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Verde, Rui Alexandre de Almeida dos Santos. "The harmonious constitution : judges and the protection of liberty." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323452.
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Roynier, Céline. "Le problème de la liberté dans le constitutionnalisme britannique." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020090.
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Le relatif échec que fut le Human Rights Act 1998 et les condamnations régulières du Royaume-Uni par la CEDH peuvent être considérés comme les symptômes, parmi d’autres, d’un problème de la liberté dans le constitutionnalisme britannique. Comment expliquer que cet Etat, membre fondateur du Conseil de l’Europe, résiste si fortement à l’application de cette déclaration de droits qu’est la Convention Européenne de Sauvegarde des droits de l’Homme et des libertés fondamentales ? Nous proposons dans ce travail une solution appuyée sur une étude de la culture classique de la common law, c'est-à-dire, essentiellement mais pas seulement, de la grande doctrine parlementaire anglaise du dix-septième siècle. Il nous semble en effet que cette doctrine a fixé la conception anglaise de la liberté et l’a définitivement envisagée comme devant relever de la common law. Nous suggérons que c’est par une redéfinition permanente de la common law que la liberté a été pensée en droit public anglais et que ce travail de redéfinition est encore à l’oeuvre aujourd’hui. Tout d’abord le problème de la liberté – qui s’est aussi posé en France et en Amérique par exemple – a pris une forme particulière en Angleterre : plutôt que de penser la source de légitimité du pouvoir, les juristes anglais ont réfléchi à ce que pouvait être les « marques » d’un droit acceptable pour tous. Cette réflexion a engendré des vagues de politisation du droit mais elle a rendu l’apparition d’un peuple sujet de droit beaucoup plus difficile. La première vague de politisation fait de la common law, le droit de la communauté, c'est-à-dire le droit commun à tous (Partie 1). La seconde vague de politisation de la common law correspond à un approfondissement de la première et fait de la common law un droit de la liberté en articulant le langage de la common law à l’individu par le biais d’une morale constitutionnelle (Partie 2)Many are the signs revealing a certain difficulty with liberty or freedom in british constitutionalism. The relative failure of the Human Rights Act 1998 in terms of efficiency , the never-ending debate about the enactment of a british declaration of rights and the numerous sanctions taken by the ECHR against the UK, can be considered as symptoms of this problem. How, then, is it possible to explain the overwhelming role of the UK in the adoption of the ECHR in the 1950’s and this resistance of the UK towards the European Convention ? Our aim, in this work, is to provide an explanation which would be based on the study of the early modern common law tradition that is mainly (but not exclusively) the parliamentary Doctrine of the Seventeenth Century. We think that this doctrine or discourse established the english conception of liberty and considered this latter as originating in the common law. We suggest that liberty was and is thought as a permanent redefinition of the law itself (the common law) and that this idea gave birth to Public Law exactly at the same time. First of all, the above-mentioned problem of liberty – which appeared in America and France as well – arose in a particular way in England. Rather than focusing on power and its legitimacy, english state lawyers concentrated their work on the marks of a law which could be acceptable for all. This reflexion led to successive waves of politisation of the law itself but did not enable the apparition of a people which would be the source of both law and power. The first wave of politisation established that common law was the law common to all (Part 1). The second wave deepened the first one and enabled the common law to be « the law of liberty » by linking the language of the common law with the individual, through constitutional morality (Part 2)
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Versteeg, Mila. "Words of liberty : the origins and evolution of constitutional ideas." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669950.
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It has become almost universal practice for countries to adopt written constitutions that include a bill of rights. Yet we know little about the origins and evolution of the practice of constitution-writing on a global scale. Are bills of rights defining statements of the nation’s character and identity? Or are they more standardized documents that are similar across countries, and vary only at the margins? Are substantive constitutional features rooted in the society for which they are written, or are they borrowed from elsewhere? What are the origins of the world’s “words of liberty”? This thesis presents the first-ever systematic substantive exploration of the world’s written constitutions. It introduces a new database, based on the coding of the constitutions of 188 countries, for the period 1946-2006. With this data, it explores the historical trajectory of the world’s written constitutions and offers explanations for their substantive content. This thesis's most important finding is that constitutions are inherently “transnational” documents. As it turns out, substantive constitutional choices are remarkably unrelated to local needs and values. Constitutions do not express identity or national character. Instead, the most important predictor of whether any particular country adopts any particular constitutional provision is whether other countries previously did the same thing. Constitutions do not tell stories of the nation’s history, but rather tell stories of transnational interactions and international politics. As a result, constitutions have become at least partly standardized documents that vary along a small number of underlying dimensions. But this thesis also shows that not all constitutions are the same, and that there exists no evidence of a global constitutional convergence. Instead, the world’s constitutions divide in a limited number of constitutional families. This thesis is not currently available in ORA.
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Clark, Thomas W. [Verfasser]. "Virtuous democrats, liberal aristocrats : political discourse and the Pennsylvania Constitution / Thomas W. Clark." Frankfurt am Main : Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1139891855/34.
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Piper, Helen. "Constitution of religious liberty : God, Politics and the First Amendment in Trump's America." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364787.
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This thesis starts by describing the legal foundation of religious liberty in the United States and the evolvement of the religion clause jurisprudence. Then follows an outline of the main legal theories on religious liberty. It continues to describe a case study conducted on how Americans citizens perceive the protection of their religious liberty. Upon this there is a chapter where the detailed findings from the case study are described in juxtaposition to the relevant jurisprudence and how this can be applied to the overall legal framework protecting religious liberty. The final chapter is a discussion on what conclusions that can be drawn.
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Shaw, James Adam. "'The Great Desideratum in Government' : James Madison, Benjamin Constant, and the Liberal-Republican framework for political neutrality." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-great-desideratum-in-government-james-madison-benjamin-constant-and-the-liberalrepublican-framework-for-political-neutrality(f9d6c46c-3dac-4f8d-9d7b-955aa66d3045).html.
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The liberal and republican traditions of political thought are commonly treated as divergent political-philosophical doctrines which existed in a state irreconcilable opposition in late eighteenth-century France and America. The present study challenges this notion through examining the concept of political neutrality as discussed and expounded in the political and constitutional writings of James Madison and Benjamin Constant. In seeking to account for not only why, but also how, both thinkers endeavoured to construct political systems geared toward securing the production of neutral laws, this thesis explores and highlights the complex interdependent relationship between the liberal and republican philosophical traditions in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century political theory. It is argued that in their desire to construct political-constitutional systems tailored toward guaranteeing the materialisation of neutral laws, Madison and Constant incorporated republican, or ‘Real Whig’, concepts into their respective constitutional strategies. Their shared objective, it is shown, was to form limited and neutral states through exploiting the diversity of public opinion in such a way that would render popular sovereignty self-neutralising. More specifically, this thesis suggests that both Madison and Constant placed considerable emphasis on de-legitimising particular justifications for legislative action, and that their respective efforts in this area were motivated by a desire to restrict the legislature to the promotion of objective, and impartially-conceived, accounts of the public good. Thus through examining Madison’s and Constant’s attempts to form neutral states, this thesis challenges the traditional account of the development of modern liberalism through pointing to the existence of an autonomous liberal-republican philosophy in post-revolutionary French and American political thought. It is argued that this hybrid political philosophy – which underpinned the constitutionalisms advanced by both Madison and Constant – had as its principal objective the reconciliation of the practice of popular governance with the restoration and maintenance negative individual liberty. Both thinkers, in other words, exploited republican concepts and institutions in order to realise the distinctly liberal end of forming limited and neutral states.
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Serge, Zelexeck Nguimatsa. "Popular participation for disempowerment? Democratic constitution making in the context of African liberal democracy." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8067.
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The author discusses the nature and reality of the marginalisation and disempowerment of ordinary citizens. He also highlights how democratic constitution making in Africa has so far left marginalisation and disempowerment unchallengedThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Orquidea Palmira Orquidea, Faculty of Law, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Mozambique
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Porte, Noémie. "Le Conseil constitutionnel, gardien de la liberté des Anciens." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013MON10017.
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La recherche avait pour objet l'étude de la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel à l'aune de la liberté des Anciens et de la liberté des Modernes, concepts proposés par Benjamin Constant en 1819. Le juge constitutionnel français semble plus enclin à protéger les exigences de la liberté des Anciens que l'autonomie individuelle. La première partie de la thèse tente de démontrer que le Conseil constitutionnel opère un contrôle des principes de la représentation politique au service de la liberté des Anciens : la Haute instance est exigeante en ce qui concerne l'élaboration démocratique de la norme et la préservation des « biens » collectifs tels que l'unité du peuple souverain ou l'indivisibilité de la République. La seconde partie de la thèse est consacrée au contrôle du respect des droits individuels, qui est également opéré au service de la liberté des Anciens. L'existence d'un recours juridictionnel suffit souvent à garantir la constitutionnalité des atteintes aux droits substantiels, en laissant une large marge de manœuvre à la représentation politique. Le juge constitutionnel s'est néanmoins montré rigoureux à l'égard du respect des libertés de communication, sans lesquelles les représentants disposent d'une légitimité électorale mais non pas démocratiqueThe research had for subject the study of the decisions of the Constitutional Council in the light of the liberty of the Ancients and the liberty of the Moderns, both concepts proposed by Benjamin Constant in 1819. The French constitutional judge seems more inclined to protect the requirements of the liberty of the Ancients than the individual autonomy. The first part of the thesis attempts to demonstrate that the Constitutional Council operates a control of the principles of the political representation to the benefit of the liberty of the Ancients : the High authority is demanding as regards the democratic elaboration of the law and the conservation of the collective "goods" such as the sovereign people's unity or the indivisibility of the Republic. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to the control of the respect for individual rights, which is also operated in the service of the liberty of the Ancients. The existence of a jurisdictional appeal is often enough to guarantee the constitutionality of infringements of substantial rights, leaving a wide margin of discretion to the political representation. The constitutional judge nevertheless showed himself rigorous towards the respect for the liberties of communication, without which the representatives have an electoral but not democratic legitimacy
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Fagelson, David. "Constitutional interpretation and liberal rights theory : contested foundations of American constitutionalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333310.
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Clarke, Chris D. "The ethics of liberal market governance : Adam Smith and the constitution of financial market agency." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/51624/.
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In this thesis I provide a historicised account of the work of Adam Smith in order to reveal the essential variety of viable ethico-political commitments in liberal political economy and International Political Economy (IPE). Specifically, I draw on Quentin Skinner’s approach to intellectual history in order to engage with the thought of Smith. I show how existing readings of Smith in IPE on the whole tend to fail some of Skinner's most basic methodological principles for interpreting past texts, which is problematic for IPE scholars because it reveals the distinctly 'economistic' historiography of Smith that dominates the subject field. I offer a way of escaping the limitations of the prevailing economistic historiography through providing a sustained engagement with his actual texts as read in context. In so doing, I present a novel account of Smith for IPE which emphasises the crucial role of the concept of the 'sympathy procedure' in his work, through such a mechanism people learn how to express fellow-feeling within their market-bound relationships. I argue that this recovery provides a critical lens through which to interrogate the ethics of liberal market governance today, one which animates an alternative to economistic understandings of market-oriented behaviour. Following Skinner, I do not propose a direct 'application' of a Smithian perspective, but instead use it as part of a pragmatically inspired study to reveal the historical contingency of some of the most deeply held views about subjecthood as manifested under liberal market governance today. This enables me in the empirical parts of my thesis to reflect on competing discourses of the global financial crisis at the regulatory and everyday level of global finance via a 'sympathy perspective'. I argue that through such an engagement Smith's sympathy procedure can produce novel ways of subverting the ethics of global finance as currently constituted.
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Ingraham, Kevin R. ""True Principles of Liberty and Natural Right"| The Vermont State Constitution and the American Revolution." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10752319.
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The Vermont state constitution was the most revolutionary and democratic plan of government established in America during the late eighteenth century. It abolished adult slavery, eliminated property qualifications for holding office, and established universal male suffrage. It invested broad power in a unicameral legislature, through which citizens might directly express their will through their elected representatives. It created a weak executive with limited power to veto legislation. It mandated annual elections for all state offices, by which the people might frequently accept, or reject, their leaders. It thus established a participatory democracy in which ordinary citizens enjoyed broad access to power. It was, in the words of Ethan Allen, government based on “true principles of liberty and natural right.”
Over the course of the revolutionary period, furthermore, the people of Vermont defended their democratic system against repeated attempts to weaken it. The constitution included a mechanism by which, every seven years, a Council of Censors would be elected which had the power to propose revisions to the plan of government. Constitutional conventions met in 1786 and 1793 to consider these recommendations, and though the delegates accepted a number of minor revisions, they rejected innovations that would have significantly altered the state’s system of participatory democracy. In this sense, the experience of Vermont during this period differed from that of other states, which had by the end of this period established systems that concentrated power in the hands of a limited number of citizens.
The people of Vermont established this form of government for a number of reasons. Perhaps the most important factor was that Vermont was a rural, agrarian and backcountry region, populated by small subsistence farmers with a common set of interests and grievances. Here, and elsewhere across America during this period, small farmers often clashed with political and economic elites over issues of taxation and the conditions of land ownership. When confronted with policies they perceived to be unjust, they often rose up to defend their interests. However, unlike other rebellions during this period, the New Hampshire Grants insurgency succeeded, and led to the establishment of an independent state. Moreover, the grievances that motivated these backcountry insurgents included political dimensions. Subsistence farmers demanded a greater voice in the governments that had promulgated policies they perceived to be unjust. Living under more democratic forms of government, they realized, would enable them to enact laws that promoted their interests.
This study informs our understanding of the American Revolution in a number of ways. For one, events in Vermont demonstrate the importance of internal divisions and conflict in the Revolution. Rural farmers challenged the land-owning and mercantile elite of New York, and won. In the process, they created the most revolutionary and democratic constitution in America. Vermont thus went further than any other state in fulfilling the promise of the Revolution. Ironically, however, this very achievement illustrates the limits of the Revolution. In other states, common people continued to face significant restrictions on their access to power. Universal suffrage for white males, for example, was not achieved until the mid-nineteenth century, and slavery was not abolished until 1865. Perhaps, then, the Revolution is best understood not as a watershed event that radically changed American society, but rather as one episode in a much longer continuum of change.
This study also seeks to change Vermont’s place in the historiography of the Revolution. As an independent republic, unrecognized by any outside power, historians often treat it as an anomaly. As a result, it is often neglected. Vermont, however, deserves to be taken seriously. Though it was not formally recognized by other states, its government exercised full authority and sovereignty within its borders. Its constitution, furthermore, embodied the purest expression of radical republican ideals in America at the time. It was a singular achievement of the American Revolution. Rather than be relegated to the shadows, therefore, Vermont deserves to be at the forefront of the discussion. By doing so we may more clearly understand the nature of the American Revolution itself, with all its achievements, limitations, and contradictions.
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Wareham, Christopher. "Liberal aristocracy & the limits of democracy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/124/.
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Picchia, Lucia Barbosa Del. "Estado, democracia e direitos na crise do constitucionalismo liberal: uma comparação entre o pensamento jurídico francês e o brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2133/tde-22042013-141125/.
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A tese tem como objeto compreender, no campo da história das ideias jurídicas, a forma pela qual se equacionou a relação entre democracia e direitos sociais na Constituição brasileira de 1934, utilizando como perspectiva de análise e como baliza comparativa o constitucionalismo francês dos anos 1920 e 1930. Trata-se de um período de particular interesse para o estudo constitucional, tendo em vista a crise das premissas liberais, premissas que, por certo, haviam permitido a expansão democrática, mas que, até mesmo em função disso, se viram insuficientes como resposta única diante da irrupção da questão social. Na França, não há alteração constitucional, e é a doutrina do direito público que absorve a tarefa de responder à nova realidade, o que faz de diferentes modos. No Brasil, se por um lado as premissas liberais não são postas em prática, afastando a massificação democrática nos anos 1930, por outro lado a revolução que leva Getúlio Vargas ao poder e a necessidade de uma nova Constituição obrigam a Assembleia Constituinte a lidar com novas e velhas questões, isto é, tanto com a democracia liberal ainda por se concretizar quanto com os novos direitos sociais que marcam as Constituições modernas. O objetivo da tese é descrever de que forma se travou esse debate no processo constituinte brasileiro, por meio sobretudo dos registros da época, buscando identificar tanto influências quanto semelhanças e divergências com o caso francês, reposicionando a matéria na história das ideias jurídicas.This work examines, from the standpoint of the history of legal ideas, the way in which the relation between democracy and social rights was dealt with in the Brazilian Constitution of 1934, using the French constitutionalism of the 1920s and 1930s both as an analytical perspective and as a point of comparison. This historical period has great interest to constitutional studies due to the crisis of liberal propositions that was taking place; propositions which, of course, had allowed a democratic expansion, but, and even because of that, had proved themselves insufficient as a unique response to the outburst of the so-called social question. In France, there is no change in the Constitutional regime, and it is the legal doctrine that assumes the task of responding in various ways to the new reality. In Brazil, on the one hand, the liberal propositions had not been fully materialized, something that restrained any significant democratic expansion during the 1930s. On the other hand, the revolution that had led Getúlio Vargas into power and the claim for a new Constitution forced the Constitutional Assembly to deal with both old and new problems, in other words, with both the liberal democracy yet to be materialized and the new social rights that characterized modern Constitutions. The aim of this work is to describe the way this debate developed during the Brazilian constitutional process, specially by analyzing the historical sources, and searching to identify influences from, as well as similarities and differences with the French case, repositioning the subject in the history of ideas.
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Borner-Kaydel, Emmanuelle. "La liberté d'expression commerciale : étude comparée sur l'émergence d'une nouvelle liberté fondamentale." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1009.
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La liberté d'expression intervient dans différents domaines, et bénéficie de la protection des constitutions nationales ainsi que des conventions internationales. Toutefois, la question se pose de cette protection s'agissant du domaine commercial. La reconnaissance d'un discours commercial constitutionnellement et conventionnellement protégé est le fruit de nombreux revirements de jurisprudence, mais demeure encore contestée par une partie de la doctrine. Consacrer la liberté d'expression commerciale en tant que droit fondamental ne permet dès lors pas uniquement de renforcer sa protection, mais aussi de créer un rapprochement entre les droits fondamentaux et le droit économique. En effet, la nature économique du discours commercial est au coeur des débats dont il est l'objet, et l'amène à être confronté, d'une part aux autres droits et libertés, d'autre part aux droits de la propriété intellectuelle et des nouvelles technologies. La présence de la liberté d'expression commerciale au sein de ces derniers témoigne de la diffusion des droits fondamentaux dans l'ensemble du droit. Enfin, la reconnaissance de cette nouvelle liberté fondamentale, relevant à la fois des droits civils et des droits économiques, met en lumière un renouvellement des typologies de classification des droits fondamentauxThe freedom of speech takes place in differents domains, and receives protection from the national constitutions and international conventions. However, concerning the commercial domain, the question of its protection may be asked. The recognition of a constitutional and conventional protection of the commercial speech is the result of many turnovers Court, but still remains disputed by some doctrine. To devote the commercial speech as a constitutional right can not only strengthen its protection, but also to create a connection between economy and the consitutional rights. Indeed, the economic nature of the commercial speech is in the middle of the discussions which it is the object, and causes it to be confronted on the one hand with the other constitutional rights, and on the other hand with the right of intellectual property and of new technologies. The presence of the commercial speech in these reflects the spread of the constitutional rights in the whole law. Finally, the recognition of this new constitutional right, under both civil and economic rights, highlights a revitalisation of the classifications' typologies of the constitutional rights
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Murray, Kate. "Rethinking the place of group rights in liberal theory, aboriginal cultural rights and the Canadian constitution." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1995. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq20682.pdf.
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Welikala, Asanga Sanjiv. "Beyond the liberal paradigm : the constitutional accommodation of national pluralism in Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14197.
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This thesis concerns the theoretical issues that arise in the application of the constitutional model known as the plurinational state, developed through the experience of such Western liberal democratic states as Canada, Spain and the United Kingdom, to non-Western contexts of national pluralism through the case study of Sri Lanka. There are two closely intertwined and complementary objectives to the thesis. Firstly, to provide a fresh analytical and prescriptive framework of understanding and potential solutions to the constitutionally unresolved problem of national pluralism in Sri Lanka that has so far only generated protracted conflict. Secondly and more importantly, to contribute in more general terms to the theoretical literature on plurinational constitutionalism by way of the comparative insights generated through applying the model to an empirical context that is fundamentally different in a number of ways to that from which it originally emerged. In this latter, comparative, exercise, there are three key empirical grounds of difference that are identified in the thesis. Firstly, the difference between the sociological character of nationalisms in the two contexts, defined at the most basic level by the civic-ethnic dichotomy; secondly, the different meanings of democratic modernity in the present, determined by colonial modernity and post-colonial ethnocracy; and thirdly, the differences in the substantive content of democracy as between liberal and nonliberal democracies. The thesis argues that the plurinational state may be adapted to have a role and relevance beyond Western conditions, by addressing the theoretical issues that arise from these divergences. In doing so, it seeks to demonstrate that ethnic forms of nationalism are not necessarily inconsistent with the plurinational logic of accommodation; that an exploration of pre-colonial history reveals indigenous forms of the state that are more consistent with plurinational ideals than the classical modernist Westphalian nation-state introduced by nineteenth century colonialism; and that plurinational constitutions may be based on a broader conception of democracy than political liberalism. Building on these discussions, the principal normative contribution of the thesis is the development of a constitutional theory for the accommodation of national pluralism that is based on the norm of asymmetry, as distinct from equality, between multiple nations within the territorial and historical space of the state.
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Fernández, Baca Dilmar Villena. "The constitutional transcendence of net neutrality." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2018. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123869.
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New technologies have transformed the traditional ways in which people develop and express themselves. In that context, the internet has meant a revolution in different spheres of society, in which the users and network providers are developed. Faced with this, the question arises: Should the relations that are presented in the network be regulated?.In this article, the author develops the principle of net neutrality as the basis of the protection of the fundamental rights from the different agents that are related by this means. It will be exposed the current regulation of the matter and its scope, which finds its support in the constitutional regulation.Las nuevas tecnologías han transformado las formas tradicionales en las que se desarrollan y expresan las personas. En ese contexto, internet ha significado una revolución en diferentes ámbitos de la sociedad, en los cuales los usuarios y proveedores de la red se desenvuelven. Ante ello, surge la interrogante: ¿deben regularse las relaciones que se presentan en la red?.En el presente artículo, el autor desarrolla el principio de neutralidad de la red como base de la protección de los derechos fundamentales de los diferentes agentes que se relacionan por este medio. Se expondrá la regulación vigente de la materia y sus alcances, la cual encuentra su sustento en la regulación constitucional.
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Hernando, Nieto Eduardo. "Constitutionalize the law or politicize the Constitution? Threats, risks and dangers in contemporary constitutionalism." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116349.
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Since the beginning of modernity, the use of rhetoric have prevailed; that is, the technique of perverting the language giving concepts different meanings presuming nothing have changed when in fact, it has occurred. The same thing happens with the concept of Constitution, it has been completelymodified its sense from the progress of individual rights moral. In this article the intention is to demonstrate the nature of this change and at the same time claim on the «old constitutionalism» validity and also the rule of law and political will beginning on a critical reading of contemporary constitutionalism and considering its tendency to constitutionalize or materialize the law, ironically risking the same values intended to defend.Desde inicios de la modernidad se ha venido imponiendo el empleo de la retórica, es decir, la técnica de pervertir el lenguaje dotando a los conceptos de distintos significados para presumir que nada ha cambiado cuando en realidad sí se ha dado el cambio. Esto mismo acontece con el concepto de Constitución, que ha modificado completamente su sentido apartir del avance de la moral de los derechos individuales. Este texto pretende mostrar la naturaleza de este cambio y reivindicar a su vez la vigencia del «viejo constitucionalismo» y el imperio de la ley y la decisión política a partir de una lectura crítica del constitucionalismo contemporáneo y su tendencia a constitucionalizar o materializar el derecho, contribuyendo paradójicamente a poner en riesgo los valores que pretende defender.
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Villavicencio, Ríos Alfredo. "Constitution, configuration and registration of trade unions in Latin America: The spurious reign of Law." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/109487.
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The right of freedom of association, nowadays, is considered a fundamental right of workers. However, and though it has been internationallyrecognized in several Covenants of the International Labor Organization, it has been a tendency among Latin American governments to limit the exercise of this freedom.In the present article, the author criticizes what he considers to be an excessive regulation of the exercise of the right of freedom of association by workers, present in almost every country in the region. These limitations are manifested through constitutional or legal restrictions to the formation of labor unions, union unity regimes and difficulties for the constitution of labor unions. In that way, he calls for the guarantee of the right of freedom of association for workers in Latin America.El derecho a la libertad sindical es considerado, hoy en día, como un derecho fundamental del trabajador. Sin embargo, y a pesar de estar reconocido internacionalmente en diversos Convenios de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo, ha sido una tendencia de los gobiernos latinoamericanos la limitación del ejercicio de la libertad sindical.En el presente artículo, el autor hace una crítica a lo que él considera una excesiva regulación del ejercicio de la libertad sindical presente en casi todos los ordenamientos jurídicos de la región. Estas limitaciones se manifestarían a través de restricciones constitucionales o legales a la formación de sindicatos, regímenes de unicidad sindical y trabas a la constitución de los mismos. De ese modo, hace un necesario llamado a la garantía del derecho a la libertad sindical en Latinoamérica.
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Larsonnier, Virginie. "Les principes fondamentaux reconnus par les lois de la république dans la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel." Montpellier 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002MON10032.
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Inscrite dans le préambule de la Constitution de 1946, la périphrase " principes fondamentaux reconnus par les lois de la République " n'est pas explicitée par les constituants. Vide de sens juridique, la circonlocution devient une catégorie juridique sous l'action des juridictions. Si dès 1956, le Conseil d'Etat qualifie la liberté d'association de " principe fondamental reconnu par les lois de la République ", c'est principalement le Conseil constitutionnel qui enrichit la catégorie. Durant les décennies 1970-1980, neuf " principes fondamentaux reconnus par les lois de la République "seront consacrés, permettant au Conseil de mettre en œuvre une jurisprudence efficiente en matière de protection des droits et libertés essentiels des personnes. Paradoxalement, la catégorie fait l'objet d'une désaffection de la part des membres du palais Montpensier dans les années 1990. En effet, le Conseil constitutionnel renonce à recourir à la catégorie à la suite de virulentes critiques doctrinales dénonçant " l'appropriation du pouvoir constituant par la Conseil constitutionnel " et l'instauration d'un " gouvernement des juges ". Cette désaffection génère plusieurs effets pervers, le Conseil étant amené à développer des procédés de substitution discutables d'un point de vue juridique et à se priver d'un instrument pertinent face à l'accroissement des nouveaux champs du droit. Entre une forte extension de la catégorie et une politique de refus systématiques de consacrer de nouveaux " principes fondamentaux reconnus par les lois de la République " alors que leurs critères d'identification peuvent être remplis, le Conseil constitutionnel semble aujourd'hui s'engager sur une voie médiane en y faisant appel avec parcimonie quand les circonstances l'exigent.
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Walsh, Peter William. "The legislature in immigration policy-making : a liberal constraint?" Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/267710.
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Over the last thirty years, research on the immigration policy-making of liberal democratic states has been preoccupied with the puzzle of why migrant inflows have reached unprecedented levels in Western countries, despite popular calls for restrictionism. A common response of scholars to this puzzle is that whilst governments endeavour to reflect public preferences for restrictive immigration policy, they are prevented from doing so by norms and institutions that are characteristic of liberal democracies. These ‘liberal constraints’ include the national judiciary; international human rights norms; and supranational institutions, such as the European Union. But what of the national legislature? What is the role of this key liberal institution in shaping immigration law within Western democracies? On this question, the literature says remarkably little. This thesis endeavours to redress this apparent neglect. Its case study is the United Kingdom, which is viewed, on the basis of existing research, as a ‘most-likely’ case for having a weak legislature; and in which the executive branch of government has been shown to be relatively unconstrained by the judiciary in comparison with other European states. Does anything, then, act to constrain the immigration restrictionism of the British government? Informed by a novel theoretical framework, ‘interpretive political opportunity structures’, the investigation focuses upon the Parliamentary passage of a single policy: the Immigration Bill 2013-14. Its analysis is based on a detailed examination of the Bill and its legislative process; and on thirty-three interviews that I conducted with key immigration policy stakeholders, including two Government ministers, one from each of the Coalition parties; Government and Opposition MPs; members of the House of Lords; civil servants; legal professionals; and lobbyists. The findings reveal that the UK Parliament had an important liberalising impact upon the Bill, acting to constrain the restrictionist bent of the executive. If the UK is accepted as a case in which we are most likely to find the opposite of this, i.e., a legislature impotent against a dominant executive, then the orthodox view that the legislature is in general a marginal actor in shaping immigration law may have to be revised. Notably, the unelected upper chamber, the House of Lords, appeared to constitute a stronger check on executive power than the elected lower chamber, the House of Commons. This is consonant with Peers’ understanding of their duty to legislate responsibly, rather than responsively (i.e., in line with popular opinion) like MPs in the Commons. Insulated from populist pressures, the Lords invites comparison with respect to its function and impact to the judiciaries of other Western nations, suggesting, perhaps, that in the British constitutional system, known for its pusillanimous judiciary, the Lords evidences an ‘adaptation’ to the marked power imbalance between the judicial and executive branches of the UK state.
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Silva, Kelaniyage Buddhappriya Asoka. "Constitutional rights relating to criminal justice administration in South-Asia : a comparison with the European Convention on Human Rights." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327597.
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Landa, Arroyo César. "The comparative constitutional law on national constitutional system: with regard to the IX World Congress of Constitutional Law." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116290.
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From the process of globalization of law, the comparative constitutional law has gained a leading role for a better understanding and solving old and new constitutional national and international challenges. Therefore, some assumptions and considerations to take into account are presented for the development of the national constitutional order within the framework of the comparative constitutional law, such as universality and relativism of human rights; the concept of power and constitutional democracy; standards of free elections and judicial independence; freedom of expression, media pluralism and access to public information; the economic,social and cultural rights; the new fundamental rights.A partir del proceso de globalización del derecho, el derecho constitucional comparado ha ido adquiriendo un rol protagónico para una mejor comprensión y solución de los viejos y nuevos desafíos constitucionales, tanto nacionales como internacionales. Por ello, se presentan algunos presupuestos y consideraciones temáticas a tomar en cuenta para el desarrollo del ordenamiento constitucional nacional en el marco del derecho constitucional comparado, tales como la universalidad y el relativismo de los derechos humanos; el concepto de poder y democracia constitucional; los estándares de elecciones libres e independencia judicial; la libertad de expresión, la pluralidad informativa y el acceso a la información pública; los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales, y; los nuevos derechos fundamentales.
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Panelli, Luiz Felipe da Rocha Azevedo. "Tributação como mecanismo de igualdade: uma visão a partir do constitucionalismo liberal." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21690.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
This thesis deals with the issues regarding the tax system as a mechanism of equality. As is well known, the Brazilian tax system contains accentuated injustices, requiring some reforms to achieve a truly progressive taxation. The thesis, however, questions some consolidated points of Brazilian constitutional law and doctrine, such as the need for state intervention in most of the strategic sectors that lead to the development and the efficiency of the State in the management of public funds. Because of these questions, the thesis addresses the possibility of a constitutional system with a smaller, more limited goverment and a stronger presence of organized civil society, which are characteristic of more liberal and less statist legal systems. The hypotheses suggested are about the possibility and convenience of a constitutional system in which the State is not the main protagonist; there is also the hypothesis that state activity - which, by its nature, tends to grow continuously - is damaging to the country's economic and social development. The methodology used was the bibliographical research, with comparison of empirical data that came through research done by several institutes (public and private), as well as analysis of jurisprudence, history of Brazilian constitutional development and comparative law. Critical analysis takes place through a bias of liberal constitutionalism. As a result, it is concluded that it is possible to think of a constitutional system that has a lesser role of the State, as well as that it is necessary to impose political questions on the State's tax activity, questioning its efficiency in the management of funds and in the activities that it proposes to do
A presente tese trata da questão da tributação como mecanismo de igualdade. Como é de conhecimento geral, o sistema tributário brasileiro contém fortes injustiças, necessitando de algumas reformas para alcançar uma tributação realmente progressiva. A tese, porém, questiona alguns pontos consolidados do direito constitucional brasileiro, como a necessidade de intervenção estatal na maioria dos setores estratégicos que levam ao desenvolvimento e a (in)eficiência do Estado na gestão de verbas públicas. Por conta de tais questionamentos, a tese aborda a possibilidade de um sistema constitucional com Estado menor e presença mais forte da sociedade civil organizada, que são características de sistemas jurídicos mais liberais e menos estatizantes. As hipóteses levantadas versam sobre a possibilidade e conveniência de um sistema constitucional em que o Estado não seja o principal protagonista; levanta-se também a hipótese de a atividade estatal – que, por natureza, tende a crescer continuamente – ser danosa ao desenvolvimento econômico e social do país. A metodologia utilizada foi a pesquisa bibliográfica, aliada à comparação de dados empíricos que vieram através de pesquisas feitas por diversos institutos (públicos e privados), bem como análise da jurisprudência, do histórico do desenvolvimento constitucional brasileiro e do direito comparado. A análise crítica se dá através de um viés do constitucionalismo liberal. Como resultado, conclui-se que é possível pensar em um sistema constitucional que tenha um menor papel do Estado, bem como que é necessário impor questionamentos de caráter político à atividade tributária do Estado, questionando a eficiência deste no gerenciamento de verbas e nas atividades que se propõe a fazer
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Patton, Patrick. "Standing at Thermopylae: A History of the American Liberty League." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/323479.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation re-examines the history of the American Liberty League, building upon observations in recent works by Kimberly Phillips-Fein and David Farber that trace the origins of the modern American conservative political movement back to the reaction against the New Deal programs implemented by Franklin Roosevelt. The Liberty League, it is argued here, established a tradition of what I describe as Constitutional conservatism. The Liberty League, established in 1934 with the expressed purpose of "upholding the Constitution," represented the most forceful and coherent contemporary resistance against a trend toward centralization of power in the federal government and the executive branch that took shape during the Progressive Era and was cemented by the New Deal. Historians writing about conservatism in the the U.S. have most often highlighted other explanations for the motivations underpinning the movement, most notably the "racial backlash" thesis, but a theme of Constitutional conservatism can be traced through many of the conservative political organizations that have emerged in the United States since the demise of the Liberty League in 1936. The first chapter discusses the origins of the Liberty League, which to a considerable extent evolved out of the Association Against the Prohibition Movement. In addition to their shared focus on Constitutional issues, the two organizations utilized the same tactics and showed considerable overlap in terms of membership, leadership and financial backing. Leaders of the organization, discussed in a separate chapter, included Jouett Shouse, William Stayton, Al Smith, Raoul Desvernine, along with a number of wealthy industrialists that provided financial backing, including Pierre du Pont, his brother Irénée du Pont, John Raskob and E. F. Hutton. Further chapters examine the activities of the local and state branches of the Liberty League, the League's attempts to coordinate efforts with other organizations professing a desire for upholding the Constitution and analysis of the publications produced and distributed by the Liberty League. While the organization was funded largely by a small group of wealthy individuals with a vested interest in protecting their vast fortunes, the Liberty League devoted itself in practice to arguing in favor of the more strict interpretation of the Constitution that had largely prevailed in the United States before the New Deal era. Of course, the League failed utterly to convince the electorate, as evidenced by the overwhelming electoral triumph achieved by President Roosevelt in 1936, but it's relentless attempts to highlight the perceived excesses of the New Deal helped fill the void left by the virtual absence of any meaningful Republican opposition, perhaps helping to place some limits on the extent of the New Deal and laying the ground work for future generations of conservatives that continue to draw on the theme of Constitutional conservatism in their efforts to turn back some of the advances made by proponents of a more activist federal government during the Twentieth Century.
Temple University--Theses
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Ripoche, Elléa. "La liberté et l’ordre public contractuels à l’épreuve des droits fondamentaux." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020061.
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Loin d’être exclusivement d’ordre hiérarchique, la relation unissant le contrat et les droits fondamentaux apparaît également de nature dialectique. Au phénomène de fondamentalisation du contrat, conduisant à limiter la liberté contractuelle, répond un phénomène inverse de contractualisation des droits fondamentaux, tendant au contraire à la promouvoir. Malmenée en même temps qu’exaltée par l’irruption des droits fondamentaux dans la sphère contractuelle, la liberté contractuelle se trouve ainsi au cœur des interactions entre le contrat et les droits fondamentaux. C’est à la lumière d’une réflexion renouvelée sur l’ordre public contractuel que la solidarité de ces deux phénomènes antagonistes peut être éprouvée, et leur relation systématisée. Sous l’action d’influences réciproques, la rencontre du contrat et des droits fondamentaux est en effet la source d’un nouvel équilibre contractuel. Se substituant progressivement à l’ordre public, les droits fondamentaux en font évoluer à la fois la structure et la substance. C’est, plus spécifiquement, l’articulation de la liberté et de l’ordre public contractuels qui s’opère différemment si bien qu’elle apparaît, à l’épreuve des droits fondamentaux, sous un jour nouveau. À la fois ordre de promotion et de limitation de la liberté, l’ordre public contractuel se révèle, avant tout, comme un ordre de fondation de la libertéFar from being exclusively hierarchical, the relationship between the contract and fundamental rights also appears to be dialectical. The phenomenon of the fundamentalization of the contract, leading to the restriction of contractual freedom, is met by an inverse phenomenon of the contractualization of fundamental rights, tending on the contrary to promote it. The emergence of fundamental rights disturbs as much as it exalts the contractual freedom, which constitutes therefore the core of the interactions between contract and fundamental rights. It is in the light of a renewed reflection on contractual public order that the solidarity of these two antagonistic phenomena can be tested, and their relationship systematized. Owing to reciprocal influences, the meeting of the contract and fundamental rights is indeed the source of a new contractual balance. Fundamental rights are gradually replacing public order and are changing both its structure and substance. More specifically, it is the articulation of contractual freedom and public order that operates differently, so that it appears, tested by fundamental rights, in a new light. Both an order to promote and limit freedom, contractual public order turns out to be, above all, an order to establish freedom
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Brand, Charles. ""The Bane of Liberty": Opposition to Standing Armies as the Basis of Antifederalist Thought." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5911.
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The severely neglected subject of Antifederalism is the focal point of this project. As the framing ideology opposed to the ratification of the U.S. Constitution, Antifederalism has not been treated with the same historical care as Federalism, the successful and currently operational ideology. This is both an intellectual and ethical mistake that ignores the role that Antifederalism played in procuring the Bill of Rights, and still plays in the sphere of political dissent. The de facto successors to the Revolutionary mentality, Antifederalists took it upon themselves to conclusively secure the American conception of liberty, already wrested from British hands, from a growing threat—those whom they deemed domestic imperialists. Even Thomas Jefferson, architect of the Declaration of Independence, espoused the principles behind Antifederalism, especially when confronted with those of Hamiltonian Federalism. Moreover, Jefferson's Revolution of 1800, which gave rise to the Democratic-Republicans, consisted of many former Antifederalists.
While wholly relevant and increasingly indispensible, the few studies that do examine Antifederalism fall short of finding or acknowledging its lasting significance, owing to supposed internal dissension, socioeconomic in nature. However, Antifederalists featured ideological unanimity in at least one area: opposition to standing armies. This opposition is evident in both the theoretical (why they were against standing armies) and practical (what to do about it) areas. The imperial legacy of hostility, a historical and lived experience for Americans of the time, drove Antifederalists to make their objections to ratification obvious, of which the standing army issue played the most elemental part. Informed and inspired by this lengthy history of distrust for military forces maintained in time of peace, which included their own Revolution, Antifederalists sought to safeguard their liberties from future encroachments, for future generations. By arguing that Antifederalists, regardless of region or class, objected to standing armies, this thesis seeks to elevate Antifederalism to its rightful place in the contexts of political history and the encompassing American tale.M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
History
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Revilla, Izquierdo Milagros Aurora. "The constitutional principle of french laicism post Charlie Hebdo." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116270.
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The attack on Charlie Hebdo in January 2015 caused political statements and academic reflections principally on the danger to constitutional principle of french laicism and republican values, without detriment to the references to freedom of expression and other rights as to the relationship with terrorist attacks in november 13 in Paris in the same year. The purpose of this work is the understanding and application of this constitutional principle in the present circumstances in France. The point of reference is the legal basis, the recent national jurisprudence and consideration of this in the international legal community.El atentado contra Charlie Hebdo en enero de 2015 provocó declaraciones políticas y reflexiones académicas sobre, principalmente, la amenaza que significó para el principio constitucional de laicidad francés y los valores de la República, sin perjuicio de la mención a la libertad de expresión y otros derechos, así como a la relación con los ataques terroristas cometidos el 13 de noviembre en París en el mismo año. El objeto de este trabajo es la comprensión y aplicación de este principio constitucional en las circunstancias actuales en Francia, tomando en cuenta sus fundamentos jurídicos, la reciente jurisprudencia nacional y la consideración sobre este principio en la comunidad jurídica internacional.
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Ulloa, Daniel. "Aspectos laborales en la ley de libertad religiosa y su reglamento." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115883.
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Labor Issues in the religious freedom act and its regulationThis text reviews the constitutional and legal regulation of religious freedom, considering the definition of its content established by the Constitutional Court and its application in the labor contracts, both common and those involving an ideological employer or with ideological trendEn el presente texto se repasa la regulación constitucional y legal de la libertad religiosa, considerando la definición de su contenido establecida por el Tribunal Constitucional y su aplicación en las relacionales laborales, tanto comunes como en aquellas que involucran a un empleador ideológico o de tendencia.
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Khiter, Samia. "L’appréhension du fait religieux dans les Constitutions arabes : Du Maghreb au Proche-orient." Thesis, Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20016.
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Les conceptions juridiques sur lesquelles repose l’Etat de droit au sein de cette aire géographique influent sur la détermination de la protection juridique des libertés fondamentales de l’Homme mais également sur la structure et l’organisation de l’Etat. Même si ce dernier se prévaut de sa vocation à garantir les droits fondamentaux, il semble échouer dans sa missions de protéger les libertés individuelles, en particulier celle relative à la liberté de religion. En outre, le religieux dispose d’une place telle que le jeu institutionnel s’en trouve entravé. L’accent est ensuite mis sur deux tendances contradictoires : la sécularisation progressive du droit à travers le renforcement du rôle de la justice constitutionnelle et l’éveil de la société civile d’une part, et les raisons de la persistance de la dialogie Constitution-Religion d’autre part. Aujourd'hui, à l’heure des « Printemps arabes », ces deux référents se présentent comme une dialogie nécessaire ou évidente. Les Révolutions n’ont pas abouti à la consécration d’un modèle laïc et la place du religieux se trouve maintenue, voire renforcéeThe dispute in the Arab world on the relationship between constitutional rights and freedom of religion has become increasingly passionate and virulent. Moreover, the relationship between these two positions is simultaneously a source of unification and conflict. To understand the logic of basing constitutionalisation on religious beliefs, this analysis seeks, firstly, to examine the Islamic judicial system, the objective being to substantiate the existence of Islamic constitutional theory; and to demonstrate the uncertainties that flow from its use in most Arab constitutional systems. The respective judicial concepts of each Arab state have a direct impact on both the protection of the fundamental human liberties and the structure and organisation of states. To the degree that governments propagate the concept of the rule of law, they appear to fail in fostering individual liberties, especially freedom of religion. Additionally, the scope given to the religious person at the core of constitutional texts in such that the very institution of fundamental liberties is hampered. Secondly, it is important to state the reasons for the uncertainties in Arab constitutional systems and their resulting impact. Emphasis is, therefore, given to two contradictory movements: on the one hand the progressive secularisation of law in reinforcing constitutional justice and the awakening of civil society; and on the other the persistent ambiguity on the relationship between constitutional rights and freedom of religion. Ultimately these developments lay the foundation to understanding the current judicial and political environment. At the time of the Arab Spring these two positions, constitution and religion, form the basis of a necessary and obvious dialogue: these uprisings have not led to the consecration of secular states, and the scope of the religious person has been maintained and perhaps even strengthened
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Chopplet, Antoine. "Adhémar Esmein et le droit constitutionnel de la liberté." Thesis, Reims, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012REIMD004/document.
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Né en le 1er février 1848 et mort le 20 juillet 1913, Adhémar Esmein fut l’un des juristes français les plus célèbres de la « Belle Époque ». Nommé à la Faculté de droit de Paris en 1879, le juriste enseignera dans les plus grands établissements d’enseignements français telles l’École pratique des hautes études ou l’École libre des sciences politiques.Historien du droit reconnu, Esmein produira au cours de sa carrière de nombreux travaux en droit romain, en droit canonique et publiera deux éminents ouvrages d’histoire du droit français tous deux destinés principalement aux étudiants.Toutefois, par sa formation, Esmein fut aussi l’un des plus grands constitutionnalistes de son temps. Chargé du cours de droit constitutionnel à la Faculté de droit dès 1890, il s’intéressera à cette discipline nouvelle tout au long de sa vie. Outre d’importants articles, il publiera en 1896 les Éléments de droit constitutionnel qui resteront l’un des « monuments » du droit constitutionnel français. L’ouvrage, réédité à sept reprises jusque dans les années 1920, est généralement présenté comme le premier ouvrage de droit constitutionnel républicain. Son auteur paraît ainsi aux yeux des juristes contemporains comme le promoteur infatigable du régime politique de la IIIe République.Mais à la lecture de l’ensemble de son œuvre constitutionnelle, il apparaît que la pensée de l’auteur se fonde essentiellement sur l’idéologie libérale française la plus typique de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Ainsi, on peut affirmer que le républicanisme d’Adhémar Esmein s’explique largement par son libéralisme.Cette étude se propose donc d’étudier la pensée constitutionnelle de l’auteur sous l’angle de la liberté et de montrer que l’ensemble de sa théorie juridique a pour seul objet la protection de la liberté de l’individuBorn on February 1st, 1848, Adhémar Esmein died on July 20th, 1913. He was recognised as one of the most important French lawyers from the ‘Belle Epoque’. Appointed by the University of Law in Paris in 1879, he taught at the most prestigious French educational institutions such as the École des Hautes Études and the École Libre des Sciences Politiques.Esmein was, above all, a Legal historian, but throughout his career, he also published numerous studies on Roman Law, Canon law and he wrote two prominent books on French legal history.During his academic career, Esmein was also regarded as one of the most important constitutional experts of his epoch. He taught Constitutional Law in Paris from as early as 1890 and was involved in constitutional science throughout his life. In 1896 he published ‘Elements de Droit Constitutionnel’ which is still considered as a fundamental text in the field of French Constitutional Law. The book was re-edited seven times until the 1920s, is generally seen as the first published work on republican constitutional law and gained its author a reputation as a tireless instigator of the Third Republic political regime.An analysis of the full body of his constitutional work leads the reader to the conclusion that it seems that Esmein’s philosophy is mainly based on the French liberal ideology which was dominant in the second half of the 19th century: it can be argued that his republicanism can be exclusively explained by his liberalism.This research project intends to study the constitutional thought of the author in terms of liberty and to show that the sole purpose of his legal theories was the protection of the freedom of the individual
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Nies, Gregory O. Hankins Barry Beckwith Francis Waltman Jerold L. "Religious liberty through the lens of textualism and a Living Constitution the First Amendment Establishment Clause interpretations of Justices William Brennan, Jr. and Antonin Scalia /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4837.
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Ramos, Rui Manuel Monteiro Lopes. "Liberal reformism in Portugal : Oliveira Martins, the movement for a 'new life' and the politics of the constitutional monarchy (1885-1908)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267268.
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Landa, Arroyo César. "Constitutionalization of Commercial Law." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/109901.
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The Constitution, being the Supreme Law of the Peruvian legal system, irradiates its normative force towards all the legal fields. For its part, Commercial Law is an area based on privatea utonomy; however, in our legal system a zone free of constitutional control does not exist.In this article, the author conducts a remarkable analysis about the constitutionalization of Commercial Law, making reference to the Constitutional Court’s jurisprudence which, applying fundamental principles and rights, has had an effect on the application of the commercial laws in our country.La Constitución, al ser la Norma Suprema del sistema jurídico peruano, irradia su fuerza normativaa todos los ámbitos del Derecho. Por su parte, elDerecho Mercantil es una rama que se basa en laautonomía privada; sin embargo, en nuestro orde-namiento no existe zona que esté exenta de controlconstitucional.En este artículo, el autor realiza un notable análisis acerca de la constitucionalización del Derecho Mercantil, haciendo un recorrido por la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional que, aplicando principios y derechos fundamentales, ha influido en la aplicación de las normas mercantiles en nuestro país.
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Kelly, James B. "Charter activism and Canadian federalism : rebalancing liberal constitutionalism in Canada, 1982 to 1997." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0022/NQ50199.pdf.
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Drake, Thomas. "Eyewitness to History in Devolution of Democracy and Constitutional Rights Following 9/11." Thesis, Walden University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10284227.
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Many researchers and political experts have commented on the disenfranchisement of the citizenry caused by irresponsible use of power by the government that potentially violates the 4th Amendment rights of millions of people through secret mass surveillance programs. Disclosures of this abuse of power are presumably protected by the 1st Amendment, though when constitutional protections are not followed by the government, the result can be prosecution and imprisonment of whistleblowers. Using a critical autoethnographic approach, the purpose of this study was to examine the devolution of democratic governance and constitutional rights in the United States since 9/11. Using the phenomena of my signature indictment (the first whistleblower since Daniel Ellsberg was charged under the Espionage Act) and prosecution by the U.S. government, data were collected through interviews with experts associated with this unique circumstance. These data, including my own recollections of the event, were inductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. The findings revealed that the use of national security as the primary grounds to suppress democracy and the voices of whistleblowers speaking truth to, and about, power increased authoritarian tendencies in government. These tendencies gave rise to extra-legal autocratic behavior and sovereign state control over the institutions of democratic governance. Positive social change can only take place in a society that has robust governance and social structures that strengthen democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and do not inhibit or suppress them.
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Lourdusamy, Sahayaraj. "La conversion religieuse dans un contexte pluraliste : aspects canoniques et civils concernant l'Union indienne." Paris 11, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA111002.
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Manson, Katherine Elizabeth. "Comparing and contrasting liberal, communitarian and feminist approaches to resolving tensions between customary and constitutional law: the case of polygamy in Swaziland." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003011.
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Tensions between the individual rights and freedoms found in constitutional bills of rights and the traditionally prescribed social roles and positions articulated in African customary law systems have often been characterised as tensions between communitarian and liberal philosophies. In particular, the notion of gender equality, which is often a feature of the protections offered by constitutional bills of rights, is seen to be in direct opposition to the overtly patriarchal character of many African customs and traditions. This thesis looks specifically at polygamy, long and widely considered in the West to be an oppressive practice premised on the assumed inferiority of women. The analysis considers the implications of polygamy in a particular cultural context, that of the Kingdom of Swaziland, where the newly instituted constitution is often seen to be incompatible with many aspects of Swazi customary law. Here, the tension between the constitutional commitment to gender equality and the persistence of polygamy as a seemingly discriminatory cultural practice forms a lens through which to view the debate as a whole. The theoretical analysis is supplemented by empirical research sourced from local media archives and in-depth interviews conducted with twelve Swazi women, both unmarried and married in polygamous relationships. Communitarian and liberal approaches to resolving this tension are compared, contrasted and finally critiqued from a feminist standpoint. The feminist critique of both communitarianism and liberalism implies that neither ideology promises much for women and affirms the relatively recent feminist suggestion that the key to resolving tensions between constitutional and customary law in general, and to uplifting the social/legal status of women in particular lies in the enhancement of women’s democratic participation and the improvement of women’s decision-making powers.
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Batal, Mohamad. "Shifting Priorities? Civic Identity in the Jewish State and the Changing Landscape of Israeli Constitutionalism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1826.
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This thesis begins with an explanation of Israel’s foundational constitutional tension—namely, that its identity as a Jewish State often conflicts with liberal-democratic principles to which it is also committed. From here, I attempt to sketch the evolution of the state’s constitutional principles, pointing to Chief Justice Barak’s “constitutional revolution” as a critical juncture where the aforementioned theoretical tension manifested in practice, resulting in what I call illiberal or undemocratic “moments.” More profoundly, by introducing Israel’s constitutional tension into the public sphere, the Barak Court’s jurisprudence forced all of the Israeli polity to confront it. My next chapter utilizes the framework of a bill currently making its way through the Knesset—Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People—in order to draw out the past and future of Israeli civic identity. From a positivist perspective, much of my thesis points to why and how Israel often falls short of liberal-democratic principles. My final chapters demonstrate that neither the Supreme Court nor any other part of the Israeli polity appears particularly well-suited to stopping what I see as the beginning of a transformational shift in theory and in practice. In my view, this shift is making, and will continue to make, the state’s ethno-religious character the preeminent factor in Israeli Constitutionalism and civic identity.
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Money-Kyrle, Rebecca H. "Pre-charge detention of terrorist suspects and the right to liberty and security." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5be1f686-3721-4706-9bf7-fd4dc85e245e.
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This thesis assesses the UK Terrorism Act 2000’s stop and search and pre-charge detention powers against liberty and security rights. It proposes that criminalizing ‘terrorism’, and legitimacy of counter-terrorism laws, depends on moral and legal norms defining legitimate sovereign power. External norms of territorial sovereignty and non-intervention define and legitimize external defensive actions by the state to protect nation state security. Individual liberty and security rights, specifically pursuant to article 9, ICCPR and article 5 ECHR, have a special moral and legal status externally, but are not universally determinative of sovereign legitimacy. The thesis argues that these external norms accommodate contrasting paradigms of internal legitimacy, the ‘security state’ and the ‘liberal state’. Conceptually, sovereign legitimacy in the former is grounded on heteronymous collective or ideological values, grounding fundamental obligations legitimizing ‘balancing’ of individual liberty and security against security of those ultimate norms. The ‘balancing metaphor’ and exceptionalist theories are conceptually located within the security state paradigm. Conversely, political and individual autonomy (liberty and security of the person) circumscribe legitimacy of liberal state action, grounding fundamental obligations to prevent and punish harms, and to refrain from violating individual autonomy unless justified by those obligations. Liberal rule of law standards, including due process rights, are legitimized by the instrumental role of law as the primary source of justification in the liberal state. Evaluating the policy justifications, enactment, and scope of the TA provisions against those norms, the thesis concludes they contradict liberal norms, violate international norms and individual legal rights to liberty and security, and undermine the rule of law and due process rights. The pre-emptive counter-terrorism policy, balancing national security against individual liberty, and degradation of due process rights, belies a security state approach.
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Catalan, Marcos, and Gerchmann Suzana Rahde. "A contract: two-hundred years of historicity." IUS ET VERITAS, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122432.
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Assuming that the passing of time is reflected in each individual, preventing its stagnation, and that all interpretations must be temporally and spatially contextualized, the contract is studied here according to its changes in the last two centuries, changes that were propelled, at first, by the transition from the Liberal state to the Welfare state and, later on, by its replacement for the Democratic state of Law.Teniendo en cuenta que el paso del tiempo se refleja en cada existir, impidiendo su estancamiento, y además, que toda interpretación debe ser contextualizada en el tiempo y en el espacio, el contrato es estudiado aquí observando las transformaciones que este ha sufrido en los últimos dos siglos. el presente estudio trata de conocer los cambios ocurridos por la transición del estado Liberal al estado social y, más tarde, por la sustitución de este por el estado Democrático.
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Cavaliere, Patrick Anthony. "Crime and punishment in Fascist Italy : a constitutional analysis of political criminal justice from the liberal state to the drafting of the Rocco Code." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260008.
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Creighton, Theresa A. "Freedom and the Ideal Republican State: Kant, Jefferson, and the Place of Individual Freedom in the Republican Constitutional State." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-06112008-123804/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from file title page. Melissa M. Merritt, committee chair; Andrew J. Cohen, Sandra Dwyer, committee members. Electronic text (85 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed October 9, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 82-85).
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Hallwass, Norberto. "Principiologia contratual no Estado democrático e social de direito: limites e possibilidades da intervenção Estatal nos contratos." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2007. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2408.
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O estudo apresenta a evolução histórica do desenvolvimento do Estado, desde a manifestação da cidade-estado de Roma à organização social até o surgimento do Estado moderno com a Revolução Francesa. Estuda, ainda, a evolução do Estado, passando pelas idéias do liberalismo, do Bem-Estar Social até atingir-se o Estado Democrático de Direito. Apresenta os princípios norteadores dos contratos, efetuando análise de suas alterações em decorrência das transformações do Estado. Conclui que o Estado Democrático de Direito, como um modelo de garantia de paradigmas onde não há distinção entre público e privado e, como tal, a intervenção estatal no direito contratual, torna-se considerável com vistas a garantir os direitos inseridos na Constituição. Este modelo preserva o interesse da coletividade em detrimento do particular, criando uma série de novos mecanismos para tanto
This study presents through a bibliographical research, by means of a phenomenological analysis, the evolution of the constitutional principles of the contract law. The historical evolution of the development of the state is presented since the manifestation of the city-state of Rome, analyzing the social organization up until then, to the appearance of the Modern State with the French Revolution. Its evolution has still been studied, through the Liberalism ideas, the Social Well-Being until reach the Law Democratic State. The main guidelines of the contracts are presented, accomplishing the analysis of their alterations, in consequence of the State transformations. The present work also presents the Law Democratic State as a guarantee model of paradigms where there is no distinction between public and private, and this way the state intervention in the contract law is considerable, aiming to guarantee the rights inserted in the Constitution. This model preserves the interest of the collectivity in detriment
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Francisci, Patricia. "Le statut constitutionnel des partis politiques." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32086.
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Les partis politiques sont devenus les piliers de la démocratie moderne. De simples groupes inorganisés, ils sont devenus des structures hiérarchisées dont l’objectif est la conquête puis l’exercice du pouvoir. Les contingences historiques ont montré la nécessité pour les démocraties de se doter d’un appareil juridique pour se protéger des partis, mais également pour garantir leurs droits et libertés. Les partis ont donc été consacrés dans les Constitutions d’après-guerre. Cette constitutionnalisation s’est accompagnée de l’adjonction de Lois des partis ainsi que de dispositions législatives règlementant le droit des partis. La question du statut constitutionnel des partis se posait, alimentée par les décisions du juge constitutionnel, amené à se prononcer sur les droits, libertés et exigences des partis, dans le cadre du contrôle de constitutionnalité.Dès lors, il était intéressant d’aborder une approche comparatiste des partis politiques, sous l'angle du droit constitutionnel comparé, en l’occurrence du contentieux constitutionnel. La constitutionnalisation structurelle opposée à la consécration fonctionnelle permet de mettre en relief les grands principes directeurs du droit des partis. Ont ainsi été dégagés les principes de liberté, d’égalité, ainsi que celui de la transparence. Les partis sont confrontés aux exigences et aux interdictions, issues aussi bien des textes constitutionnels que législatifs. Les Cours constitutionnelles allemande, espagnole, italienne, française et portugaise apportent leurs appréciations, dont les travaux proposent une analyse détaillée. Le juge constitutionnel a certes remplit sa mission de protecteur de la Constitution en assurant la protection des principes démocratiques, mais dans le même temps, il s’est révélé le protecteur des droits et libertés des partisLes partis politiques sont devenus les piliers de la démocratie moderne. De simples groupes inorganisés, ils sont devenus des structures hiérarchisées dont l’objectif est la conquête puis l’exercice du pouvoir. Les contingences historiques ont montré la nécessité pour les démocraties de se doter d’un appareil juridique pour se protéger des partis, mais également pour garantir leurs droits et libertés. Les partis ont donc été consacrés dans les Constitutions d’après-guerre. Cette constitutionnalisation s’est accompagnée de l’adjonction de Lois des partis ainsi que de dispositions législatives règlementant le droit des partis. La question du statut constitutionnel des partis se posait, alimentée par les décisions du juge constitutionnel, amené à se prononcer sur les droits, libertés et exigences des partis, dans le cadre du contrôle de constitutionnalité.Dès lors, il était intéressant d’aborder une approche comparatiste des partis politiques, sous l'angle du droit constitutionnel comparé, en l’occurrence du contentieux constitutionnel. La constitutionnalisation structurelle opposée à la consécration fonctionnelle permet de mettre en relief les grands principes directeurs du droit des partis. Ont ainsi été dégagés les principes de liberté, d’égalité, ainsi que celui de la transparence. Les partis sont confrontés aux exigences et aux interdictions, issues aussi bien des textes constitutionnels que législatifs. Les Cours constitutionnelles allemande, espagnole, italienne, française et portugaise apportent leurs appréciations, dont les travaux proposent une analyse détaillée. Le juge constitutionnel a certes remplit sa mission de protecteur de la Constitution en assurant la protection des principes démocratiques, mais dans le même temps, il s’est révélé le protecteur des droits et libertés des partis
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Bauduin, Bérénice. "La constitutionnalisation du droit du travail : étude d'une dynamique contemporaine." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D001.
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Étudier la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail en tant que dynamique contemporaine suppose d'envisager non seulement la dynamique actuelle de ce mouvement mais également sa dynamique future. En premier lieu, le droit du travail s'inscrit pleinement dans un mouvement général de constitutionnalisation des branches du droit. Le droit du travail est donc l'objet d'une constitutionnalisation. Le droit du travail est, ensuite, une source de constitutionnalisation en permettant la reconnaissance de la valeur constitutionnelle de plusieurs droits et libertés civils de premier plan. En second lieu, le droit du travail subit actuellement des évolutions susceptibles d'entretenir des rapports étroits avec la constitutionnalisation dont il fait l'objet. Tout d'abord, les réformes récentes tendent à opérer une redéfinition du dialogue social. Les rapports entre la loi et la convention collective se trouvent ainsi profondément revisités. Ces évolutions, par la particularité des problématiques qu'elles soulèvent sont de nature à amplifier considérablement la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail. Place de la négociation collective dans l'élaboration de la loi, relations entre dispositions supplétives et compétence du législateur, capacité de résistance du contrat individuel de travail les questions sont non seulement nombreuses mais également originales. Ensuite, les orientations du droit du travail s'avèrent changeantes. Les apports que peut avoir la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail à la définition de ces orientations doivent être soulignés. Plus particulièrement, elle peut endosser à la fois un rôle d'obstacle et de moteur dans cette définitionStudying the constitutionalization of labor law as a contemporary dynamic implies considering not only the current dynamics of this movement but also its future dynamics. In the first place, labor law is full y part of a general process of constitutionalization of the different branches of the law. Labor law is therefore the subject of a constitutionalization. Labor law is also a source of constitutionalization as it is the source of constitutional recognition for several important civil rights and freedoms. Second, labor law is currently undergoing several evolutions which are likely to entertain close relations with the constitutionalisation process it is going through. Recent reforms tend to redefine labour relations. The relation between law and collective agreements is deeply revisited. These developments, because of the particular nature of the problems they raise, are likely to amplify the constitutionalization of labor Jaw. Several original questions are raised : collective negociations in the process of law-making, relations between supplementary provisions and legislative power, resiliance of the individual employment contract. At last, the orientations of labor law are changing. The constitutionalization of labor Jaw can help to define or redefine these orientations. More specifically, it can act both as an obstacle and a driving force in this definition
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Gomes, Fabiano Soares. "As razões do direito: um estudo da razão pública a partir do modelo liberal-igualitário de John Rawls." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4097.
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Em 1993, John Rawls, notável filósofo e professor da distinta Harvard University, publicou seu Political Liberalism, um livro em que pela primeira vez sintetiza sistematicamente o conceito de razão pública, uma ideia chave de sua teoria da justiça como equidade (justice as fairness). Segundo Rawls, a razão pública consiste fundamentalmente no modo e conteúdo adequados ao debate e à fundamentação de escolhas essenciais de justiça no espaço público de uma democracia constitucional. Nesse sentido, Rawls advoga que o único meio razoável de justificação da coerção estatal reside no reconhecimento e/ou obtenção de consensos (overlapping consensus) em relação às escolhas essenciais de uma sociedade democrática, o que só é possível se atores públicos e privados se despojarem de suas respectivas doutrinas filosóficas ou morais abrangentes ao debater e decidir tais questões essenciais de justiça. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a proposta de razão pública de Rawls, dentro do contexto de sua teoria da justiça como equidade, propondo-se a verificar se o pensamento rawlsiano procede no contexto jurídico-filosófico da pós-modernidade e se a sua teoria pode ser concretamente aplicada aos ordenamentos jurídicos contemporâneos, em especial no que tange ao conteúdo e pleno exercício da liberdade religiosa pelos cidadãos de um estado constitucional democrático.In 1993 John Rawls, a notable American philosopher and professor of the distinguished Harvard University, published his Political Liberalism, a book that presents for the first time Rawlss idea of public reason, a key concept of his theory of justice. To Rawls public reason is fundamentally the proper form and content of public debate, as well as the justification of essential decisions of basic justice in a constitutional democracy. In this sense, Rawls claim that the only reasonable justification for state coercion lays on an overlapping consensus regarding the essential choices of a democratic society, which is possible only if public and private actors surpass their own personal moral or philosophical comprehensive doctrines when engaging in public debate of such essential decisions of basic justice. This dissertation thesis aims to verify the rawlsian proposal of public reason in the context of justice as fairness, reflecting whether Rawls proposal fits a post-modern juridical and philosophical reality. The work also aims to analyze if Rawls theory can be effectively applied to modern constitutional states, especially regarding the content and exercise of religious freedom by the citizens of a democratic constitutional state.
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Duque, Ayala Corina. "La politique publique d’éducation en France et en Colombie." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40027/document.
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La première partie de la thèse est consacrée à une comparaison synchronique portant sur l’histoireet les fondements du droit à l’éducation, ainsi que sur les composantes du droit à l’éducation (disponibilité,accès, permanence, acceptabilité, adaptabilité et qualité de celle-ci) et la manière dont ils ont été traduits dansla législation interne actuelle. Les catégories d’analyse alors retenues nous ont plus précisément permis deréaliser en la matière une micro-comparaison, c’est-à-dire une comparaison portant sur les acteurs du systèmescolaire, leurs fonctions, leurs compétences, leurs obligations et garanties.La deuxième partie de la thèse est consacrée à une analyse de la nature et de la portée du droit à l´éducationdans les deux pays, ainsi qu’à sa consécration par la voie constitutionnelle, légale, jurisprudentielle, et grâceaux normes supranationales.La troisième partie de la thèse est consacrée à une comparaison de la transformation, au regard des évolutionsqui se produisent sur la scène globale, des institutions et des politiques publiques relatives dans chaque pays àl’éducation. Ceci a permis de comprendre le rôle des organismes internationaux dans la création de nouveauxréférentiels universels, et la manière dont ces derniers ont été incorporés dans les législations internes. Endernier lieu, il a été procédé à une analyse de l’évaluation des systèmes scolaires faite à partir des indicateursnéolibéraux, qui a permis de comparer l’organisation et la gestion des systèmes scolaires des deux pays.Les conclusions résultant de l'observation des deux systèmes juridiques ont abouti à mettre en exergue lesprincipes et fondements communs qui existent dans le monde occidental et qui ont facilité l’harmonisationsouple du droit public international relatif à l’éducationThe first part of this thesis is devoted to a synchronic comparison of the history and foundationsof the right to education, as well as the components of the right to education (availability, access, permanence,acceptability, adaptability and quality thereof) and how they have been translated into current nationallegislation. The categories of analysis used therefore have specifically made it possible to carry out a microcomparisonin this area, that is to say, a comparison of the stakeholders in the school system, their functions,powers, duties and guarantees.The second part of this thesis is devoted to an analysis of the nature and scope of the right to education in bothcountries, and how it has been enshrined by judicial, legal and constitutional means, and thanks tosupranational standards.The third part of this thesis is devoted to a comparison of the transformation, in the light of changes occurringin the global arena, of institutions and public policies in each country with respect to education. This hasmade it possible to understand the role of international organizations in creating new universal standards, andhow these standards have been incorporated into domestic legislation. Finally, an analysis of the evaluation ofschool systems based on neoliberal indicators has been undertaken, which has made it possible to compare theorganization and management of education systems of both countries.The findings resulting from the observation of both legal systems have led to highlight the common principlesand foundations that exist in the Western world and that have facilitated the flexible harmonization ofinternational public law on education
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Chang, Kcomt Romy Alexandra. "Constitutional function assigned to the penalty: Bases for a criminal policy plan." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116385.
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This article intends to analyze treatment and functions assigned to the penalty by our Peruvian Constitution and the way this legal institution is conducted at the prescribed basic penalty level (imposed by the legislator ineach type of criminal offence), the specific penalty level (imposed by the judge according to its individual characteristics in each case) and at the penitentiary enforcement level. Finally recommends some considerations for carrying out a possible legislative reform in accordance with a criminal policy plan within our constitutional framework.El presente trabajo busca efectuar un análisis en torno al tratamiento y las funciones que nuestra Constitución política asigna a la pena, y la manera como dicha institución se desarrolla en nuestro país con respectoa la pena abstracta (la impuesta por el legislador en cada tipo penal), la pena concreta (la impuesta por el juez luego de una individualización en cada casoconcreto), y su ejecución en el ámbito penitenciario. Finaliza proponiendo algunas consideraciones para una eventual reforma legislativa conforme conun plan de política criminal que se encuentre dentro del marco constitucional.
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Danbury, Richard M. "The 'full liberty of public writers' : special treatment of journalism in English law." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5299bf69-f793-4280-9525-9f3cc6f50ccc.
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This thesis investigates whether institutional journalism should receive special treatment at the hands of the law. Special treatment encompasses the affording of benefits to and the imposition of liabilities on journalistic institutions and the individuals who work for them. The arguments against special treatment are pragmatic and theoretical: pragmatic arguments emphasise, inter alia, the difficulty of providing a definition of journalism, and theoretical arguments emphasise the difficulty in explaining why special treatment can be coherent. The former can be addressed by describing how special treatment is already afforded to institutional journalism, both liabilities and benefits, to individuals and institutions, and showing that some of the problems foreseen by the pragmatic arguments have not proved as difficult as they appear. The arguments that special treatment is incoherent can be addressed by arguing that the credibility and assessability of institutional journalism still provide a prima facie rationale for special treatment irrespective of the rise of public speech on the Internet, when combined with the integral nature of journalism to democracy. Two basic arguments are advanced why this is so. The first, the free speech values argument, is a consequentialist account that holds that special treatment is appropriate when (or because) institutional journalism contributes to free speech values. It is attractive, but presents difficulties, both when considered in the abstract and when applied to the free speech value of democracy. The second, a rights-based argument, based on the notion that freedoms of speech and of the Press are distinguishable, can be based on either on Dworkin’s theory of rights as trumps or Raz’s theory of rights as interests. Raz’s account is preferable, as it complements the free speech values thesis in explaining the coherence of special treatment.