pilots reacted to the defeat of their country, how and where they fought in the first stage of the Second World War. The press of the war years gave brief sketches of the everyday life of French fighters on Soviet soil, about the curious events that happened to the pilots of the squadron. On the example of newspaper publications 1943-1945. about the military alliance of our and French pilots, you can get an idea of how the cooperation of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition developed and strengthened.
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David, Zdeněk V. "Central Europe's Gentle Voice of Reason: Bílejovský and the Ecclesiology of Utraquism." Austrian History Yearbook 28 (January 1997): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016313.
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The Utraquist Church of Bohemia was unique among the late medieval defections in Western Christendom from the Church of Rome in that it involved the separation of an entire church, organized on a national territory, not merely an underground resistance of relatively isolated and scattered groups of sectarians, like the Waldensians or the Lollards. Moreover, the Bohemian Reformation was linked with a major social upheaval, the Hussite Revolution, lasting from 1419 to 1434, which historians have viewed as an early specimen, if not a prototype or the first link in the chain, of the revolutions of the early modern period in the Euroatlantic world: the Dutch, the English, the American, and the French revolutions. Building mainly on the Bohemian Reform movement that had gathered momentum since the mid-fourteenth century, the Utraquists' defiance of Rome, leading to the Hussite Revolution, was sparked by the burning of Jan Hus at the Council of Constance on July 6, 1415.
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Emma-Adamah, Victor. "Finitude in Maurice Blondel." Journal for Continental Philosophy of Religion 4, no. 2 (October 25, 2022): 166–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25889613-bja10034.
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Abstract The thought of Maurice Blondel has been read (representatively by Emmanuel Falque) as the theological aspirational movement of human action towards the divine, and therefore as the pre-emptive presence of the infinite to human experience. In this reading, absent has been the appreciation of an original Blondelian account of finitude as the essential experience of a human being-toward-death. Against this approach, this essay explores Blondel’s notion of human finitude as a ‘metaphysical experience’ of the existentially revelatory function of death. To this extent, Blondel’s account of finitude positions the philosopher of Aix, beyond the usual contexts of twentieth-century Catholic apologetic philosophy, squarely within Continental philosophical proposals of finitude as seen in Heidegger, Foucault, and Deleuze. Blondel brings to prominence a French Spiritualist account of the positive value of endurance and resistance against death as the revelatory site of a finitude that is neither determined by an a priori closed boundary nor theologically overdetermined as an aspiration to the infinite.
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HÄBERLEN, JOACHIM C., and RUSSELL A. SPINNEY. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000289.
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It might seem trivial and mere common sense to note that revolts and revolutions are deeply emotional moments. In history books and newspapers, we read about the tense and emotionally charged atmosphere that leads to violence when protestors confront police forces, or about furious and passionate crowds acting in defiance of the ideal of rational and coldblooded politics. But rage and anger are not the only emotions involved in the politics of protest. Consider the iconic photographs of the summer strikes during the French Popular Front in 1936, depicting smiling workers occupying their factories and construction sites, or the cheering crowds storming the Berlin Wall in November 1989. Or consider the genre of protest songs, telling stories of solidarity and hope as well as deep sorrow. At times, social and political movements even made feelings their central concern, such as the hippy movement with its calls for free love. On the other side of the political spectrum, conservative as well as social democratic observers often denounced protests and riots as politically irrelevant outbreaks of hatred, or mocked the ‘hysterical’ fear of the peace movement during the 1980s. Somehow, these examples suggest, feelings mattered, yet how precisely they mattered is rarely investigated. The essays in this special issue will address this question in order to enrich our understanding of protest movements, revolts and revolutions. Collectively, they intend to open a theoretical and methodological debate on the role of emotions in the politics of protest and resistance.
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Giac, Nguyen Van. "New insights around the Vo Tru and Tran Cao Van uprising in Phu Yen (1900)." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 5, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): first. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v5i1.649.
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In the context of increasing colonial exploitation policy of the colonial regime, following the period of struggling against the French imperialist aggression by the gathering of resistance centers across the country, some localities also rose up, including the rebellion led by Vo Tru and Tran Cao Van in Phu Yen. Due to the scarce local resources, moreover, it is heavily influenced by popular perceptions of folklore, the research topics so far about this event have been mostly inaccurate, arbitrarily inferred or copied, stereotyped; for example, the flag named ``Minh Trai Chu Te'', the fusion of religions or even of the idealization of Buddhism, the forces involved, the status of the leaders, etc. Based on the newly updated data source, this article conducts criticism of documents so far; at the same time, it provides reasonable explanations with the establishment of some new perceptions of the issue: Vo Tru was not from the circle of Buddhist monks, nor he and most of the party members were ``bandits of Buddhism''; Tu Quang/Da Trang Pagoda was not the headquarters or a main base for gathering forces of the insurgency; Vo Tru and Tran Cao Van were the two enthusiastic Confuciannist leaders who campaigned against the French colonialists. Since then, the uprising bearing the names of these two leaders was a continuation of the Can Vuong movement in Phu Yen and in the whole country in general. This is also a practical historical activity contributing to the restoration of this important event in a closer approach to the authenticity of history.
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Gardam, Michael A. "Is Methicillin-ResistantStaphylococcus aureusan Emerging Community Pathogen? A Review of the Literature." Canadian Journal of Infectious Diseases 11, no. 4 (2000): 202–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2000/424359.
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OBJECTIVES: To discuss the historical epidemiology of methicillin-resistantStaphylococcus aureus(MRSA) and review the literature suggesting that MRSA has become a community pathogen.DATA SOURCES: A search of the MEDLINE database was performed, encompassing all English or French language citations from 1966 to 1999 and containing the subjects and/or text words: 'Staphylococcus aureus', 'methicillin resistance', 'endocarditis', 'cellulites', 'pneumonia' and 'community-acquired'. Articles published in other languages that provided English or French abstracts were included. All relevant references cited in articles obtained from the MEDLINE database and book chapters were also included.DATA EXTRACTION: All articles obtained from the above sources were examined and were included in the review if a laboratory or epidemiological study of community-acquired MRSA was presented.DATA SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSIONS: MRSA has emerged over the past 30 years to become a worldwide nosocomial pathogen and has recently been reported as a cause of community-acquired infections. The changing epidemiology of MRSA is likely because of two mechanisms: the movement of nosocomial MRSA strains into the community and the de novo appearance of community strains resulting from the transfer of genetic material from methicillin-resistant Gram-positive organisms to sensitiveS aureusstrains. The emergence of MRSA as a community pathogen has occurred at a slower rate than it did for penicillin-resistantS aureus(PRSA) in the 1950s and 1960s, possibly because the mechanism of methicillin resistance does not exhibit the same ease of transferability as that of penicillin resistance. Four case reports, seven case series, 10 case-control studies and two cohort studies on community-acquired MRSA were analyzed. Determining whether these reports involve new community-acquired strains rather than previously acquired nosocomial strains can be problematic. It appears, however, that MRSA strains of both nosocomial and community origin are now endemic in certain communities in different parts of the world. Few surveillance studies of nonhospitalized patient populations have been performed to date; thus, the true prevalence of MRSA in the community at large is essentially unknown, although it appears to be low. At present, the empirical treatment of community-acquiredS aureusinfections with a beta-lactamase-stable beta-lactam antibiotic is appropriate for most populations. However, empirical vancomycin therapy for seriousS aureusinfections should be strongly considered for patients with significant risk factors for previously-acquired nosocomial MRSA or for patients belonging to outpatient populations with a proven high prevalence of MRSA. Increasing vancomycin use will likely have a significant impact on the development of resistance in Gram-positive organisms.
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Yang, Kou. "Hmong Diaspora of the Post-War Period." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 12, no. 3 (September 2003): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719680301200302.
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The fear of retaliation, retribution and persecution, combined with alleged forcible re-education by the post-war socialist government of Laos have forced half of the 300,000 Hmong of Laos to flee the country since the Secret War ended in 1975. The majority of these Hmong refugees were resettled in the United States. By 2003 they had established a Hmong American community comparable in size with the current Hmong community in Laos. The rest of these Hmong refugees settled in Australia, Argentina, Canada, Germany, France and French Guyana. Their post-war diasporic experience includes forced dispersion to at least two foreign countries, struggling to maintain a collective memory of their homeland, and maintaining a Hmong ethnic consciousness. Some have experienced difficult relationships with host societies, while others have adapted better, and learned to develop a more tolerant attitude toward diversity. Additionally, a small group of the Hmong in the West continues to support the resistance movement in Laos, where Hmong ethnic oppression is still said to exist. This paper is an attempt to explore the Hmong Diaspora in the Post-Secret War Period. It focuses on two communities in 2003: the Hmong in Laos and Hmong Americans.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, and Bruno Palier. "How do welfare states change? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe." European Review 8, no. 3 (July 2000): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
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In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
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Liakh, Tetiana. "Philosophy of Overcoming as a Constant of Creative Thinking of Lesia Ukrainka." Balkanistic Forum 31, no. 1 (January 10, 2022): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v31i1.12.
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The article explores the philosophy of overcoming in the Lesia Ukrainka’s creative work. This constant of the author’s artistic thinking is consistent with the meaning of “existentialist humanism” according to Sartre, who postulates the existence of man in the world, not introversion. The key to understanding the Lesia Ukrainka’s philosophy of overcoming is the poetry “Contra spem spero!” The artistic reception of the author of the myth of Sisyphus agrees with her understanding of Camus, however, unlike the French philosopher, Lesia Ukrainka sees the meaning of life in the movement to goal, creativity. Another cornerstone of Lesia Ukrainka’s philosophy of overcoming is a resistance to national enslavement and spiritual slavery. The writer dedicates a num-ber of dramatic poems on biblical and mythological themes to this topic, in which the existential mode of national enslavement is projected onto the realities of the author’s day. Lesia Ukrainka reflects the overcoming the “existential vacuum” (Frankl) by heroes, their acquisition of harmony with world through death in her dramas “The Noble Woman [boiarynia]”, “The Forest Song [lisova pisnia]”, and “The Blue Rose [blakytna troianda]”. Studying the philosophy of overcoming in the Lesia Ukrainka’s artistic reception ascertains once again that her creative work, philosophic discourse assonant, on one hand, with the Western European thought of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, and, on the other hand, an original phenomenon in the Ukrainian literature of the outlined period due to projection of individual existence of the poetess.
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myhrvold, nathan. "The Art in Gastronomy: A Modernist Perspective." Gastronomica 11, no. 1 (2011): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2011.11.1.13.
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In the twentieth century, Modernism swept through virtually every form of art and design—except cuisine. In painting, dance, architecture, literature, and nearly every other form of intellectual creative expression, the continual rejection of the old in favor of new, avant-garde styles became, as Renato Poggioli observed, “the typical chronic condition.” But it was not until the 1970s that Nouvelle Cuisine began to transform classical French cooking, and Nouvelle was a rather limited revolution, narrow in its focus on techniques and ingredients, and limited as well in its impact on Spanish and Italian cuisine. A true Modernist revolution in food has begun only recently, as chefs such as Ferran Adrià began consciously developing gastronomic experiences that transform meals into dialogues between chef and diner. Avant-garde cooking emphasizes novel, unconventional presentation of familiar flavor themes—the “deconstruction” of the meal by evoking diners’ memories of past meals while taking the dishes in novel directions. A meal at elBulli or other Modernist restaurants often exposes conventions that guests do not even realize exist until the innovative food violates them. Like other good art, Modernist cuisine is challenging and provocative. Dozens of chefs around the world are now advancing this culinary movement as it follows a trajectory that is similar, in many ways, to the Modernist transformations of other cultural disciplines. Like those predecessor movements, Modernist cuisine has faced some resistance and criticism. But it has arrived.
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Ulianitckaia, L. A. "Language Feminisation in Sociopolitical Space of Russia and France." Discourse 6, no. 3 (July 20, 2020): 140–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2020-6-3-140-159.
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Introduction. The paper reviews dynamics of language feminisation and inclusive writing emergence in the context of social change in Russia and France, identification of common patterns for the languages of the countries, adaptation difficulties of new elaborated spelling and punctuation rules, as well as indentification of sources of resistance to gender reforms in languages considered. The relevance of the study is conditioned by the growing interest of sociolinguists to the issues under consideration and by the importance of scientific record of changes in Russian and French against the backdrop of gender processes of recent years (the analysed material covers the period from 2017 to 2020). The features of direct correlation between social and language changes are reviewed not only within the context of language feminisation and feminism relationship, but also regarding historical aspects.Methodology and data sources. The study was conducted using the materials of French and Russian Internet articles, legal acts gouverning gender linguistic issues in France, statistical research data, explanatory and etymological dictionaries, Russian National Corpus, inclusive writing Instructional materials, video footages, official statements, interviews. During the selection of language material continuous sampling technique was applied; the analysis of the instances was carried out using both synchronic and diachronic approaches, allowing to look at the historical development of the languages in terms of containing feminitives. The study of language processes is carried out within the framework of sociolinguistic approach. The main methodology of language feminisation and inclusive writing study included comparative, descriptive, stylistic, and semantic- syntactic analysis.Results and discussion. The main result of the study is a review of the gender linguistic features of French and Russian. The collected and analysed language material allowed to draw the conclusion about an ongoing predominance of masculine grammatical gender over feminine in cases where using feminine grammatical gender would be reasonable and logically sound. Legal acts gouverning the use of feminitives and inclusive writing were also looked at. An inconsistency between language norm and current society needs, as well as the existence of misconception of feminist movement within society and misinterpretation of its objectives, including those related to language feminisation, are identified.Conclusion. Language is a social phenomenon that provides members of society with successful communication. Over the years people have been observing language changes that may have at first be prejudiced or may have faced rejections, but relented over time and became imperceptible and natural for native speakers. The feminisation of language is a logical process that meets civil, political and personal needs of 21st century people.
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da Silva Horta, José. "Evidence for a Luso-African Identity in “Portuguese” Accounts on “Guinea of Cape Verde” (Sixteenth-Seventeenth Centuries)." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172109.
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Portugal and Western Africa have built a common history since the middle of the fifteenth century. In this century the Portuguese maritime expansion was a pioneer movement within the European expansion process. It established an uninterrupted connection between societies that had never met before. After a short period of Portuguese warlike activities (1436-48), the African resistance to enslavement, inter alia, forced a radical change of strategy. By 1460 the Portuguese had explored the western African coast as far as the present Sierra Leone, and had begun to establish with African societies a fairly peaceful relationship founded on mutual trade interests. Within this context, Christianity, although it might be faced in a different way by each culture, constituted a common “language,” a path to find approaching ground and fulfil reciprocal needs.From the beginning, the Portuguese Crown attempted to establish a monopoly on the European coastal and riverine activities, an attempt that was progressively challenged, in loco, by the French, the English and the Dutch, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. But the State interests were also challenged by illegal private traders that came both from the Iberian Peninsula and Santiago Island and had their own agents in Guinea.The geographical basis for trade activities (legal and illegal) were, at least until the 1560s, the Cape Verde islands, which were discovered ca. 1460-1462. Trade—together with the strategic value of the archipelago to the Atlantic navigation—was the reason why the colonization of the main island, Santiago, began very early, in 1462, followed, at the end of the century, by Fogo island.
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Hrosevych, Taras. "War novel: the history of development and typology of the genre." Fìlologìčnì traktati 12, no. 1 (2020): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/ftrk.2020.12(1)-6.
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The general regularities and main tendencies of the development of a war novel have been researched in the article, an attempt of its typology and periodization is realized, the most common genre models is identified. The novel about the Second World War as a leading epic genre, which develops the theme of war in literature, creatively synthesized all the experience gained by the writers and front-line soldiers, became a noticeable artistic phenomenon and widespread genre formation in Western European, American and Slavic writing. It is concluded that the aesthetic and ideological-thematic level of artistic modeling of war reality is localized in different national literatures unevenly and stipulated first of all for the historical and geopolitical scope of the involvement of warring countries in hostilities. For example, in German military romance, is the so-called "Remarkable" novel, as well as a novel with a marked anti-militaristic nature. The main plot of the French war novel is the resistance movement, while the Italian one is fascist domination and occupation actions in the Balkans. Instead, in Britain, which has escaped occupation, military creativity takes a rather modest place. American writing focuses on war as a social phenomenon, armed conflicts in Vietnam. The polivector artistic search, the richness of types and varieties of war novel (panoramic novel, lyric war novel, anti-fascist novel, soldier novel, war novel-education, war novel with documentary basis, etc.) demonstrates military novel prose of Eastern Slavs. In particular, in the development of the Ukrainian war novel, literary critics distinguish such branches as the war novel, the post-war novel of the first decade, the war novel prose of the "second wave" (etc. pol. 50's - 60's), war novel 70’s-80’s, as well as modern war novels.
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Silva, Maria Valdenia da, Jaquelânia Aristides Pereira, and Maria De Fátima Vasconcelos da Costa. "A LITERATURA COMO GESTO DE RESISTÊNCIA EM “O SAGRADO PÃO DOS FILHOS”, DE CONCEIÇÃO EVARISTO." Revista Graphos 21, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.1516-1536.2019v21n1.46555.
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Resumo: Conceição Evaristo é uma escritora afro-brasileira de grande relevância no cenário nacional atual, sobretudo por construir uma literatura de resistência voltada para as questões etnorraciais e de gênero, num movimento interseccional que envolve também a categoria de classe. Sua produção literária, no geral, é pautada na sua vivência de mulher negra submetida às condições de subalternização diversas no Brasil e pela evocação da memória de seus ancestrais africanos como forma de construir um contradiscurso sobre a luta dos negros no nosso país. Neste artigo, apresentamos o nosso discurso de compreensão do conto “O sagrado pão dos filhos”, do livro Histórias de leves enganos e parecenças, resultante de nossa leitura e interpretação desse texto e da experiência de leitura compartilhada num círculo de leitura com participantes do evento Memórias de Baobá, em Fortaleza. Utilizamos como fundamento da análise literária do conto os dispositivos da crítica literária, da abordagem bakhtiniana da linguagem e da análise do discurso francesa. Podemos dizer que o conto “O sagrado pão dos filhos” foi percebido em sua tessitura estética complexa e reveladora de como a literatura constrói o humano, configurando um gesto decolonial, que faz ecoar vozes silenciadas subjacentes ao processo de subalternização racial tanto econômico quanto simbólico.
Palavras-chave: Literatura afro-brasileira. Conto. Crítica. Resistência. Círculos de leitura.
LITERATURE AS AN ACT OF RESISTANCE IN “O SAGRADO PÃO DOS FILHOS”, BY CONCEIÇÃO EVARISTO
Abstract: Conceição Evaristo is an Afro-Brazilian writer of great relevance in the current Brazilian scenario. She has contributed for building a resistance literature focused on ethno-racial and gender issues, in an intersectional movement which also includes the class category. Her literary production, in general, is guided by her experience as a black woman, submitted to various subaltern conditions in Brazil and by evoking the memory of her African ancestors as a way of constructing a counter-discourse about the black struggle in the country. This paper presents a comprehension discourse of the short story “O sagrado pão dos filhos”, from the book Histórias de leves enganos e parecenças, which resulted from our reading and interpretation of this text and from the experience of a shared reading in a reading circle at Memórias de Baobá, an even held in the city of Fortaleza, Brazil. Literary criticism, Bakhtinian approach of language as well as French discourse analysis were used as basis for the literary analysis of the short story. “O sagrado pão dos filhos” was perceived in its complex aesthetic texture revealing how literature builds the human, setting up a decolonial gesture, echoing silent voices that are subjacent to the racial process of economic and symbolic subalternization.
Keywords: Afro-Brazilian literature. Short story. Critical. Resistance. Reading circles.
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Логунова, Л. Ю., and Е. А. Маженина. "ЦЕННОСТИ И СМЫСЛЫ НЕНАСИЛИЯ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ПРОТЕСТЕ." Konfliktologia 15, no. 4 (February 16, 2021): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-4-58-77.
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The article presents the results of a long-term study of protest as a cultural phenomenon, the transformation of values, realized in the activities of the best people of the planet and their followers. These values have absorbed the experience of many generations and the behavior of people defending the rights of an individual to dignity, equality before the law, fair attitude, freedom of thought. In the history of the development of political thought, values have formed that constitute the core of civil culture. The genesis of the birth of the nucleus of civil culture from the thinkers of Antiquity, ideologists of nonviolent resistance, leaders of the French bourgeois revolution, activists of the “new left” movement to the protests of our time is shown. The basis for updating the protection of these values is the socio-political situation, characterized by the divergence of interests of civil society and ruling political groups. The values of the core of civil culture (freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of assembly, human rights) acquire an acute urgency in situations of power crisis. This is the time of the birth of new values that will mobilize new generations of protesters. Protest, as an act of protecting the values of the individual, is a measure of the level of development of political culture in the state. The protest — it's not just a mass exit of dissent on the area. This is an indicator of the level of self-awareness of citizens and the development of the political culture of society. The symbols of political protest actions are a special text that expresses the meanings of values. The authors present the results of a sociological study, which used comparative, value-semantic, interpretive approaches, studied the meanings and values of political protests of the 20th — early 19th centuries, analyzed visual and publicistic evidence of protest actions: photo and video materials, publications in the press.
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Bright, Shilpa. "An Ecofeminist Reading of Han Kang’s The Vegetarian." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 9, no. 5 (May 28, 2021): 389–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v9i5.11070.
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Ecofeminism depicts the movements and philosophies that establish a close relationship between women and nature. It is also an academic movement that sees a critical connection between the domination of nature and the exploitation of women. The term ‘Ecofeminism’ was coined by the French writer Francoise d’Eaubonne. This term intersects the two critical perspectives- ecology and feminism. Ecofeminist theory asserts that a feminist perspective of ecology does not place women in the dominant position. This theory can be used to explore the connection between women and nature in culture, religion, literature and thus address and bring out the parallels between the oppressions of nature and the oppressions of women. Using gender as an important factor, ecofeminism examines the conditions that cause and perpetuates the subordination of both women and nature. This analysis includes seeing men as the curators of culture and women as the curators of nature, and also how men dominate women and humans dominate nature. This paper titled, ‘An Ecofeminist Reading of Han Kang’s The Vegetarian’ discusses the term ecofeminism and how this theory can be analysed and applied in this book written by Han Kang, a South Korean writer who won the Man Booker International prize for fiction in 2016 for this particular book. The book is about a home-maker whose decision to stop eating meat after a deadly nightmare about human cruelty leads to various problems in her personal life. This paper mainly tries to bring out how women and nature are oppressed by the patriarchy and how both are showing resistance toward this dominance. It investigates how man colonizes nature and as well as women. There are various other books that can be analysed under this feminist theory but this book in a way different as the main protagonist of this book sees vegetarianism as a way of not causing any harm on anything, but asserting her identity and freedom in patriarchal society. Thus this paper brings of the various ecofeminist aspects that can be analysed in this book through the various contexts related to the protagonist.
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Beke, Dirk. "De Berberse Identiteit en Het Nieuwe Meerpartijenstelsel in Algerije." Afrika Focus 9, no. 1-2 (February 2, 1993): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0090102007.
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Berber Identity and the New Multi-Partyism in Algeria The article first argues that the present population of Algeria can be designed as Arabo-Berber and Berber. The original inhabitants, collectively identified by most historians as Berbers, formed no physical ethnic unity, but they had a common Berber language and culture. The Islamisation of the population of North Africa proceeded faster and became almost general, this in contrast to the slower and more limited Arabisation. The physical-ethnic process of Arabisation by settlement and fusion was altogether restrained. The Arabisaiton was essentially a cultural process (language, popular culture, customs, politics, science, arts). About one fourth of the present Algerians resisted to (entire) Arabisation. They are living in, or originated from mountain or desert regions (Kabyles, Shawiya, Mozabites, Touareg). Since independence the official policy of Arabisation, against the strong influence of the French language, referred exclusively to Arabic character of the nation. All expressions of the Berber identity, culture and language were oppressed. Since 1980, a growing cultural revival, mainly among the Kabyles, reacted to this policy. The movement was rather cultural than political. The Berber speaking Algerians seem involved into malry other regional and national alliances. With the introduction of the multi-partyism, in 1989, two ‘Berber’ political parties became active: the FFS (Front des Forces socialistes) and the RCD (Rassemblernent pour la Culture et la Démocratie). Both parties claim to be national parties and insist on defending, besides the recognition of the Berber identity and culture, general political options (socialism, democracy etc.). Electoral results, however, show that their support comes essentially from different factions of the Berber speaking population. It is obvious that the Berber ethnicity is used to gain electoral backing. Besides, today the two ‘Berber’ parties represent the strongest opposition to the Islamic (= Arabic) fundamentalist party, the FIS (Front islamique de Salut), because of their resistance to social, cultural and political intolerance. Secessionist ideas based on Berber ethnicity live only among a small – but well-organised – minority. At the end of 1992, the Berber ethnicity is in Algeria primarily an element of cultural and regional recognition and only secondary an element of political coherence. Finally, Berber ethnicity has also invalidated the official political myth of the homogeneous Algerian Arabic ethnicity.
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Katsouraki, Eve. "Violating Failures: Rosa Luxemburg'sSpartacusManifesto and Dada Berlin Anti-manifestation." Somatechnics 3, no. 1 (March 2013): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2013.0078.
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Some of the greatest Marxist historical accounts of revolutionary events are the accounts of great failures. One needs only mention the German Peasants' War, the Jacobins in the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, the October Revolution, the Chinese Cultural Revolution while numerous others lurk behind many of the battles of the proletariat throughout the twentieth century. In the most radical political engagement, such as the Cultural Revolution for Badiou, or the Nazi Revolution for Heidegger, failure also signals the end of the traditional mode of political engagement as such. But what is failure precisely? And what our confrontation with such failures really means for revolutionary politics and anarchist artistic movements of the early twentieth century such as Dada Berlin? The aim of this articleis thus toexamine failure's capacity to act as a mode of (political) resistance firmly rooted in revolutionary politics and radical anarchist cultural projects. As I argue, failure's radical properties are found in acts of ‘determinate negation'which exhibit a profound anti-conformist ideology that aims to shatter conventional standards of hegemonic value and seek to reshape and loosen the boundaries that determine lived experience in a socio-political and artistic level. To follow through this hypothesis, I explore the embodied activity of the ‘agonal’ embedded in the manifesto in relation to the failed revolution of SpartacusUprise in Berlin of 1919 and the aesthetic attitude of ‘anti-manifestation'exhibited by the deeply politicised, andintimately aliened to the Spartacus agitational project, cultural movement of Dada Berlin. In this context, failure, I argue, is appropriated into a function of doing of the ‘negative’ –anegative poiesis, whose violent tension,already embedded in the performativity of the genre of the manifesto that seeks to subject to the real the foundational force of a future to come,marks artistic praxis onto the political moment with such a creative vigour as if in violently seeking the arrival of the new world and its making.And by looking at Badiou's theories on the four modes of subjectivities, Zizek's reflections on the formation of Badiou's Event, in relation of Heidegger's ontological violence found in the essencing ability of language and of Luxemburg's political philosophy, failure reveals a truly ‘miraculous’ proposition that is other than acceptance of defeat but the call for fidelity, ‘the work of love,’ which resides at the heart of every such violating failure.