Academic literature on the topic 'Liberia Civil War, 1989-1996'
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Journal articles on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-1996"
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Svärd, Proscovia. "Has the Freedom of Information Act enhanced transparency and the free flow of information in Liberia?" Information Development 34, no. 1 (October 3, 2016): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666916672717.
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This article investigates if the adoption of the Liberian Freedom of Information (FOI) law 2010 has led to a transparent government and increased the free flow of government information. Freeing government information is expected to create transparent and accountable governments. It brings forth democratic and inclusive government institutions that work for the people. Inclusivity, transparency and accountability are expected to address sustainable development challenges and democracy deficits. Transparency and accountability can only be achieved through access to government information. The right to access government information is also included in the national constitution of Liberia. The citizens of Liberia in West Africa suffered from a protracted civil war between 1989–1996 and 1999–2003 respectively. These wars were partly caused by non-accountability of the governments, endemic corruption and the mismanagement of the countries’ resources. Efforts are being made by the government with the help of the international community to embrace a new democratic dispensation. Liberia was also one of the first African countries to enact a Freedom of Information (FOI) Law that would enable Liberians to access government information.
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Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.
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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.
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Bangura, Ibrahim. "Resisting War: Guinean Youth and Civil Wars in the Mano River Basin." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 14, no. 1 (April 2019): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619833286.
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For more than two decades, the Mano River Basin was trapped in a spiral of violent civil wars at the centre of which were the region’s youth. However, in spite of the similarities in contexts, and despite its history and external attacks by insurgency groups based in Liberia and Sierra Leone, Guinea did not degenerate into a civil war. The immediate question then is, what factors might have been responsible at that time for mitigating the potential involvement of the country’s youth in a civil war, and can the lessons learned from Guinea be emulated in conflict-affected countries today? This article provides in-depth perspectives into the Guinean youth and the factors that mitigated their involvement in violent insurrections against the state from 1989 to 2011. It also juxtaposes the findings on Guinea with conclusions on factors responsible for involvement of youth in the civil wars in other countries in the region.
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Korczyc, Aleksandra. "State Security Policy and Changing the Nature of the Conflict after the End of the Cold War Rivalry." Security Dimensions 30, no. 30 (June 28, 2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7549.
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The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.
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Woolaver, Hannah. "R v. Reeves Taylor (Appellant). [2019] UKSC 51." American Journal of International Law 114, no. 4 (October 2020): 749–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2020.51.
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The First Liberian Civil War (1989–1996), in which Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) waged an ultimately successful military campaign to depose President Samuel Doe, was characterized by widespread atrocities. During this period, Agnes Reeves Taylor, known as “The Mother of the Revolution” and at the time Charles Taylor's wife, allegedly committed multiple acts of torture in her capacity as a high-ranking member of the NPFL. After moving to the United Kingdom, Agnes Taylor was charged in 2017 with seven counts of torture and one of conspiracy to commit torture under Section 134 of the UK Criminal Justice Act 1988 (CJA), which domesticates aspects of the UN Convention Against Torture 1984 (CAT) and asserts universal jurisdiction over torture. During the prosecution, a question over a key definitional element of the crime was appealed to the UK Supreme Court (Supreme Court): whether nonstate actors could be liable under the statute, which requires that torture be carried out by a “public official or person acting in an official capacity” (para. 14). The Court gave a qualified answer in the affirmative, holding that this definition includes individuals acting for a nonstate body that exercises control over territory and carries out governmental functions in this territory. As the first apex court decision extending liability for torture to de facto authorities, the Supreme Court decision is likely to have significant jurisprudential influence well beyond the United Kingdom.
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Harris, David. "From ‘warlord’ to ‘democratic’ president: how Charles Taylor won the 1997 Liberian elections." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 3 (September 1999): 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003109.
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For the best part of seven years, an increasing number of warring factions fought a vicious civil war for control of the West African state of Liberia. In August 1996, the fourteenth peace accord led to presidential and parliamentary elections in July of the following year. Charles Taylor and his National Patriotic Party (NPP), formed out of the original invasion force, emerged victorious with a landslide 75 per cent of the vote. Given the international reputation of Taylor as a brutal warlord whose sole aim had never wavered from the capture of power in Monrovia, Taylor's across-the-board victory appears difficult to explain. Having concluded that, despite problems and allegations, the election did seem more free and fair than not, the article examines the factors that probably influenced the electorate's choices. The results of this research show an election heavily dependent on an uncertain security situation. However, it suggests that, although a former ‘warlord’ has been rewarded, the voting was a reasoned ploy by the electorate to maximise the possibility of improved living conditions.
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Tauxe, Jean-Daniel. "Liberia: la logística humanitaria en entredicho." Revista Internacional de la Cruz Roja 21, no. 135 (June 1996): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0250569x00021105.
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Desde el 6 de abril de 1996, el conflicto de Liberia ha experimentado nuevamente un vuelco dramático, por lo que cabe temer las peores dificultades para la supervivencia de la población civil. Una vez más, el CICR deplora y condena las graves y sistemáticas violaciones de las normas fundamentales del derecho internacional humanitario y de los principios mínimos de humanidad, perpetradas desde que comenzó el conflicto, en diciembre de 1989.Desde hace seis años y medio, las personas civiles, los heridos, los contendientes fuera de combate y los prisioneros son frecuentemente víctimas de matanzas, torturas, mutilaciones, toma de rehenes, trabajos forzados, pillaje, destrucción de bienes y desplazamientos forzosos. Se enrola a niños en grupos armados e incluso no se respeta la paz de los muertos.
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Ellis, Stephen. "Mystical Weapons: Some Evidence From the Liberian War1." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00130.
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AbstractDuring the Liberian civil war (1989-97), many participants, as well as local journalists, used terms such as 'sorcery', 'witchcraft', 'voodoo', 'juju' and 'African science' to describe certain techniques used by fighters. Essentially, these words were applied to techniques of offence or defence which were rooted in local religious traditions rather than in either Islam or Christianity. This article traces the history of such terms, as well as of the activities which they designate, to show how they changed during the twentieth century.
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Opioła, Wojciech. "Polish discourses concerning the Spanish Civil War. Analysis of the Polish press 1936-2015." Central European Journal of Communication 10, no. 2 (January 8, 2018): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.10.2(19).4.
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The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, as an ideologised and mythologised event, has been and is still used instrumentally within the Polish public discourse. The war was an important subject for the Polish press in the years 1936–1939. The Catholic, national-democratic, and conservative press supported General Franco’s rebellion. The governmental and pro-government press also supported the rebels. The Christian-democratic and peasants’ party press remained neutral. The social democratic, communist, and radical press backed the Spanish Republic — as did liberal-conservative organs such as Wiadomości Literackie. After the Second World War, the Polish communist media created the positive legend of Polish participants in the Spanish Civil War in the International Brigades, labelling Franco’s post-war regime fascist. In contemporary Poland, the same division within the Polish political scene as in 1936–1939 can be observed. Starting in 1990, the Spanish Civil War, as a subject of the Polish political discourse, has been the source of heated disputes, whose participants often present more radical views and narratives. The key issues that entered the canon of Polish political disputes after 1989 the International Brigades of volunteers, religious crimes, the support of fascists and communists for opposite sides of the conflict, are concentrated along the lines of the dispute arising from the debate within pre-war Poland: the clash of the traditional, Catholic world with the communist revolution.
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Mariniello, Triestino. "Prosecutor v. Taylor." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 2 (April 2013): 424–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.2.0424.
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On April 26, 2012, Trial Chamber II (Chamber) of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Special Court or Court) in The Hague convicted former Liberian president Charles Ghankay Taylor of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed from November 30, 1996, to January 18, 2002, in the territory of Sierra Leone during its civil war. Specifically, Taylor was found guilty of the crimes against humanity of murder, rape, sexual slavery, enslavement and other inhumane acts, and the war crimes of committing acts of terror, murder, outrages upon personal dignity, cruel treatment, pillage, and conscripting or enlisting children under the age of fifteen years into armed forces or groups or using them to participate actively in hostilities. In a separate judgment rendered on May 30, 2012, the Chamber sentenced Taylor to a single term of fifty years for all the counts on which the accused had been convicted.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-1996"
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Agbedahin, Komlan. "Young veterans, not always social misfits: a sociological discourse of Liberian transmogrification experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003104.
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This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.
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Antwi-Ansorge, Nana Akua. "Ethnic mobilisation and the Liberian civil war (1989-2003)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d7a54b2-e2e9-4f72-aad4-2301e9cf2def.
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This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.
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Domson-Lindsay, Albert. "Towards a broader application of decision-making paradigms: a case study of the establishment of ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981.
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The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
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Utas, Mats. "Sweet Battlefields : Youth and the Liberian Civil War." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, Univ. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3483.
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Duyvesteyn, Isabelle. "The political dynamics of civil war : a structured focused comparison of the Liberian (1989-1997) and Somali (1988-1995) wars." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397170.
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Weah, Weah III Sunnyboy. "HOW SOCIAL DOMINANCE THEORY MIGHT CONTRIBUTE TO OUR UNDERSTANDING OF THE LIBERIAN CIVIL WAR (1989-2003)." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22750.
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Even though scholars and researchers have suggested that the Liberian civil war arose as a result of socioeconomic and political inequalities, oppression, discrimination, and marginalization of a certain group of people, Social Dominance Theory (“SDT”) suggests an alternate understanding: social group-based hierarchy is produced and maintained in society by legitimizing myths. SDT explains how these legitimizing myths tend to produce discriminatory and/or anti-discriminatory policies that are endorsed by dominant and subordinate groups, which, if left unattended, eventually lead to conflict.
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Obodozie, Onuorah J. "Security concerns: Nigeria's peacekeeping efforts in Liberia and Sierra Leone, 1990-1999." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1390.
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The essence of this thesis is to explore the role of Nigeria, West Africa's hegemon, in the intervention efforts by the Economic Community of West African states (ECOWAS) through its Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in both Liberia (1990-1997) and Sierra Leone (1993-2000). While the thesis has sought to understand the leading role played by Nigeria in first establishing the ECOWAS and being the primus motor for its functions, I have also attempted to analyse the rationalities for the transformation of ECOWAS from a purely economic integrative scheme to a security organisation. While the economic agendas for ECOWAS have not changed, the argument in this thesis is that security related issues and realities have taken precedence over the original economistic agendas. One of the thesis' major arguments is that the nature of results attained in both Liberia and Sierra Leone are different because of (a) the leadership role of Nigeria and (b) the nature of international responses and contributions to the resolution of these conflicts.
In the thesis, I argue that in the Liberian case, Nigeria took a more domineering leadership role albeit tinged with the characteristics of the actions of a benevolent hegemon. Here, Nigeria through different processes either through leadership, consensus-seeking processes and dialogue managed to get other ECOWAS states to coalesce around its leadership. However, in Sierra Leone, Nigeria's leadership role was not permitted to unfold. The resultant effect was the shift from NIFAG to ECOMOG and eventually "rekindling hatred" of these troops as UN troops.
This thesis has pointed to the utility of sub-regional organisations in resolving conflicts and demonstrates the need for further study.Political Science
DLITT ET PHIL (INT POL)
Books on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-1996"
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Tutton, Thomas. A friend thru terror: The Liberian Civil War, 1989-1996. Enumclaw, WA: Pleasant Word, 2008.
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Dakinah, G. F. The Dakinah plan: A resolution of the Liberian civil crisis. [West Hartford, CT]: Labor Party of Nigeria, 1994.
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America's runaway prisoner: Ruined little America. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2006.
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Kulah, Arthur F. Liberia will rise again: Reflections on the Liberian civil crisis. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1999.
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Taylor, Charles Ghankay. A vision for a lasting peace: A proposal to reactivate the stalled peace process. Gbarnga, Liberia: Patriot Pub., 1995.
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Youboty, James. Liberian civil war: A graphic account. Philadelphia, Pa: Parkside Impressions Enterprises, 1993.
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Chea, Augustine S. Joy after mourning: The Liberia Civil War. Decatur, Ga: A.S. Chea, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Liberia Civil War, 1989-1996"
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Steinberg, Paul F. "A Planet of Nations." In Who Rules the Earth? Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199896615.003.0011.
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On December 24, 1989, a man named Charles Taylor marshaled a band of armed rebels in the northern part of Liberia, a small country on the coast of West Africa. Carpeted in green jungle crossed by the occasional red dirt road connecting remote ramshackle towns, Liberia had never managed to attract much attention from the outside world. It carried none of the economic clout or strategic importance of continental powers like Kenya and South Africa. To outsiders, Liberia figured as little more than a historical curiosity, the place where freed American slaves settled and founded Africa’s first independent republic in 1847. Nor did Charles Taylor’s activities attract much notice. Military coups are a common occurrence throughout Africa, as much a part of reality as the tropical downpours that bring life to a temporary standstill in thousands of villages across the landscape before people tentatively poke out their heads and resume their daily activities. But this time something was different. Instead of racing to the capital and storming the presidential palace—as the incumbent dictator, Samuel Doe, had done a decade earlier—Taylor and his men were slow and deliberate in their progress, taking control of one town after the next. Rumors spread that the rebels were supported by Libya, a country that exercises much greater influence throughout the African continent than most people realize. Ultimately Charles Taylor would orchestrate a catastrophic civil war in Liberia, a conflict that would engulf neighboring Sierra Leone and lead to one of the worst humanitarian crises of the past century. At the time I was serving as a Peace Corps volunteer in Liberia, where my wife and I were assigned to work in President Doe’s hometown of Zwedru, a remote place that could only be reached through days of travel along roads with mud pits the size of swimming pools or, alternatively, in a single-propeller plane that the tropical air currents would toss about like a toy in a bathtub. It was in Liberia that I first came to appreciate how national governance impacts the lives of billions of people every day.
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Cooley, Alexander, and Daniel Nexon. "Introduction." In Exit from Hegemony, 1–17. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916473.003.0001.
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Analysts have pronounced the end of American leadership since at least the 1970s. In the 1980s, some confidently proclaimed that the United States was in decline and Japan was on the rise. But in 1989, Moscow allowed its satellite regimes in Eastern Europe to collapse; in 1991 the Soviet Union fell apart under the pressure of nationalist movements. The resulting American “unipolar moment” was marked by three critical factors: the lack of any great powers both willing and able to challenge US hegemony; the existence of a “patronage monopoly” centered around the United States and its liberal democratic allies; and the development of a transnational civil society composed of liberal nongovernment organizations, international institutions, and activist networks. However, great powers and regional players now challenge US power; Washington has lost its patronage monopoly; and illiberal transnational movements are on the offensive against a retreating liberal international civil society.