Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberia Civil War

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberia Civil War'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberia Civil War"

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Scott, Rena L. "Moving from Impunity to Accountability in Post-War Liberia: Possibilities, Cautions, and Challenges." International Journal of Legal Information 33, no. 3 (2005): 345–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500011227.

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Liberia has become the quintessential example of an African failed state. Though Liberia's civil war is officially over, war criminals are free and some are even helping run the transitional government under the authority of Liberia's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). This peace agreement calls for the consideration of a general amnesty for those involved in the Liberian civil war alongside the parceling of governmental functions among members of various rebel groups. The drafters of the agreement claim that this was the only viable solution for sustainable peace in Liberia. Meanwhile, Charles Taylor relaxes in Nigeria's resort city of Calabar.
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Sesay, Max A. "Civil war and collective intervention in Liberia." Review of African Political Economy 23, no. 67 (March 1996): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249608704176.

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Stańczyk, Anna. "Przemoc i społeczne skutki konfliktów w Liberii i Sierra Leone." Świat Idei i Polityki 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 242–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201712.

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The civil war in Liberia began in 1989, when the country was attacked by the rebels of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) led by Charles Taylor. In Sierra Leone the civil war was initiated in 1991 by Revolutionary United Front (RUF) led by Foday Sankoh. The article describes the specifics of the conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone. It discusses social and economic context of the wars as well as causes of their longevity. In addition, it presents the international community actions for ending the prolonged civil war in Sierra Leone and the importance of the policy “weapon for diamonds”. The article uses a historical-analytical method of research.
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Okoli, Al Chukwuma, George Atelhe, and Ted Alphonsus. "LIBERIA: Civil War and the Complications SALWs Proliferation." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 29 (October 5, 2019): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.29.4.

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Tarr, S. Byron. "The ECOMOG Initiative in Liberia: A Liberian Perspective." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050167x.

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This is a Liberian perspective on the unique initiative by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve the Liberian conflict by organizing and deploying a Peace Monitoring Group in Liberia. It considers whether ECOWAS’ initiative can become a self-reliant security system that can end a civil war and institutionalize deterrence to subregional inter-state and internal conflicts. Can this self-generated, West African initiative set the stage for democratization? Is the initiative the start of an inter-African cooperative security system? Is the model of Nigerian leadership a harbinger of a regional hegemony in the making? Is the modest role of the USA constructive in resolving the conflict, in light of the fact that Liberia is a country with which the USA has had an historic relationship?
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Michelet, Marie-Jo, Guillaume Le Gallais, William Claus, and Pierre Nabeth. "Demographic and nutritional consequences of civil war in Liberia." Lancet 349, no. 9044 (January 1997): 59–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)62198-8.

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Badger, Lindsey. "Liberia: War and Peace 1989-2007: A Research Guide." African Research & Documentation 106 (2008): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018628.

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The Liberian civil wars spanned fourteen years, from 1989 to 2003. It is estimated that during this time over 250,000 people were killed and more than 1,000,000 were displaced. The wars were covered regularly in American news. Reports characteristically represented the child militias, human sacrifices, and crazed army tactics, including but not limited to soldiers cross-dressing or using nudity as methods of intimidation. Initially, little attention was offered to the greater social and political implications of the war, but recent news coverage and critical research has demanded a change in the way that the civil wars were viewed and addressed, internally and internationally.The first Liberian civil war was led by the conflicting political factions of Samuel Doe and Charles Taylor. These men were backed largely by members of different groups, divided by existing ethnic tensions. These factions divided further as the war progressed, and the war continued long after Doe's assassination in 1990 and his party's defeat.
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Badger, Lindsey. "Liberia: War and Peace 1989-2007: A Research Guide." African Research & Documentation 106 (2008): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018628.

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The Liberian civil wars spanned fourteen years, from 1989 to 2003. It is estimated that during this time over 250,000 people were killed and more than 1,000,000 were displaced. The wars were covered regularly in American news. Reports characteristically represented the child militias, human sacrifices, and crazed army tactics, including but not limited to soldiers cross-dressing or using nudity as methods of intimidation. Initially, little attention was offered to the greater social and political implications of the war, but recent news coverage and critical research has demanded a change in the way that the civil wars were viewed and addressed, internally and internationally.The first Liberian civil war was led by the conflicting political factions of Samuel Doe and Charles Taylor. These men were backed largely by members of different groups, divided by existing ethnic tensions. These factions divided further as the war progressed, and the war continued long after Doe's assassination in 1990 and his party's defeat.
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Smith, Dane F. "US–Guinea relations during the rise and fall of Charles Taylor." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 3 (August 3, 2006): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001832.

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The Liberian civil war was the major issue in US–Guinea relations between 1990 and 2003. During the first half of this period, the US sought with limited success to secure Guinea's cooperation in finding a diplomatic solution. President Conté viewed Charles Taylor as Guinea's implacable enemy and authorised arms support for anti-Taylor factions, while the US pressed for a negotiated peace. The Guinean leader's negative reaction to US criticism of the flawed 1993 presidential elections halted most dialogue on Liberia for the next two years. When Taylor continued supporting civil war in Sierra Leone after 1997, and fighters allied to him assaulted Guinea border posts in 1999, the US strengthened its engagement with Guinea. Providing military training and non-lethal equipment, it sought to counter the threat that Guinea would succumb to the destabilisation which had afflicted Liberia and Sierra Leone. The US appears positioned to play a positive role in Guinea's political and economic transition after the departure from the scene of the seriously ill Guinean president.
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Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.

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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberia Civil War"

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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana? : ECOMOG in Liberia, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310155.

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Utas, Mats. "Sweet Battlefields : Youth and the Liberian Civil War." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, Univ. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3483.

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Agbedahin, Komlan. "Young veterans, not always social misfits: a sociological discourse of Liberian transmogrification experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003104.

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This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.
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Olonisakin, Olufunmilayo Titilayo. "Peace creation and peace support operations : an analysis of the ECOMOG operation in Liberia." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310492.

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Antwi-Ansorge, Nana Akua. "Ethnic mobilisation and the Liberian civil war (1989-2003)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d7a54b2-e2e9-4f72-aad4-2301e9cf2def.

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This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.
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Whetstone, Crystal Marie. "Is the Motherist Approach More Helpful in Obtaining Women's Rights than a Feminist Approach? A Comparative Study of Lebanon and Liberia." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1369300531.

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Karmue, Quanuquanei Alfred. "Witness: An Artist’s Journey Into The Past." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1182.

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This thesis as a social documentary, using images to provoke awareness of the emotions of children, their lives during the 15-year old Civil War that was in Liberia, West Africa. This thesis will visually explore different timelines, the past, the present and the future of children depicted. In depicting the past, the images capturing specific moment of what a child had to witness during the war. In depicting the present images showcase the aftermath of the war for children who have survived, and finally, for the future, images showcasing how the lives of some of the children have changed because of sacrifices made by people who observed the war and its consequences. Inspiration was gathered from several groups of artists that covered events such as the Great Depression, Vietnam, the Holocaust, etc. These artists include: Henry Mayhew, Jacob Riis, Lewis Hine, Walker Evans, and Gordon Parks among many.
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Ballah, Henryatta Louise. "Listen, Politics is not for Children: Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354564839.

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Käihkö, Ilmari. "Bush Generals and Small Boy Battalions : Military Cohesion in Liberia and Beyond." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-283199.

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All organizations involved in war are concerned with military cohesion. Yet previous studies have only investigated cohesion in a very narrow manner, focusing almost solely on Western state militaries or on micro-level explanations. This dissertation argues for the need to broaden this perspective. It focuses on three classic sources of cohesion – coercion, compensation and constructs (such as identity and ideology) – and investigates their relevance in the Second Liberian Civil War (1999-2003). More specifically, this dissertation consists of an inquiry of how the conflict's three main military organizations – Charles Taylor’s Government of Liberia (GoL), the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) and Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) – drew on these three sources to foster cohesion. Based on thirteen months of ethnographic fieldwork with former combatants, this dissertation contains five parts: an introduction, which focuses on issues of theory and method, and four essays that investigate the three sources of cohesion in the three organizations. Essay I focuses on the LURD rebels, and provides an insider account of their strategy. It shows that even decentralized movements like the LURD can execute strategy, and contends that the LURD fought its fiercest battles not against the government, but to keep itself together. Essay II focuses on coercion, and counters the prevailing view of African rebels’ extensive use of coercion to keep themselves together. Since extreme coercion in particular remained illegitimate, its use would have decreased, rather than increased, cohesion. Essay III investigates the government militias to whom warfighting was subcontracted. In a context characterized by a weak state and fragmented social organization, compensation may have remained the only available source of cohesion. Essay IV investigates identities as sources of cohesion. It argues that while identities are a powerful cohesive source, they must be both created and maintained to remain relevant. Taken together, this dissertation argues for a more comprehensive approach to the investigation of cohesion, and one that also takes into account mezzo- and macro-level factors.
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Estrada, Corpeño Tania Melissa. "Rebel Whispers : An issue-based approach to peace agreement success and civil war resolution." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-413294.

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While issues remain under-researched, peace agreement success has been linked primarily to the proper treatment of the parties’ security-related concerns. This study explores why some peace agreements succeed while others fail by using an issue-based approach arguing that issues are an expression of underlying grievances, which have caused the rebel groups to engage in armed conflict. Therefore, peace agreements that do not address the issues, which reflect grievances, will fail. I tested the hypothesis and the proposed theoretical relationship through the structured focused comparison of three peace agreements: The Lomé Peace Agreement, the Accra Peace Agreement and the Final Agreement National Government – Popular Liberation Army. The method employed in this study comprised first, determining the salience the rebel groups assigned to their issues -for which it was necessary to create a measure for issue salience- and second, examining the peace agreement’s provisions to determine if the rebel group’s issues were addressed. The results show that peace agreements that included the salient issues of the groups failed; however, peace agreements that did not include them, succeeded. Hence, the findings suggest that the inclusion of the rebel group’s issues in the peace agreement cannot account for the agreement’s success or failure.
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Books on the topic "Liberia Civil War"

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The Liberian Civil War. London: F. Cass, 1998.

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Brehun, Leonard. Liberia: War of horror. Accra, Ghana: Adwinsa Publications, 1991.

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Chea, Augustine S. Joy after mourning: The Liberia Civil War. Decatur, Ga: A.S. Chea, 1996.

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Escape from war-torn Liberia: My personal recollection of the Liberian civil war. [Accra: s.n.], 2008.

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Kulah, Arthur F. Liberia will rise again: Reflections on the Liberian civil crisis. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1999.

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Liberia: The path to war. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2007.

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Youboty, James. Liberian civil war: A graphic account. Philadelphia, Pa: Parkside Impressions Enterprises, 1993.

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Barrett, Lindsay. Report on Liberia. Monrovia, Liberia: Yandia Printing Press, 1993.

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Sengupta, Shankar Lal. Mission Liberia. New Delhi: Pacific Books International, 2018.

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Tutton, Thomas. A friend thru terror: The Liberian Civil War, 1989-1996. Enumclaw, WA: Pleasant Word, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberia Civil War"

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Hogan, Edmund. "Liberia as a two-state entity." In Liberia's First Civil War, 154–66. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-12.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Enemies of the revolution cross into Liberia and liberation from tyranny is proclaimed." In Liberia's First Civil War, 89–103. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-8.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Internal tensions within militias produces chaotic conditions in Greater Liberia, but Civil Society emerges as a major player." In Liberia's First Civil War, 257–72. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-19.

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Hogan, Edmund. "The incursion of NPRAG forces into Sierra Leone and the signing of the Yamoussoukro accord." In Liberia's First Civil War, 167–78. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-13.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Large-scale rebel rearming threatens attempts to implement Yamoussoukro agreement." In Liberia's First Civil War, 179–92. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-14.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Dawn of the revolution – the 1980 coup." In Liberia's First Civil War, 25–36. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-3.

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Hogan, Edmund. "The appointment of a UN Special Representative amid continuing atrocities." In Liberia's First Civil War, 227–41. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-17.

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Hogan, Edmund. "ECOWAS and UN commitments increase in the region." In Liberia's First Civil War, 242–53. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-18.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Return to civilian rule." In Liberia's First Civil War, 50–61. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-5.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Remote causes of Liberia's revolution." In Liberia's First Civil War, 3–7. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Liberia Civil War"

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Lee, Joshua D., and Leila Sai Srinivasan. "Reducing Carbon and Improving Thermal Comfort for an Orphan Village in Rural Liberia." In 2020 ACSA Fall Conference. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.fallintercarbon.20.16.

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Liberia experienced two devastating civil wars during the 1990s and early 2000s that resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths and nearly total destruction of its electrical and water infrastructure systems. The loss of these systems has been especially acute and persistent in rural areas where power is generally provided by small, inefficient, gas-powered generators to power lighting and electric fans. Thus, it is imperative that buildings in Liberia reduce their carbon footprint while improving thermal comfort by employing a variety of passive strategies. The project presented in this paper tested a variety of strategies and adapted them to the specific program, climate, society, materials, and methods of construction currently available in rural Liberia. The team used a series of computational fluid dynamic (CFD) simulations to assess the best combination of ventilation strategies for thermal comfort. Based on the previous research these simulations were focused on increasing air speeds to improve thermal comfort in this hot and humid climate. A comparison of the baseline design against interventions such as wind funnels and angles of the slats in jalousie windows show the way the wind speeds and patterns of wind movement thereby enabling informed decision making. These recommendations were then constructed and tested in the first built prototype, a communal home for orphans on a new eco-village near Buchanan City. This made it possible to calibrate subsequent simulation models with the actual ventilation metrics and airflow patterns onsite as the campus expands. An iterative process of simulations and physical site measurements has led to a number of important insights for this development and those in the surrounding area as elements of this work are already being copied in the area, creating a new, more sustainable, lower carbon vernacular for rural Liberia.
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Marinković, Milica. "Ugovor o najmu prema Napoleonovom Građanskom zakoniku." In XVI Majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/upk20.131m.

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The author in the paper processes the contract of lease according too the French Civil Code of 1804. Contrary to today’s understanding of the term “lease” that limits the object of this contract to things, especially real estate, in Napoleon’s Civil Code that object could have been work as well. This understanding of lease was completely in accordance with the roman concept of the contract of the same name, and Roman law had significant, if not prevailing influence on the formulation of certain institutes in the Civil Code of 1804. Bearing in mind the theme of the conference in which this paper will be presented, the author puts focus on the lease of work and tries to bring closer the way that liberal capitalism of the late XVIII and early XIX centuries influenced the shape of the legal institutes of labour and service law.
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Glushkova, Svetlana. "Liberal Ideas of B.N. Chicherin: The Past and The Present." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-25.

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Russian liberal heritage, first of all, the scientific works of the famous Russian legal expert Boris Chicherin, is the fundamental basis for the developing science of human rights in modern Russia; it is from this position that this article examines Chicherin’s work. The main purpose of the study is to identify Chicherin’s priorities in shaping new progressive ideas for Russia and to examine the transformation of his views. In examining and analysing Chicherin’s liberal ideas, historical, logical and comparative methods were applied. It has been concluded that Chicherin set the foundation of the liberal theory of human rights, elaborated a set of progressive ideas and a blueprint of reforms, which determined the formation of several generations of liberals in autocratic Russia and are still relevant today. Defending the priority of private law over public law, Chicherin argued: a civil order based on private law must always be free from state absorption. He was among the first in Russia to develop the idea of a constitutional state in relation with the creation of free institutions and the formation of a high intellectual and moral level of society. By developing the new policy of ‘liberal measures and strong state authority’ as an optimal model for Russian state and society, Chicherin gave rise to the formation of political science in Russia. The author believes that the analysis and discussion of Chicherin’s academic writings in university classrooms and at academic conferences contribute to the formation of a culture of human rights, a liberal worldview, a new generation of reformers, and the advancement of the emerging science of human rights.
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Horvat Vuković, Ana, and Valentino Kuzelj. "CONSTITUTIONALITY DURING TIMES OF CRISIS: ANTI-PANDEMIC MEASURES AND THEIR EFFECT ON THE RULE OF LAW IN CROATIA." In 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.59.

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The Croatian constitution-maker’s dedication to the concept of a social state begets the state’s duty to care for public health. This duty is especially salient amid the SARS-CoV-2 virus pandemic. One would be well-advised to be watchful of the dangers that periods of crisis pose for the viability of liberal democracies: in Croatia, protective measures against the COVID-19 disease have been entrusted to the national Civil Protection Command in an initially illegal way. This was later on retroactively convalidated by legislative “patchwork” solutions. It is to be expected that the issue of such measures’ constitutionality will in the foreseeable future present itself on the Constitutional Court’s docket. This paper focuses on one of the most contentious measures - that of a ban on Sunday trade, particularly its implications for the economic constitutional rights such as the right of ownership and entrepreneurial freedom. Furthermore, the authors’ analysis of several Constitutional Court’s decisions from the time of the previous economic crisis will endeavor to anticipate the Court’s decisions in upcoming cases.
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Mihály, Kristóf. "The Transition from a Feudal Society to a Social Structure based upon Civil Rights in Hungary with Particular Regard to Preparatory Draft Law." In Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-8.

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In this study, I review the immediate antecedents of the civil transition as the most profound development. The codification attempts of the Enlightenment of the 1790s and the liberalism of the 1830s and 1840s are the focal points of my doctoral research. In order to drafting bills to reform the feudal state based on customary law and privileges without changing the basic public law framework, nine so-called national regular committees were set forth by Article 67 of Act 1791. The committees completed their work and sent their drafts, known as so-called operatives, to the king between 1792 and 1795. After all, the completed operatives were not put on the agenda of Parliament due to changes in the domestic and foreign policy status quo. They only emerged from the archives of the Chancellery thanks to the committees set up by Article 8 of Act 1827. These committees were responsible for reviewing the “forgotten” operatives, which were finally printed and sent to the counties for comments. The Hungarian liberal noble opposition was organised first as a movement and then as a party during these county debates (1831–1832) in order to replace the feudal system by manifesting the basic principles of the civil transition in the so-called laws of April (representation of the people, the right to private property, equality of rights, burden sharing, etc.)
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Uzra, Mehbuba Tune, and Peter Scrivener. "Designing Post-colonial Domesticity: Positions and Polarities in the Feminine Reception of New Residential Patterns in Modernising East Pakistan and Bangladesh." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4027pcwf6.

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When Paul Rudolph was commissioned to design a new university campus for East Pakistan in the mid-1960s, the project was among the first to introduce the expressionist brutalist lexicon of late-modernism into the changing architectural language of postcolonial South and Southeast Asia. Beyond the formal and tectonic ruptures with established colonial-modern norms that these designs represented, they also introduced equally radical challenges to established patterns of domestic space-use. Principles of open-planning and functional zoning employed by Rudolf in the design of academic staff accommodation, for example, evidently reflected a socially progressive approach – in light of the contemporary civil rights movement back in America – to the accommodation of domestic servants within the household of the modern nuclear family. As subsequent residents would recount, however, these same planning principles could have very different and even opposite implications for the privacy and sense of security of Bangladeshi academics and their families. The paper explores and interprets the post-occupancy experience of living in such novel ‘ultra-modern’ patterns of a new domesticity in postcolonial Bangladesh, and their reception and adaptation into the evolving norms of everyday residential development over the decades since. Specifically, it examines the reception of and responses to these radically new residential patterns by female members of the evolving modern Bengali Muslim middle class who were becoming progressively more liberal in their outlook and lifestyles, whilst retaining consciousness and respect for the abiding significance in their personal and family lives of traditional cultural practices and religious affinities. Drawing from the case material and methods of an on-going PhD study, the paper will offer a contrapuntal analysis of architectural and ethnological evidence of how the modern Bengali woman negotiates, adapts to and calibrates these received architectural patterns of domesticity whilst simultaneously crafting a reembraced cultural concept of femininity, in a fluid dialogical process of refashioning both space and self.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Reports on the topic "Liberia Civil War"

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Larmin, Augustine T., and Daniel L. Banini. Civil wars and stumbling of patriarchal societies: The reconstruction of gender relations in post-conflict Liberia. UNU-WIDER, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2022/278-2.

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Liaga, Emmaculate Asige. Towards Local Approaches and Inclusive Peacebuilding in South Sudan. RESOLVE Network, October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.24.lpbi.

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The post-liberation peacebuilding in South Sudan, which largely drew from liberal peace theory, was employed between 2005 (after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and before the referendum, secession, and independence in 2011) and December 2013 (when it imploded into a civil conflict) and proved insufficient to sustain the fragile peace that briefly existed after the country’s secession from Sudan. After a protracted conflict lasting almost half a decade and the presence of multiple peace actors, the lack of a comprehensive and coordinated peacebuilding strategy proved detrimental. This failure is partly due to poor coordination between stakeholders and lack of local/domestic legitimacy, leading to insufficient peacebuilding and an aggravation of the 2013 conflict. Over the years, liberal peacebuilding strategies, which emphasize formal institution-building and statebuilding in fragile and conflict-affected environments, continue to produce mixed to poor results and fragile peace. This decline has resulted in the shifting of discourses and operations within peacebuilding, a paradigm shift that pays greater attention to localization and the local context in the conceptualization of peacebuilding objectives and strategies. This transformation promotes local ownership and inclusivity in peace processes and their dividends. The dialogue on inclusive peace has thus gained momentum, bearing a need to fully engage both states and societies in this process. The “local” in peacebuilding forms an important resource when solving root causes of conflicts, as in South Sudan, by improving awareness of the cultural and historical diversity in a given context.
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Relationship Between ‘Civil Society’ and ‘Democratic Freedoms’. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.086.

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Notwithstanding the point that definitions of ‘civil society’ and ‘democracy’ are themselves actively debated, this rapid review defines democracy as ‘liberal democracy’, which goes beyond elections to include liberal components such as equality before the law, individual liberties, rule of law, and independent judiciary and legislature that constrains the executive (Grahn and Lührmann, 2020, p.8). Civil society is defined as “an organizational layer of the polity that lies between the state and private life composed of voluntary associations of people joined together in common purpose” (Coppedge et al. 2016, p.413). Thus, this rapid review seeks to find out what evidence is there on the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms? The overall sense from the vast array of literature that looks at the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms is that civil society is important for democracy, but there is no “automatic flow” from one to the other. Rather, the relationship is contingent on the nature of civil society, in addition to other dynamic, context-specific factors. Most of the evidence found during this rapid review was in studies that break down this broad topic into smaller sub-questions. They tended to be case studies that look at specific elements of ‘democratic freedoms’ (e.g., human rights, or anti-corruption), focus on specific countries, or were related to specific mechanisms (e.g., collective action) or processes (e.g., democratic regression). Each of these sub-topics is itself a large and contested area of research. According to some scholars, these case studies are overwhelmingly positive about civil society’s relationship to liberal democratic norms and practices. Some studies show that democratic regression occurs where the demands of a highly mobilised civil society cannot be effectively channelled by the party system or occur in contexts characterised by ethnic and regional differences or socio-economic inequalities.
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