Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberia Civil War, 1989-

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
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  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberia Civil War, 1989-'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-"

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Badger, Lindsey. "Liberia: War and Peace 1989-2007: A Research Guide." African Research & Documentation 106 (2008): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018628.

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The Liberian civil wars spanned fourteen years, from 1989 to 2003. It is estimated that during this time over 250,000 people were killed and more than 1,000,000 were displaced. The wars were covered regularly in American news. Reports characteristically represented the child militias, human sacrifices, and crazed army tactics, including but not limited to soldiers cross-dressing or using nudity as methods of intimidation. Initially, little attention was offered to the greater social and political implications of the war, but recent news coverage and critical research has demanded a change in the way that the civil wars were viewed and addressed, internally and internationally.The first Liberian civil war was led by the conflicting political factions of Samuel Doe and Charles Taylor. These men were backed largely by members of different groups, divided by existing ethnic tensions. These factions divided further as the war progressed, and the war continued long after Doe's assassination in 1990 and his party's defeat.
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Badger, Lindsey. "Liberia: War and Peace 1989-2007: A Research Guide." African Research & Documentation 106 (2008): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018628.

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The Liberian civil wars spanned fourteen years, from 1989 to 2003. It is estimated that during this time over 250,000 people were killed and more than 1,000,000 were displaced. The wars were covered regularly in American news. Reports characteristically represented the child militias, human sacrifices, and crazed army tactics, including but not limited to soldiers cross-dressing or using nudity as methods of intimidation. Initially, little attention was offered to the greater social and political implications of the war, but recent news coverage and critical research has demanded a change in the way that the civil wars were viewed and addressed, internally and internationally.The first Liberian civil war was led by the conflicting political factions of Samuel Doe and Charles Taylor. These men were backed largely by members of different groups, divided by existing ethnic tensions. These factions divided further as the war progressed, and the war continued long after Doe's assassination in 1990 and his party's defeat.
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Stańczyk, Anna. "Przemoc i społeczne skutki konfliktów w Liberii i Sierra Leone." Świat Idei i Polityki 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 242–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201712.

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The civil war in Liberia began in 1989, when the country was attacked by the rebels of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) led by Charles Taylor. In Sierra Leone the civil war was initiated in 1991 by Revolutionary United Front (RUF) led by Foday Sankoh. The article describes the specifics of the conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone. It discusses social and economic context of the wars as well as causes of their longevity. In addition, it presents the international community actions for ending the prolonged civil war in Sierra Leone and the importance of the policy “weapon for diamonds”. The article uses a historical-analytical method of research.
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Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.

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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.
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Svärd, Proscovia. "Has the Freedom of Information Act enhanced transparency and the free flow of information in Liberia?" Information Development 34, no. 1 (October 3, 2016): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666916672717.

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This article investigates if the adoption of the Liberian Freedom of Information (FOI) law 2010 has led to a transparent government and increased the free flow of government information. Freeing government information is expected to create transparent and accountable governments. It brings forth democratic and inclusive government institutions that work for the people. Inclusivity, transparency and accountability are expected to address sustainable development challenges and democracy deficits. Transparency and accountability can only be achieved through access to government information. The right to access government information is also included in the national constitution of Liberia. The citizens of Liberia in West Africa suffered from a protracted civil war between 1989–1996 and 1999–2003 respectively. These wars were partly caused by non-accountability of the governments, endemic corruption and the mismanagement of the countries’ resources. Efforts are being made by the government with the help of the international community to embrace a new democratic dispensation. Liberia was also one of the first African countries to enact a Freedom of Information (FOI) Law that would enable Liberians to access government information.
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Korczyc, Aleksandra. "State Security Policy and Changing the Nature of the Conflict after the End of the Cold War Rivalry." Security Dimensions 30, no. 30 (June 28, 2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7549.

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The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.
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Bangura, Ibrahim. "Resisting War: Guinean Youth and Civil Wars in the Mano River Basin." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 14, no. 1 (April 2019): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619833286.

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For more than two decades, the Mano River Basin was trapped in a spiral of violent civil wars at the centre of which were the region’s youth. However, in spite of the similarities in contexts, and despite its history and external attacks by insurgency groups based in Liberia and Sierra Leone, Guinea did not degenerate into a civil war. The immediate question then is, what factors might have been responsible at that time for mitigating the potential involvement of the country’s youth in a civil war, and can the lessons learned from Guinea be emulated in conflict-affected countries today? This article provides in-depth perspectives into the Guinean youth and the factors that mitigated their involvement in violent insurrections against the state from 1989 to 2011. It also juxtaposes the findings on Guinea with conclusions on factors responsible for involvement of youth in the civil wars in other countries in the region.
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Woolaver, Hannah. "R v. Reeves Taylor (Appellant). [2019] UKSC 51." American Journal of International Law 114, no. 4 (October 2020): 749–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2020.51.

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The First Liberian Civil War (1989–1996), in which Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) waged an ultimately successful military campaign to depose President Samuel Doe, was characterized by widespread atrocities. During this period, Agnes Reeves Taylor, known as “The Mother of the Revolution” and at the time Charles Taylor's wife, allegedly committed multiple acts of torture in her capacity as a high-ranking member of the NPFL. After moving to the United Kingdom, Agnes Taylor was charged in 2017 with seven counts of torture and one of conspiracy to commit torture under Section 134 of the UK Criminal Justice Act 1988 (CJA), which domesticates aspects of the UN Convention Against Torture 1984 (CAT) and asserts universal jurisdiction over torture. During the prosecution, a question over a key definitional element of the crime was appealed to the UK Supreme Court (Supreme Court): whether nonstate actors could be liable under the statute, which requires that torture be carried out by a “public official or person acting in an official capacity” (para. 14). The Court gave a qualified answer in the affirmative, holding that this definition includes individuals acting for a nonstate body that exercises control over territory and carries out governmental functions in this territory. As the first apex court decision extending liability for torture to de facto authorities, the Supreme Court decision is likely to have significant jurisprudential influence well beyond the United Kingdom.
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Opioła, Wojciech. "Polish discourses concerning the Spanish Civil War. Analysis of the Polish press 1936-2015." Central European Journal of Communication 10, no. 2 (January 8, 2018): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.10.2(19).4.

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The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, as an ideologised and mythologised event, has been and is still used instrumentally within the Polish public discourse. The war was an important subject for the Polish press in the years 1936–1939. The Catholic, national-democratic, and conservative press supported General Franco’s rebellion. The governmental and pro-government press also supported the rebels. The Christian-democratic and peasants’ party press remained neutral. The social demo­cratic, communist, and radical press backed the Spanish Republic — as did liberal-conservative organs such as Wiadomości Literackie. After the Second World War, the Polish communist media created the positive legend of Polish participants in the Spanish Civil War in the International Brigades, label­ling Franco’s post-war regime fascist. In contemporary Poland, the same division within the Polish political scene as in 1936–1939 can be observed. Starting in 1990, the Spanish Civil War, as a subject of the Polish political discourse, has been the source of heated disputes, whose participants often present more radical views and narratives. The key issues that entered the canon of Polish political disputes after 1989 the International Brigades of volunteers, religious crimes, the support of fascists and communists for opposite sides of the conflict, are concentrated along the lines of the dispute arising from the debate within pre-war Poland: the clash of the traditional, Catholic world with the communist revolution.
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Juliana Daniels. "In the name of war: Hypermasculinity in Elma Shaw’s redemption road." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 17, no. 1 (January 30, 2023): 1030–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2023.17.1.0092.

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The paper examines hyper-masculinity in West African war literature. Masculinity, hegemonic masculinity, and hyper-masculinity are all recurrent themes in Social Sciences and other fields of study but not so much in Literature. The disparity between the war history of West Africa, the few literary works on conflicts in West Africa, and the dearth of literary studies on Africa’s war literature underscore this study. Elma Shaw’s Redemption Road is one of the very few war novels on Liberia’s civil war that spanned from 1989 to 2003 and cost the lives of over 250,000 people. Through the frameworks of postcolonialism and hypermasculinity, this paper analyses hypermasculinity and gender relations in Shaw’s post-colonial war novel. The geopolitical struggles of the post-colony, the emblematic dichotomies of feminine and masculine, and their implications on gender relations in war discourse are centralized. The study demonstrates that faulty childhood context, faulty governance, poor coping strategies, and the fear-loaded cultural oppression of males to show manliness culminate in the trials of men in this fictional post-colonial Liberia. These tensions exacerbate the chaos of war as they render the conflict setting a ripe fodder for violent gender relations. They also engender the inexplicability of femininity in masculinity discourses for the only reason that females are the litmus for the test and measurement of masculinity in many patriarchal cultures as demonstrated in the novel. Thus, the paper reveals insights into why male characters become hyper-masculine in the novel. This revelation facilitates a better understanding of gender issues in war contexts. The conclusion to the discourse is that in fictional war-torn Liberia, excessive masculinity is not a masculine nomenclature but a colonially influenced gender coping parading that has lasting negative implications on gender relations.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-"

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Antwi-Ansorge, Nana Akua. "Ethnic mobilisation and the Liberian civil war (1989-2003)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d7a54b2-e2e9-4f72-aad4-2301e9cf2def.

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This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.
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Agbedahin, Komlan. "Young veterans, not always social misfits: a sociological discourse of Liberian transmogrification experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003104.

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This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.
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Utas, Mats. "Sweet Battlefields : Youth and the Liberian Civil War." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, Univ. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3483.

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Duyvesteyn, Isabelle. "The political dynamics of civil war : a structured focused comparison of the Liberian (1989-1997) and Somali (1988-1995) wars." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397170.

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Domson-Lindsay, Albert. "Towards a broader application of decision-making paradigms: a case study of the establishment of ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981.

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The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
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Weah, Weah III Sunnyboy. "HOW SOCIAL DOMINANCE THEORY MIGHT CONTRIBUTE TO OUR UNDERSTANDING OF THE LIBERIAN CIVIL WAR (1989-2003)." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22750.

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Even though scholars and researchers have suggested that the Liberian civil war arose as a result of socioeconomic and political inequalities, oppression, discrimination, and marginalization of a certain group of people, Social Dominance Theory (“SDT”) suggests an alternate understanding: social group-based hierarchy is produced and maintained in society by legitimizing myths. SDT explains how these legitimizing myths tend to produce discriminatory and/or anti-discriminatory policies that are endorsed by dominant and subordinate groups, which, if left unattended, eventually lead to conflict.
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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana? : ECOMOG in Liberia, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310155.

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Olonisakin, Olufunmilayo Titilayo. "Peace creation and peace support operations : an analysis of the ECOMOG operation in Liberia." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310492.

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Whetstone, Crystal Marie. "Is the Motherist Approach More Helpful in Obtaining Women's Rights than a Feminist Approach? A Comparative Study of Lebanon and Liberia." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1369300531.

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Grambas, Perikles Dimitriou. "The Communist Party of Greece : from civil war to legality 1950-1989." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.411465.

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Books on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-"

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Brehun, Leonard. Liberia: War of horror. Accra, Ghana: Adwinsa Publications, 1991.

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The Liberian Civil War. London: F. Cass, 1998.

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Kulah, Arthur F. Liberia will rise again: Reflections on the Liberian civil crisis. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1999.

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Youboty, James. Liberian civil war: A graphic account. Philadelphia, Pa: Parkside Impressions Enterprises, 1993.

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Liberia: The path to war. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2007.

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Tutton, Thomas. A friend thru terror: The Liberian Civil War, 1989-1996. Enumclaw, WA: Pleasant Word, 2008.

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Chea, Augustine S. Joy after mourning: The Liberia Civil War. Decatur, Ga: A.S. Chea, 1996.

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Barrett, Lindsay. Report on Liberia. Monrovia, Liberia: Yandia Printing Press, 1993.

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Kieh, George Klay. The first Liberian civil war: The crises of underdevelopment. New York: Peter Lang, 2007.

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Sengupta, Shankar Lal. Mission Liberia. New Delhi: Pacific Books International, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-"

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Crawley, Heaven, and Veronica Fynn Bruey. "‘Hanging in the Air’: The Experiences of Liberian Refugees in Ghana." In IMISCOE Research Series, 107–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97322-3_6.

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AbstractThe civil wars that devastated Liberia between 1989 and 2003 displaced an estimated 800,000 people internally, with more than a million people travelling to neighbouring countries in West Africa in search of protection and the opportunity to rebuild their lives. More than 15 years after the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed, tens of thousands of Liberians continue to be displaced in Liberia, Ghana, and Côte d’Ivoire. Whilst some have been resettled – primarily to Canada, the US, Australia, and European countries – most have been left ‘hanging in the air’, living in extreme poverty, marginalised from mainstream development policies and planning, and unable to either contribute to, or benefit from, efforts to rebuild peace and security in their home country. Their needs, interests and aspirations have been largely ignored by academics and policymakers in the Global North whose focus, particularly over recent years, has been primarily on the drivers of migration from West Africa across the Mediterranean to Europe. At a regional level, there have been efforts by the Economic Committee of West African States (ECOWAS) to provide alternative models of integration, particularly since the United Nations High Commissioner Refugees (UNHCR) announced the cessation of refugee status for Liberian refugees in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire in June 2012. However, significant barriers to both local integration and safe-third country resettlement remain. This chapter examines the experiences of Liberian refugees living in Ghana and their struggles to secure national and international protection in a context where returning to Liberia remains impossible for many.
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Hogan, Edmund. "Dawn of the revolution – the 1980 coup." In Liberia's First Civil War, 25–36. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-3.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Liberia as a two-state entity." In Liberia's First Civil War, 154–66. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-12.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Enemies of the revolution cross into Liberia and liberation from tyranny is proclaimed." In Liberia's First Civil War, 89–103. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-8.

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Hogan, Edmund. "Internal tensions within militias produces chaotic conditions in Greater Liberia, but Civil Society emerges as a major player." In Liberia's First Civil War, 257–72. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003219309-19.

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Cochran, Shawn T. "South Africa in Namibia (1966–1989)." In War Termination as a Civil-Military Bargain, 115–35. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137527974_6.

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"2 A Decade of Troubles: Master-Sergeant Samuel Doe’s Liberia, 1980–1989." In Liberias Civil War, 19–38. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781626371125-006.

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Ellis, Stephen, Solofo Randrianja, and Jean-François Bayart. "Liberia 1989–1994Liberia 1989–1994." In Charlatans, Spirits and Rebels in Africa, edited by Tim Kelsall, 253–88. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661611.003.0010.

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Abstract This chapter deals with the civil war which broke out in Liberia on 24 December 1989, when 100 or more fighters claiming allegiance to the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), led by Charles Taylor, advanced over the border from Côte d'Ivoire to attack the town of Butuo in Nimba County. The article examines how Liberia descended into conflict and why it took such a violent form. It surveys the political and military events that took place since the NPFL invasion, paying attention to the collapse of the government, the arrival of the ECOMOG intervention force in Monrovia in August 1990, the murder of President Doe by Prince Johnson's Independent National Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL), the role of ULIMO (United Liberation Movement for Democracy), an organization formed in 1991 by Liberians who had taken refuge in Sierra Leone, the emergence of warlords, the progress of negotiations and developments following the Cotonou Peace Accord of July 1993. It suggests that the causes of the war are not only political but may also be explained in religious or spiritual terms.
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"3 Things Fall Apart, December 1989–August 1990." In Liberias Civil War, 39–72. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781626371125-007.

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Steinberg, Paul F. "A Planet of Nations." In Who Rules the Earth? Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199896615.003.0011.

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On December 24, 1989, a man named Charles Taylor marshaled a band of armed rebels in the northern part of Liberia, a small country on the coast of West Africa. Carpeted in green jungle crossed by the occasional red dirt road connecting remote ramshackle towns, Liberia had never managed to attract much attention from the outside world. It carried none of the economic clout or strategic importance of continental powers like Kenya and South Africa. To outsiders, Liberia figured as little more than a historical curiosity, the place where freed American slaves settled and founded Africa’s first independent republic in 1847. Nor did Charles Taylor’s activities attract much notice. Military coups are a common occurrence throughout Africa, as much a part of reality as the tropical downpours that bring life to a temporary standstill in thousands of villages across the landscape before people tentatively poke out their heads and resume their daily activities. But this time something was different. Instead of racing to the capital and storming the presidential palace—as the incumbent dictator, Samuel Doe, had done a decade earlier—Taylor and his men were slow and deliberate in their progress, taking control of one town after the next. Rumors spread that the rebels were supported by Libya, a country that exercises much greater influence throughout the African continent than most people realize. Ultimately Charles Taylor would orchestrate a catastrophic civil war in Liberia, a conflict that would engulf neighboring Sierra Leone and lead to one of the worst humanitarian crises of the past century. At the time I was serving as a Peace Corps volunteer in Liberia, where my wife and I were assigned to work in President Doe’s hometown of Zwedru, a remote place that could only be reached through days of travel along roads with mud pits the size of swimming pools or, alternatively, in a single-propeller plane that the tropical air currents would toss about like a toy in a bathtub. It was in Liberia that I first came to appreciate how national governance impacts the lives of billions of people every day.
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Reports on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-"

1

Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.

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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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