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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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1

DeVotta, Neil. "The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Lost Quest for Separatism in Sri Lanka." Asian Survey 49, no. 6 (2009): 1021–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.6.1021.

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The ethnocentric policies successive Sri Lankan governments pursued against the minority Tamils pushed them to try to secede, but the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's (LTTE) immanent contradictions——the quest for state-building and independence juxtaposed with fascistic rule and terrorist practices——undermined the separatist movement and irreparably weakened the Tamil community. The Sri Lankan government's extraconstitutional counterterrorism strategies under Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa helped defeat the LTTE, but the attendant militarism, culture of impunity especially among the defens

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2

Joshi, Manoj. "On the Razor's edge: The liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 19, no. 1 (1996): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109608435994.

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3

Edirisuriya, Piyadasa. "The Rise and Grand Fall of Sri Lanka’s Mahinda Rajapaksa." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (2017): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.211.

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Mahinda Rajapaksa became the president of Sri Lanka in 2005 and ruled the country until his unexpected defeat in the presidential election of 2015. He crushed the militant and very powerful Tamil separatist group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, by military force in 2009. Given his great power and popularity, his defeat in the 2015 election was an astonishing grand fall. This study examines the long rise of Mahinda Rajapaksa and his sudden fall.

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de Silva, Chandra R. "Sri Lanka in 2006: Unresolved Political and Ethnic Conflicts amid Economic Growth." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (2007): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.99.

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Open warfare between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam broke out in mid-year. The two sides met twice in Geneva but failed to resolve their differences. Disagreements within the ruling coalition on how to resolve this conflict resulted in a realignment of political forces. The economy continued to grow, although troubling indicators emerged toward the end of 2006.

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Ratner, Steven R. "Accountability and the Sri Lankan Civil War." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 4 (2012): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.4.0795.

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Sri Lanka's civil war came to a bloody end in May 2009, with the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by Sri Lanka's armed forces on a small strip of land in the island's northeast. The conflict, the product of long-standing tensions between Sri Lanka's majority Sinhalese and minority Tamils over the latter's rights and place in society, had begun in the mid-1980s and ebbed and flowed for some twenty-five years, leading to seventy to eighty thousand deaths on both sides. Government repression of Tamil aspirations was matched with ruthless LTTE tactics, including suicide bombin

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6

Wickramasinghe, Nira. "Sri Lanka in 2008: Waging War for Peace." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (2009): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.59.

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The year 2008 saw a successful military campaign by government security forces against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the North. Elections to the Eastern Province resulted in a break away faction of the LTTE sharing power with the government. People continued to endure high inflation in the price of essential goods and services, and the country's human rights record remained dismal.

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7

Destradi, Sandra. "India and Sri Lanka's Civil War." Asian Survey 52, no. 3 (2012): 595–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.595.

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Abstract This article focuses on India's relationship with Sri Lanka in examining why a regional power failed to manage a conflict in its immediate neighborhood. Historical and domestic factors help explain India's largely hands-off policy (1991–2006). In contrast, regional and international factors underpin its support of Colombo's military campaign against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, including New Delhi's concerns about China.

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8

Shastri, Amita. "Sri Lanka in 2002: Turning the Corner?" Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (2003): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.215.

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Embroiled in a civil war for two decades, a peace process was reinitiated in Sri Lanka with international support. Has Sri Lanka finally turned the corner from war? This article argues that major progress has been made by the United National Front government in opening a dialogue with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Yet, major hurdles remain: support by the Tigers for a political solution remains conditional, they have not laid down their arms, and negotiating an agreement about the prospective political structure promises to be problematic.

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Jani, Meenakshi. "State of Emergence." Columbia Journal of Asia 1, no. 1 (2022): 188–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cja.v1i1.9318.

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During the Sri Lankan Civil War, an entire generation grew up under a condition of violence. I analyze the violence of the Sri Lankan Civil War as a destabilizing as well as productive force, rather than only as the result of pre-existing social conflicts. I argue that the condition of violence during this war lent itself to new iterations of Tamil ethnic identity, focusing on how it created space for the renegotiation of Tamil womanhood. Inspired by Lee Ann Fuji’s conceptualization of ethnicity as “state-sponsored” and performed according to a “script” during periods of ethnic conflict, I arg

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LALKOVIČ, Tomáš. "GEOGRAPHY AND INSURGENT STRATEGY IN SRI LANKA AND THE PHILIPPINES." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 22, no. 1 (2022): 003–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.22.2022.01.003-020.

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The article analyses the influence of geography on the strategy of insurgent groups in Sri Lanka and the Philippines. It uses the conceptualization of geography created by David Galula to examine the influence of 8 distinct categories of geography on the strategy of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The analysis shows that while the geography of Sri Lanka was a driving force that enabled many of the LTTE successes, it had a divisive effect in the Philippines and heavily contributed to the military failures of the Moro independence movement.

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11

Alison, Miranda. "Cogs in the wheel? Women in the liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam." Civil Wars 6, no. 4 (2003): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240308402554.

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12

Uyangoda, Jayadeva. "Sri Lanka in 2009: From Civil War to Political Uncertainties." Asian Survey 50, no. 1 (2010): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.1.104.

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Political developments in Sri Lanka in 2009 centered primarily around the end of the protracted civil war between the state and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), with the total military defeat of the LTTE. Sri Lanka subsequently entered an uncertain phase of post-civil war political reconstruction. The announcement to hold early presidential elections in January 2010 added to uncertainties to Sri Lanka's post-civil war political process. Sri Lanka also moved away from the West toward other Asian and Middle Eastern powers.

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13

Stack-O'Connor, Alisa. "Lions, Tigers, and Freedom Birds: How and Why the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Employs Women." Terrorism and Political Violence 19, no. 1 (2007): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550601054642.

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14

Davis, Jessica. "Gendered Terrorism: Women in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)." Minerva Journal of Women and War 2, no. 1 (2008): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3172/min.2.1.22.

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15

Samaranayake, Gamini. "Political Terrorism of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 30, no. 1 (2007): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400701264092.

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16

Wayland, Sarah. "Ethnonationalist networks and transnational opportunities: the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (2004): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006138.

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This article presents an empirical case study of a type of nonstate actor largely overlooked in the IR literature on transnationalism: the diaspora or transnational ethnic actor. Building upon findings from contentious politics or social movements scholarship, I highlight the nexus of domestic and transnational politics by demonstrating how actors form ethnic networks and utilise transnational opportunities to pursue political goals in various states. Specifically, I argue that the formation of ethnic networks in the Tamil diaspora has enabled the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or ‘Ti

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Laksmono, Miranti Dian. "The Position of Women in the Military: Ethnic Tamil Female Combatants in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)." Martabat: Jurnal Perempuan dan Anak 4, no. 2 (2020): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/martabat.2020.4.2.239-250.

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This paper discusses various factors behind the ethnic Tamil women who decided to join the terrorist militia group, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in the northern and southeastern parts of Sri Lanka. In this discussion it is known that there are three factors that affect the decision of Tamil women to join the LTTE, namely: first, the existence of the Tamil community as an ethnic minority. Second, the occurrence of mass sexual violence and abuse among Tamil women, perpetuated by the Sri Lanka’s majority ethnic group. Finally, the decision of Tamil women to join LTTE is due to the p

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Traunmüller, Richard, Sara Kijewski, and Markus Freitag. "The Silent Victims of Sexual Violence during War: Evidence from a List Experiment in Sri Lanka." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 9 (2019): 2015–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719828053.

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Sexual violence is believed to be widespread during war. Yet empirical evidence concerning its prevalence is often limited. Victims, out of feelings of shame or fear, underreport this form of violence. We tackle this problem by administering a list experiment in a representative survey in Sri Lanka, which is only recently recovering from an ethnic civil war between Sinhalese and Tamils. This unobtrusive method reveals that around 13 percent of the Sri Lankan population has personally experienced sexual assault during the war—a prevalence ten times higher than elicited by direct questioning. We

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Gowrinathan, Nimmi. "The committed female fighter: the political identities of Tamil women in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam." International Feminist Journal of Politics 19, no. 3 (2017): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2017.1299369.

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20

Coningham, Robin, and Nick Lewer. "The Vijayan colonization and the archaeology of identity in Sri Lanka." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (2000): 707–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060105.

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In my tours throughout the interior, I found ancient monuments, apparently defying decay, of which no one could tell the date or the founder; and temples and cities in ruins, whose destroyers were equally unknown. SIR JAMES EMERSON TENNANT(1859: xxv).There are competing, yet interlinked, identities in Sri Lanka through which people ‘establish, maintain, and protect a sense of self-meaning, predictability, and purpose’ (Northrup 1989: 55). These have become established over hundreds of years, and communities are attributed labels including Sinhala, Tamil, Vadda, Buddhist and Hindu (Coningham &a

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Nackers, Kimberly. "Framing the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 7, no. 1 (2015): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00701005.

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The Responsibility to Protect (r2p), as enshrined in the 2005 World Summit Outcome document, aims to protect populations from the commission of mass atrocities. Yet both Sri Lankan government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (ltte) forces killed thousands of civilians during the conclusion of Eelam War Four in Sri Lanka, in spite of the adoption of r2p by the Sri Lankan government. In this article, I argue that these atrocities occurred with little involvement on the part of the international community to stop them, in large part due to existing international political dynamics, which the

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22

Hettiarachchi, Shanthikumar. "TAMIL TIGER ’MARTYRDOM’ IN SRI LANKA: FAITH IN SUICIDE FOR NATIONHOOD?" RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, no. 2 (2007): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102131h.

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The article focuses on the ‘suicide-martyrdom’ deployed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka as a political strategy for self determination and liberation from the ‘Sinhala hegemony’. The protagonists have given a new political-religious meaning to the historically celebrated acts of religious martyrdom, which took place in the name of faith and belief. Suicide strikers do not believe that the suicide acts they commit are lethal. They are portrayed to be valiant acts of honour and sacrifice on behalf of the family, ethnic community, and more importantly against the ‘terr

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23

Fowsar, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed, and Mansoor Mohamed Fazil. "Strong state and weak minority in post-civil war Sri Lanka: A study based on state-in-society approach." International research journal of management, IT and social sciences 7, no. 6 (2020): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v7n6.1013.

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This study aims to analyze the strong state of Sri Lanka that emerged after the civil war during the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was the leading Tamil militant social force, which was waging war against the government to form a separate state in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. The government ended both the separatist struggle of the LTTE and the civil war in May 2009 by winning a major military victory. This study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis and field interviews, supplemented with limited observations. The study r

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Rajeswari, P. R. "US policy on terrorism—Part II cases of Hizbollah and liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam." Strategic Analysis 22, no. 8 (1998): 1215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169808458875.

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25

Thampapillai, Samuel. "State Violence in Sri Lanka: The International Community and the Myth of ‘Normalisation’." Somatechnics 1, no. 1 (2011): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2011.0012.

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This essay examines the foundational role of state violence in the context of the recently concluded military conflict between the Sri Lankan state and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Sri Lanka's conflict, I argue, enables a broader global discourse concerning state violence. I proceed to analyse the operation of state violence in terms of a crucial instrument of counterinsurgency, in which the collective punishment of Tamil civilians presented a Faustian bargain between physical security and political rights. Situated in this context, I demonstrate how the discourse of human righ

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MAUNAGURU, SIDHARTHAN, and JONATHAN SPENCER. "‘You Can Do Anything With a Temple’: Religion, philanthropy, and politics in South London and Sri Lanka." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (2018): 186–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000385.

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AbstractOur title quotation is taken from an interview with the chief trustee of a leading Hindu temple in south London, and captures the curious mixture of philanthropy, politics, and individual ambition that has emerged around Sri Lankan Tamil temples in the diaspora. During the long years of civil war, temples became centres of mobilization for the growing Tamil diaspora, and were often accused of channelling funds to the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) and its various front organizations. Since the end of the war, in 2009, the same temples now support orphanages and other good work

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Obayashi, Kazuhiro. "Information, rebel organization and civil war escalation: The case of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam." International Area Studies Review 17, no. 1 (2014): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865913519260.

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28

Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed. "State-Minority Contestations in Post-colonial Sri Lanka." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 4 (2019): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0065.

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Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought wi

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Fazil, M. M., and M. A. M. Fowsar. "The End of Sri Lanka’s Civil War and the Fall of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE): A Critical Analysis of the Contributed Factors to the Defeat of the LTTE." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 4 (2020): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n4p147.

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Sri Lanka came to the international limelight through the backdrop of its undesirable war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that lasted over three decades. The LTTE was formed as a social force, and then it transformed as a leading armed movement to forward their decades-long quest to set up a Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka. The government ended the LTTE&rsquo;s secessionist struggle in May 2009 after a lengthy and bloody battle. Several national and international factors played a crucial role in ending the civil war sooner. The study used a qualitative method of inquiry to

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Laffey, Mark, and Suthaharan Nadarajah. "The hybridity of liberal peace: States, diasporas and insecurity." Security Dialogue 43, no. 5 (2012): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010612457974.

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Much contemporary analysis of world order rests on and reproduces a dualistic account of the international system, which is divided into liberal and non-liberal spaces, practices and subjectivities. Drawing on postcolonial thought, we challenge such dualisms in two ways. First, we argue that, as a specific form of governmental reason and practice produced at the intersection of the European and the non-European worlds, liberalism has always been hybrid, encompassing within its project both ‘liberal’ and ‘non-liberal’ spaces and practices. Second, through analysis of liberal engagement with dia

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Van de Voorde, Cécile. "Sri Lankan Terrorism: Assessing and Responding to the Threat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)." Police Practice and Research 6, no. 2 (2005): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614260500121195.

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Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Vimalasiri Kamalasiri, Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha, and Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki. "Accommodating Minorities into Sri Lanka’s Post-Civil War State System: Government Initiatives and Their Failure." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 6 (2020): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0132.

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Many observers view the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009 as a significant turning point in the protracted ethnic conflict that was troubling Sri Lanka. The armed struggle and the consequences of war have encouraged the state and society to address the group rights of ethnic minorities and move forward towards state reconstitution. The Tamil minority and international community expect that the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) must introduce inclusive policies as a solution to the ethnic conflict. They believe the state should take measures to avoid another major c

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Silva, Kalinga Tudor. "Nationalism, Caste-blindness and the Continuing Problems of War-Displaced Panchamars in Post-war Jaffna Society." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (2020): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.145.

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This article tries to unpack why subaltern caste groups in Jaffna society have failed to end their displacement and move out of the IDP camps many years after the end of war between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Using both quantitative and qualitative data from the affected communities the paper argues that the interplay among ethnicity, caste and social class and ethnic-biases and caste-blindness of state policies and Sinhala and Tamil politics largely informed by rival nationalist perspectives are among the underlying causes of the prolonged IDP

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Cunningham, Jeremy, and Suren Ladd. "The role of school curriculum in sustainable peace-building: The case of Sri Lanka." Research in Comparative and International Education 13, no. 4 (2018): 570–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499918807027.

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The civil war between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in 2009, with total defeat of the LTTE and many thousands of civilian casualties. The country is now engaged in peace-building. Key elements of the secondary school curriculum – truth-seeking, social cohesion and active citizenship – may contribute to this. Six state secondary schools serving different ethnic and religious groups were selected for qualitative research into how far this is the case. Data was collected on the application of knowledge, skills and values in lessons, extra-curricul

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Ismail, Q. "Boys Will Be Boys: Gender and National Agency in Frantz Fanon and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 11, no. 1 and 2 (1991): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-11-1_and_2-79.

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Balasundaram, Nirmanusan. "Sri Lanka: An Ethnocratic State Endangering Positive Peace in the Island." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 3 (2016): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v8i3.5194.

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Although proclaimed as a democratic republic, the Sri Lankan state is strongly controlled and ruled by Sinhala Buddhist influence due to a deep engrained belief that the island belongs to the Sinhala Buddhists. The modus operandi of the Sri Lankan state apparatus outlines the ethnocratic characteristics of the state. This mono-ethnic and mono-religious attitude has led to the widening and deepening of the discrimination against a particular ethnic group known as the Tamils who traditionally inhabit the North and East of the island. Ethnocracy continues to be defended and justified by the state

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McIntosh, Esther M. "Transitional Local Governance and Minority Political Participation in Post War Sri Lanka." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 2 (2018): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i2.13277.

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In 2011, two years after the end of Sri Lanka’s bitter civil war that spanned three decades, there were more than 600,000 Tamil minority citizens in the country’s Northern Province eligible to vote in local government elections, which took place for the first time since 1998 . The Sri Lankan Tamils, the country’s largest minority group, make up 15.9% of the total population and are geographically concentrated in the northern province where they make up 93% of the population. The northern province looms large in the contemporary socio-political history of Sri Lanka. It was not only the physical

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Price, Megan. "The End Days of the Fourth Eelam War: Sri Lanka's Denialist Challenge to the Laws of War." Ethics & International Affairs 36, no. 1 (2022): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679421000654.

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AbstractDuring the final months of Sri Lanka's 2006–2009 civil war, Sri Lankan armed forces engaged in a disproportionate and indiscriminate shelling campaign against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which culminated in the deaths of tens of thousands of civilians. Conventional wisdom suggests that Sri Lanka undermined international humanitarian law (IHL). Significantly, however, the Sri Lankan government did not directly challenge such law or attempt to justify its departure from it. Rather, it invented a new set of facts about its conduct to sidestep its legal obligations. Though

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Wickramasinghe, Nira. "After the War: A New Patriotism in Sri Lanka?" Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 4 (2009): 1045–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809990738.

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On May 19, 2009, the president of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, dressed in his traditional white sarong and shirt, solemnly addressed Parliament: “The writ of the state now runs across every inch of our territory … we have completely defeated terrorism.” The same day, photographs of the corpse of the ruthless rebel leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran adorned all of the local newspapers. With his death, the secessionist war was over—this endless war that had pitted the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) against the security forces of the government of Sri Lanka since 1983. It had sunk deep into

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Balbín Pérez, Miguel. "Sanciones internacionales y garantías judiciales: el control jurisdiccional de las listas antiterroristas en la Unión Europea." FORO. Revista de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales, Nueva Época 24, no. 1 (2022): 25–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/foro.80945.

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La Resolución 1373 (2001) del Consejo de Seguridad sentó los pilares de la estrategia global de las Naciones Unidas contra el terrorismo. Con el propósito de aplicar dicha resolución, el Consejo de la Unión Europea adoptó la Posición Común 2001/931/PESC, por medio de la cual se imponían medidas restrictivas (sanciones) a una serie de personas, grupos y entidades sospechosas de estar involucradas en la financiación o comisión de actos terroristas. Este trabajo comenzará examinando el papel de las sanciones internacionales como instrumento de lucha antiterrorista y valorando la incidencia de las

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Klem, Bart, and Sidharthan Maunaguru. "Insurgent Rule as Sovereign Mimicry and Mutation: Governance, Kingship, and Violence in Civil Wars." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 3 (2017): 629–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000196.

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AbstractThis article uses the case of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to make a conceptual argument about sovereignty. Despite its aura of natural order, sovereignty is ultimately self-referential and thus somewhat arbitrary and potentially unstable. At the heart of this unsteadiness, we posit, lies the paradox between the systematic tenets of rational governance and the capricious potential of sublime violence. Both are highly relevant to the LTTE case: the movement created de facto state institutions to mimic governance, but simultaneously deployed an elaborate transcendental reg

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Sonia, Dey. "Analysing the Sri Lankan civil war through the lens of conflict resolution theory." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (June 9, 2022): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17410.2.

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The Sri Lankan ethnic conflict can be identified as a landmark event in recent history, reflecting a visible social disunion between the majority and minority ethnic communities. Sri Lanka witnessed a major turnover of events, from circumscribed ethnic clashes to a full-scale civil war. The ripple effects of the Sri Lankan civil war crossed borders and drew global attention. The crisis involved successive governments in power in Colombo and Tamil separatist group, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), paving way for the deadliest social unrest in Sri Lankan history. To mediate the conflict

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O’Halloran, Patrick J., Christian Leuprecht, Ali Ghanbar Pour Dizboni, Alexandra Green, and David Adelstein. "The terrorist resourcing model applied to Canada." Journal of Money Laundering Control 21, no. 1 (2018): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-12-2016-0050.

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Purpose This paper aims to examine whether the money laundering/terrorist financing (ML/TF) model excludes important aspects of terrorist resourcing and whether the terrorist resourcing model (TRM) provides a more comprehensive framework for analysis. Design/methodology/approach Research consisted of case studies of resourcing activities of four listed terrorist organizations between 2001 and 2015: the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Hamas, a grouping of Al Qaeda-inspired individuals and entities under the heading “Al Qaeda inspired” and Hezbollah. Findings The most prevalent resourci

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TERPSTRA, NIELS, and GEORG FRERKS. "Governance Practices and Symbolism: De facto sovereignty and public authority in ‘Tigerland’." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (2018): 1001–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000822.

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AbstractThis article focuses on how the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) insurgency performed de facto sovereignty and public authority in Northeastern Sri Lanka. It is situated within the wider academic debate on governance by state and non-state actors. We venture to unravel the complex linkages between the LTTE's governance practices and legitimation strategies by looking at narratives, performances, and inscriptions. While monopolizing the justice and policing sectors, in other sectors the LTTE operated pragmatically in conjunction with the state. The organization tried to generate

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Sriskandarajah, Dhananjayan. "The Returns of Peace in Sri Lanka: The Development Cart before the Conflict Resolution Horse?" Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 1, no. 2 (2003): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2003.967034101984.

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The current peace process between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is unprecedented on several counts: talks have never lasted this long, been this stable, or been at such a high level in the past. Also unprecedented, and perhaps key to the early success of the process, has been an agreement (referred to in this article as the ‘Killinochchi consensus’) between the main stakeholders that the first priority of conflict resolution is realising the ‘peace dividend’. This has resulted in considerable action and cooperation on reconstruction of the war-torn N

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Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki, Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha, and Vimalasiri Kamalasiri. "State Reluctance towards Inclusive Policies in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p109.

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This study aims to identify the factors preventing the state from responding in a manner that will avoid future conflict in post-civil war Sri Lanka. After the government ended the separatist struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by bringing the civil war to an end in May 2009, the protracted and destructive 30-year war presented an opportunity for both state and society to learn many useful lessons from the long war. These lessons could have enabled the government to reconstitute the state as an inclusive institution, one in which minorities could also participate to ensure

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Guribye, Eugene. "‘Quislings’: Barriers to Linking Social Capital Amongst Members of Pro-Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Non-Governmental Organizations in Norway in a Post-Conflict Situation." Journal of Civil Society 9, no. 3 (2013): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2013.807045.

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Yusoff, Mohammad Agus, and Athambawa Sarjoon. "Post-War Religious Violence, Counter-State Response and Religious Harmony in Sri Lanka." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 3 (2019): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0039.

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Abstract Sri Lankan military forces and government authorities have succeeded to counter measure terrorism by defeating the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). However, their initiatives and efforts to restore peace and harmony among different ethno-religious groups in the post-war context are highly complex. The additional space given to the reemergence of radical religious groups has negatively influenced the process of fostering religious tolerance and harmony, which have been maintained for centuries in the country. Ethno-religious minorities became the major targets of religious hatr

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Imtiyaz, A. R. M. "The Easter Sunday Bombings and the Crisis Facing Sri Lanka’s Muslims." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 1 (2019): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619868244.

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This paper primarily examines the Easter Sunday bombing plotted and executed by a group of Sri Lankan Muslims and post-war Sri Lankan conditions among Sri Lankan Muslims, also known as Moors. The article will attempt to argue that (a) the post-war violence and organized Islamophobia among non-Muslim communities in general and the Sinhalese in particular increased fears and distrust among Sri Lankan Muslims in general; and (b) state concessions to Muslim political leaders, who supported successive Sri Lankan ruling classes from independence through the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil E

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Vithana, E. K. "(A171) Daily Crude Mortality Rate (DCMR) as an Indicator to Measure the Success of Provision of Services to Internally Displaced Population (IDP) in Sri Lanka." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (2011): s59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x11001889.

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BackgroundSri Lanka's 28 year protracted civil conflict between the government forces and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the North of country saw dramatic end by May 2009 when the military forces succeeded in crushing the LTTE. Around 300,000 people were displaced due to the conflict and they were settled in welfare villages established in the North.DiscussionThe Government of Sri Lanka working in partnership with all other actors mounted a major humanitarian response to address the needs of the war displaced population. The Ministry of Health took a leading role in coordinating th

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