Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberia, foreign relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberia, foreign relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberia, foreign relations"

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Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.

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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating notions of progress that frustrated black claims for unconditional self-determination or first-class citizenship. Kendrix’s public relations work on behalf of Liberia highlights intersections between postwar black entrepreneurialism and politics and US foreign relations, as well as the globalization of US business and consumerism.
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Nash, Marian, and (Leich). "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 2 (April 1996): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203689.

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In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the action on behalf of the Republic of Liberia.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.

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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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GLOVER, NIKOLAS. "Between Order and Justice: Investments in Africa and Corporate International Responsibility in Swedish Media in the 1960s." Enterprise & Society 20, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 401–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.87.

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This article analyzes how the public relations of multinational companies was affected by the double impact of decolonization and spread of television during the 1960s. It contributes to recent theoretical conceptualizations of corporate social responsibility by adding the dimension of home country stakeholders and the border-crossing character of corporate responsibility. The analysis deals with the changing media representations in Sweden of Swedish-owned firms in Liberia and South Africa before, during, and after what has been called the “postcolonial moment” (1960–1963). In its wake, Swedish industrialists faced a new policy problem: firms in overseas markets were no longer expected to do only what was legal in the host country but also what was considered right in their home country. The analysis follows the debates concerning this issue of corporateinternationalresponsibility throughout the 1960s, and how national business organizations and executives in firms such as the Liberian-American-Swedish Mining Company publicly sought to defend the role of Swedish foreign direct investment in Africa. The business community developed various public relations strategies to engage with its critics, professionalized their media relations, and organized international study tours for unions and politicians.
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Blair, Robert A., and Philip Roessler. "Foreign Aid and State Legitimacy." World Politics 73, no. 2 (March 16, 2021): 315–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388712000026x.

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ABSTRACTWhat are the effects of foreign aid on the perceived legitimacy of recipient states? Different donors adhere to different rules, principles, and operating procedures. The authors theorize that variation in these aid regimes may generate variation in the effects of aid on state legitimacy. To test their theory, they compare aid from the United States to aid from China, its most prominent geopolitical rival. Their research design combines within-country analysis of original surveys, survey experiments, and behavioral games in Liberia with cross-country analysis of existing administrative and Afrobarometer data from six African countries. They exploit multiple proxies for state legitimacy, but focus in particular on tax compliance and morale. Contrary to expectations, the authors find little evidence to suggest that exposure to aid diminishes the legitimacy of African states. If anything, the opposite appears to be true. Their results are consistent across multiple settings, multiple levels of analysis, and multiple measurement and identification strategies, and are unlikely to be artifacts of sample selection, statistical power, or the strength or weakness of particular experimental treatments. The authors conclude that the effects of aid on state legitimacy at the microlevel are largely benign.
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Gerdes, Felix. "The Interplay of Domestic Legitimation and Foreign Relations: Contrasting Charles Taylor and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia." Civil Wars 17, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 446–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2015.1115576.

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van den Herik, Larissa. "The Difficulties of Exercising Extraterritorial Criminal Jurisdiction: The Acquittal of a Dutch Businessman for Crimes Committed in Liberia." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 1 (2009): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x398899.

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AbstractReports of the NGO Global Witness in which the implication of the Dutchman Kouwenhoven in the civil war in Liberia was exposed served as the lead for the Dutch Prosecution Office to start a criminal case against this national. In June 2006, the Dutch businessman Guus Kouwenhoven was convicted in first instance for the violation of an arms embargo, but acquitted of the count on war crimes. On appeal, Kouwenhoven was fully acquitted of all charges. In its judgment quashing the prior conviction, the Dutch Court of Appeal heavily criticized the Public Prosecutor and observed that the case against Kouwenhoven was built on quicksand. Even though not based on universal jurisdiction, the case does illustrate the inherent complexities of exercising extraterritorial criminal jurisdiction. A remarkable aspect of the case is that the Court of Appeal evaluated the evidence presented in a fundamentally different way than the Court of First Instance had done. This might be related to the inherent difficulties of assessing “foreign evidence”. In this note, it is argued that when adjudicating such foreign cases, national judges being unfamiliar with the historical and cultural setting in which the alleged crimes took place, should call upon experts on the region to assist in the evaluation of the evidence. In terms of substance, the case leads to interesting questions as to how charges of illegal arms trade do and should relate to charges of complicity in war crimes.
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Dr Christopher Ochanja Ngara. "WAS NIGERIA’S OFFERING OF ASYLUM STATUS TO PRESIDENT CHARLES TAYLOR OF LIBERIA A DIPLOMATIC BLUNDER?" Journal of International Studies 18 (October 16, 2022): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2022.18.3.

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This paper critically examines the appropriateness or otherwise of the granting of asylum status to former Liberian President, Charles Taylor by the Nigerian government on August 11, 2003. The paper argues that the granting of asylum status to Taylor was consistent with Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy and traditional “big brother” role in Africa. The objective of the asylum was to end the 14-year-old-conflict and return peace and stability to Liberia. However, after the asylum was granted to Mr. Taylor, Nigeria came under serious international pressure from the United States (US) and Western allies to release Taylor for trial at the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL). Using desktop review, the findings showed that the asylum was an outcome of a multilateral agreement in which the United Nations (UN), African Union, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the US, and the United Kingdom (UK) played active roles. The paper also establishes that granting asylum to Taylor was within Nigeria’s international obligation under Article 12(3) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of 1981, for which Taylor qualified at the time of the asylum. Similarly, the Declaration of Territorial Asylum, 1967 gives asylum granting the state the powers to evaluate the grounds for granting such asylum. Thus, Nigeria’s asylum accorded to Taylor was the country’s prerogative and consistent with international law even though he was indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the SCSL. Therefore, Nigeria’s action in granting asylum to Mr. Taylor neither violated any treaty to which Nigeria was a signatory at the time of granting the asylum nor amounted to a diplomatic blunder. Rather, Nigeria’s willingness to grant asylum to Taylor which subsequently led to the successful resolution of the Liberian crisis was widely commended in global diplomatic circles. Apart from applying indigenous diplomacy in conflict resolution, Nigeria’s rating as an effective regional power increased. To sustain the country’s pedigree of diplomatic excellence in resolving the Liberian crisis, Nigeria should rally ECOWAS countries to deepen economic integration, achieve self-reliance and make the sub-region less vulnerable to manipulation by Western powers.
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Drozd, Daria. "The participation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the peacekeeping operations." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (6) (October 31, 2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2019-02-05-16.

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The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 operations which ended and 8 ongoing operations. An important aspect of Ukraine’s participation in peacekeeping on the African continent is its coordinated actions with the United Nations on the diplomatic settlement of conflicts and the adherence to official statements regarding them.Peacekeeping missions are currently operating in Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, Sudan (Darfur and Juba) and other African countries. In particular, these are peacekeeping missions such as: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the UN Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI), the African Union – United Nations Operation in Darfur (UNAUMID), the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), demilitarization and peacekeeping in the disputed area of Abyei (UNISFA), the UN Mission in the Republic of Southern Sudan (UNMISS), UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSCA).Ukrainian peacekeeping potential is analysed. Participation of the armed forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations is one of the priority foreign policy tasks of our state, successful implementation of which positively influences strengthening of the national authority of Ukraine, promotes development of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic and regional security structures and has an exceptional significance for the national interests of our country. Ukraine claims to be a full-fledged subject of international relations, increases its credibility and demonstrates a peaceful policy.
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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519561.

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AbstractThe essay traces the roots of R2P in African political thought—through individuals such as Kenya's Ali Mazrui, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Tanzania's Salim Ahmed Salim, South Africa's Nelson Mandela and abo Mbeki, and Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali— and considers the bid by West Africa's regional hegemon, Nigeria, to play a leadership role on the continent in relation to the norm. It argues that the regional West African giant has exhibited a 'missionary zeal' in assuming the role of a benevolent 'older brother' responsible for protecting younger siblings—whether these are Nigeria's immediate neighbours, fellow Africans, or black people in the African Diaspora. Without Nigeria's military support and economic and political clout, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)—which intervened in civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s—would simply not have existed. Despite the lack of a clearly agreed UN or pan-African mandate, Nigeria's interventions - under the auspices of ECOMOG - effectively operationalised R2P in the region and eventually won continental and international support. However, Nigeria's recent foreign adventures have often been launched in the face of strong domestic opposition and a failure by military and civilian regimes to apply R2P domestically. The essay concludes by considering Nigeria's need to build a stable democracy and promote effective regional integration, if it wishes to benefit from its peacekeeping successes in the region and pursue a continued leadership role in relation to R2P.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberia, foreign relations"

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Bird, Annie. "US foreign policy on transitional justice : case studies on Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/473/.

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The US has been involved in the majority of transitional justice measures established since the 1990s. This study explores this phenomenon by examining the forces that shape US foreign policy on transitional justice. It first investigates US influence on the evolution of the field, and then traces US involvement in three illustrative cases in order to establish what US involvement entails, why the US gets involved and how the US has impacted individual measures and the field as a whole. The cases include: the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia; the trial of Liberian President Charles Taylor and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission; and the Justice and Peace Process in Colombia. These cases represent different transitional justice measures, transition types and geographic regions – all key dimensions in the field. These measures were also all established in the 2000s, a period which reflects a different historical moment in the field’s evolution. The cases shed light on the actors who play a key role in the field – from presidential administrations to Congress to the State Department and others. The study is based on nearly 200 interviews and archival research undertaken in the US, The Hague, Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia, providing a strong basis on which to draw conclusions about US foreign policy on transitional justice.
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Durr, Samantha J. "A Brief History of United States Foreign Development Assistance to Benin, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Senegal Since 2000." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1493389407692537.

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Mkalipi, Zanethemba. "Promotion of liberal values in South African foreign policy : beyond the structural imperatives of the international system?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007662.

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The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.
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Irwin, Ryan M. "The Gordian Knot: Apartheid and the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272297260.

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Kuhn, Sascha, David Mosler, and Katharina Richter. "Energy Cooperation in the Caucasus: Continuity and Change in Russian-Turkish Relations." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22947.

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This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.
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Hueber, Bruno. "La démocratie et la question de la guerre dans l'oeuvre d'A. de Tocqueville." Thesis, Tours, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOUR2007/document.

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Deux évidences traversent le discours politique d'aujourd'hui. D'une part, la « démocratie » représenterait le forme de société la plus légitime ou la plus émancipatrice possible, et d'autre part, la guerre serait désormais le signe patent d’un échec dans le traitement des différends entres États souverains. La thèse s'efforce d'extraire de l'œuvre de Tocqueville, des éléments de réponse à une triple interrogation. Quels sont les éléments culturels et institutionnels qui permettent d'appuyer l'idée, et que ratifie l'auteur, selon laquelle, une société démocratique serait pacifique ? Quels sont ensuite les facteurs, les tendances, les intérêts qui, à l'intérieur de ce type de société, peuvent perturber ou annuler ce pacifisme de départ ? Enfin, peut-on être sûr que la paix que proposent les démocraties ne dissimulerait-elle pas un potentiel d'aliénation bien pire que celle que la guerre génère évidemment ?
Two obvious ideas cross the political speech of today. On one hand, the « democracy » would represent shape of the most justifiable society or most possible emancipator, and on the other hand, the war would be from now on the obvious sign of a failure in the treatment of the disputes enter sovereign States. The thesis tries hard to extract from the work of Tocqueville, from elements of answer to a triple interrogation. What are the cultural and institutional elements which allow to support the idea, and which ratifies the author, according to which, a democratic society would be paceful ? What are the factors, the trends, the interests chich, inside thos social structure, can disrupt or cancel this pacifism of departure ? Finally, we can be sure that the peace which propose the democracies it would note hide a potential of alienation much worse than the one that the war generates obvioulsy ?
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Venosa, Robert Donato. ""Freedom Will Win—If Free Men Act!": Liberal Internationalism in an Illiberal Age, 1936-1956." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1588271691660565.

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Hurtado, Torres Sebastian. "The Gathering Storm: The United States, Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and the Polarization of Chilean Politics, 1964-1970." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1476710773529045.

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Long, Katya. "Security and Liberty: the Republican dilemma in the Early American Republic." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210320.

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A la fin du 18ème siècle, les Etats-Unis inaugurent les révolutions fondatrices ou refondatrices, directement inspirée des Lumières et ayant dialoguées par-delà l’Atlantique. La période révolutionnaire a vue une élite politique nouvelle aux prises avec la nécessité de bâtir un «ordre nouveau», c'est-à-dire de créer un gouvernement et de définir le rapport au monde de ce nouvel Etat. Cette quête a amené les acteurs politiques de la révolution à chercher un modèle politique différent de celui, dominant, des monarchies absolues. L’idée de république s’impose dès la déclaration d’indépendance. En effet, les Lumières avaient redécouvert le républicanisme qui pouvait incarner l’espoir d’un ordre politique réformé. Cependant, les républiques classiques et les exemples contemporains confirment l’idée alors partagée par tous qu’une république ne peut être qu’une petite entité politique au sein de laquelle vit une population restreinte d’hommes libres et où les différences sociales sont relativement faibles. Non seulement cette petite taille des républiques était-elle un phénomène empirique mais elle semblait être une loi d’airain. Depuis la reformulation du dilemme républicain par Machiavel, l’idée qu’une république ne puisse pas être libre et étendue faisait consensus. Cette première république moderne, fille des Lumières pacifistes, a pourtant mené une expansion quasi-continentale. Comment cette petite république à la périphérie du monde pouvait-elle réconcilier sa volonté de rompre avec les tentations hégémoniques et son désir de puissance ?Comment pouvait-elle s’étendre tout en préservant sa liberté républicaine ?Nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que la réponse à ces questions se trouve dans une redéfinition des principes et des méthodes de leur politique étrangère. Afin de minimiser les risques de corruption de la république, les acteurs de la révolution ont cherché à mettre en place une politique étrangère républicaine fondée sur les idées des Lumières.

Cette hypothèse nous a mené à articuler notre travail autour de trois axes de recherche :le premier portant sur la théorie politique internationale, le second sur le débat idéologique autour de la politique étrangère et le troisième sur les institutions de prise de décision et de mise en œuvre de cette politique étrangère. Ces trois axes sont reliés par les idées qui forment la structure intellectuelle des débats entre les acteurs ainsi que les déterminants de la création institutionnelle.

C’est là le cœur de notre thèse. En faisant appel à la méthodologie originale développée par Pierre Rosanvallon, qu’il décrit comme une histoire conceptuelle du politique, nous avons tout d’abord procédé à une étude du cadre intellectuel de la révolution américaine en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la philosophie des relations internationales par une analyse de la contribution de Montesquieu à la théorie politique internationale.

La thèse porte ensuite sur les débats révolutionnaires, la tension entre les idéologies des Lumières telles qu’illustrées par la pensée de Montesquieu et le désir d’expansion territoriale ou de grandeur des acteurs de la révolution. Nous avons choisi de consacrer notre étude aux élites, non pas que nous ne considérions pas l’histoire sociale digne d’intérêt mais nous avons postulé que dans cette phase de bouleversement politique, ce sont les élites politiques qui ont joué le rôle déterminant. Enfin, la troisième partie de la thèse consiste en une étude du cadre constitutionnel, législatif et institutionnel de la politique étrangère républicaine issue de l’interaction entre la structure intellectuelle des Lumières et son interprétation par les acteurs.

Ainsi, notre analyse des idées, des acteurs et des institutions de la république américaine nous a permis de contribuer d’une part à la théorie des relations internationales en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la politique internationale au cours du 18ème siècle et d’autre part à l’histoire des idées politiques en étendant son champ aux questions internationales. Cela nous a permis également de mettre en lumière le lien étroit entre la structure idéelle, les intérêts et les stratégies des acteurs et la création des institutions politiques.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Fox, Senan James. "Uncharted waters in a new era : an actor-centered constructivist liberal approach to the East China Sea disputes, 2003 - 2008." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2080.

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This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.
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Books on the topic "Liberia, foreign relations"

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Jean-Philippe, Boucicaut, Hekkens Arnoud, Grain Coast Productions, WGBH (Television station : Boston, Mass.), and PBS Home Video, eds. Liberia: America's stepchild. [Alexandria, Va: Distributed by] PBS Home Video, 2002.

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Crocker, Chester A. Recent developments in Liberia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., ed. Liberia: Issues for the United States. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1996.

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Hyman, Lester S. United States policy towards Liberia 1822 to 2003: Unintended consequences? Cherry Hill, N.J: Africana Homestead Legacy Publishers, 2007.

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Nimley, Anthony J. Government and politics in Liberia. Nashville, Tenn: Academic Publishers International, 1991.

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Dunn, D. Elwood. Liberia and independent Africa, 1940s to 2012: A brief political profile. Cherry Hill, N.J: Africana Homestead Legacy Publishers, 2012.

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Lumumba-Kasongo, Tukumbi. The dynamics of economic and political relations between Africa and foreign powers: A study in international relations. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1999.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on Immigration and Refugee Affairs. Liberia: Relief and reconstruction : a staff report. [Washington, D.C.]: The Subcommittee, 1991.

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Ciment, James. Another America: The story of Liberia and the former slaves who ruled it. New York: Hill and Wang, 2013.

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1946-, Bush George W., and United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations., eds. National emergency with respect to Liberia: Message from the President of the United States transmitting notification that he has exercised the authority granted to him to issue an executive order that prohibits the importation into the United States of all rough diamonds originated in Liberia, whether or not such diamonds originated in Liberia, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1703(b). Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberia, foreign relations"

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Dong, Wang. "The liberal international order." In US–China Foreign Relations, 33–40. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-4.

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Mischa, Hansel. "India and Liberal International Relations Theory." In Theorizing Indian Foreign Policy, 137–59. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, [2017] | Series: Rethinking Asia and international relations: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315551197-11.

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public opinion, domestic structure, and foreign policy in liberal democracies (1991)." In Domestic Politics and Norm Diffusion in International Relations, 25–54. London: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315623665-3.

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Johansson-Nogués, Elisabeth, Martijn C. Vlaskamp, and Esther Barbé. "EU Foreign Policy and Norm Contestation in an Eroding Western and Intra-EU Liberal Order." In Norm Research in International Relations, 1–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33238-9_1.

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Korolczuk, Elżbieta. "The State as a Challenger to Civil Society Elites: The Case of Poland." In Palgrave Studies in Third Sector Research, 257–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40150-3_12.

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AbstractIn recent decades, we can observe significant changes in states’ approaches towards civil society around the globe, including efforts to control civil society organisations, closing communication channels between the state and citizens, and redirecting financial support towards organisations that have been co-opted by the state. These changes are often part of a broader process of state-sponsored elite change. The charge of being a corrupted elite, alienated from the people and financed by foreign powers is routinely used by the right-wing populists in Poland in relation to liberal and left-leaning civil society actors. Thus, the Polish context is suitable for analysing the ways in which the state becomes civil society’s biggest challenger in autocratising countries. This chapter examines the changes in state–civil society relations in contemporary Poland, focusing specifically on the shifting patterns of cooperation and communication between the state and civil society actors.
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Samour, Nahed. "6. The Arab in the law of Berlin, or: 'How does it feel to be a problem?'." In Arab Berlin, 103–20. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839462638-007.

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Samour's contribution discusses Arabness in relation to the law of the Land Berlin, as "the Arab" serves as a foil for the laws of Berlin, and those laws impact the situation of Arabs. The figure of the Arab lends itself as a cipher of the post-World War II liberal order, where societal, political, and legal transformations in Berlin can be highlighted against the backdrop of a figure that is both domestic and global, familiar, and foreign. Against the backdrop of Berlin's state laws and legal policies, the figure of the Arab appears in various ways - categorized, criminalized, and racialized, and on a sliding scale between invisible, visible, and hypervisible.
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Sprink, Thorben, and Ralf Wilhelm. "Genome Editing in Biotech Regulations Worldwide." In A Roadmap for Plant Genome Editing, 425–35. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46150-7_25.

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AbstractSince the introduction of genome editing techniques in breeding and the first commercial products on the market, various governments or jurisdictions have attempted to clarify the legal classification of genome editing in relation to their genetic engineering regulations. Only a few countries, including Europe, fully apply their strict genetic engineering laws to genome-edited organisms or products derived from them. Most countries with liberal regulations base classification on the absence of foreign DNA in the final product (including the USA and Canada, which de facto have no specific GMO laws). Countries such as Australia and Japan have introduced subcategories when sequence templates have been used in the genome editing process. Several countries, including Europe, are in the process of revising their GMO legislation. The international legislative landscape is thus dynamic. The heterogeneity of regulatory regimes poses a challenge for international trade. This chapter summarises the status as of June 2023 and provides a brief introduction to the main legal concepts.
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Gold, Marina. "Conceptualizing Change in the Cuban Revolution." In Methodological Approaches to Societies in Transformation, 89–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65067-4_4.

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AbstractThis paper will consider two levels within the study of the Cuban revolution: the meta-narratives of change and continuity that determine the academic literature on Cuba and inform political positioning in relation to the revolution, and the methodological challenges in understanding how people in Cuba experience change and continuity in their daily life. Transformation and continuity have been the two dominant analytical tropes used to interpret Cuban social and political life since the overthrow of the Batista regime in 1959. For Cuban scholars and politicians, a focus on change in reference to what was Cuba’s reality before the Revolution is a continuous concern and a powerful discursive mechanism in redefining and reinvigorating the revolutionary project. Simultaneously, in periods of crisis throughout the 62 years since the revolution, the capacity to demonstrate continuity with revolutionary principles while developing new mechanisms to redefine the political project has ensured the revolution’s subsistence. Conversely, continuity and change are also harnessed by critics of Cuba’s current regime to articulate the ever-imminent collapse of socialism in the region. Change has been their main focus of concern during critical historic moments that affected the trajectory of the Cuban revolutionary project. From this perspective, change embodies a promise of progress and implies a movement toward liberal democracy and a pro-US foreign policy, while continuity denotes failure, stagnation, and repression. At the core of the analysis of change in Cuba lies a concern with the nature of the state. Ethnographic data reveals the partialities and contradictions people experience in their daily life and across time. Two elements of ethnographic experience are particularly informative: life histories that span across the revolutionary period, and generational conflicts surrounding political issues. I will focus on the life history of key informants and the generational conflicts that surround their experience, a well as their material contexts (their neighborhood, their house, their job), all of which help to elucidate the complexities of studying change within a permanent revolution.
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Lustig, Doreen. "Liberia, Firestone, and the End of Slavery as a Political Cause." In Veiled Power, 28–68. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198822097.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 chronicles the interwar case of the Firestone Company in Liberia against the backdrop of the League of Nations’ Slavery and Forced Labour Conventions of 1926 and 1934. While Liberia differs from later postcolonial states in its unique history and early independent status, the case of Firestone in Liberia is a precursor to future relations between foreign companies and postcolonial states. Given the power balance between the company and Liberia, the government was incapable of introducing limitations on the private enterprise’s labour policies. Liberia’s engagement with the Firestone Company thus provides an intriguing prelude to the incapacity of the emerging international legal order to abolish the enslavement of humans, and further demonstrates how this very limitation was able to facilitate the enslavement of political communities.
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Doyle, Michael W. "3. Liberalism and foreign policy." In Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708902.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the implications of liberalism for foreign policy and foreign policy analysis. Liberal countries have long been known to maintain peaceful relations with each other. Liberal democracies tend to respect and accommodate other democratic countries and negotiate rather than escalate their inter-liberal disputes. However, liberalism can also exacerbate tensions with non-liberal states. The chapter first considers what scholars have meant by liberalism before describing the major features of liberal foreign relations and the three schools of liberal foreign policy analysis: individualist, commercial, and republican. It then explores the effects of liberalism on the international relations of liberal states: incentives for a separate zone of peace among liberal states, imprudent aggression against nonliberals, and complaisance in vital matters of security and economic cooperation. It concludes with reflections on preserving and expanding the liberal peace — while avoiding war with the wider non-liberal world.
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Conference papers on the topic "Liberia, foreign relations"

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Profant, Tomáš Imrich. "China in Africa: A World-System Analysis." In Liberec Economic Forum 2023. Technical University of Liberec, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/009/lef-2023-04.

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As China rises so does its involvement abroad, in particular in various African countries. The aim of this paper is to use the world-system theory advanced by Immanuel Wallerstein and apply it on the case of Chinese economic and geopolitical activities on the African continent. The analysis is thus based on the division of the world into core, semiperiphery and periphrey. These areas are divided on the basis of the sophistication of their production, which results in the creation of monopolies and quasi-monopolies. The paper shows the nature of trade between China and Africa, which confirms the basic pattern of relations in the hierarchy of international economic relations. Whereas China moved in the hierarchy from the periphery to the semiperiphery, Africa remains a periferal world region. The paper also shows Sudan and Taiwan as special cases that offer a different understanding of the Chinese foreign policy. The question with these two cases becomes whether China practices a single foreign policy and how human rights and their normative power influence Chienese policy. The conclusion normatively assess the consequences of Chinese policy for Africa. Overall the paper is written from a political-economic perspective and emphasizes the economic element in international relations bordering the subfield of geo-economics.
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Rieffer-Flanagan, Barb. "Promoting the Fundamental Human Right of Religious Liberty in US Foreign Policy." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir14.11.

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Boháš, Artur, and Hynek Böhm. "The Turów Crisis: Economy vs Sustainability." In Liberec Economic Forum 2023. Technical University of Liberec, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/009/lef-2023-10.

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The text focus on a sensitive topic within the EU, the crisis around the operation of the Turów coal mine in Poland. The mine is located in the Turószow Spur on the borders of Czechia and Germany. The whole Three-border Region belongs to the economic periphery or semiperiphery, although the particular states have visible economic differences. The mine's operation violates many ecological norms, and its location brings adverse cross-border environmental effects. Polish authorities insist on the mine operation despite foreign complaints and international criticism. They are pretty successful with their diplomacy mixed with ignorance. Polish officials promote economy and energy; meanwhile, the neighboring states and the EU prefer ecologically sustainable development and fair neighbor relations. As human geographers, the authors use various methods: desk research of economic, geographical, political, and ecological sources connected to the Turów Mine and Tree-border Region, analyzing available statistical data, media analysis, survey, and expert interviews. The main focus is on Czech-Polish affairs, but some overlaps are inevitable. The study reveals differences in priorities between Poland and its neigbors, leading to conflicting narratives. Together with economic and developmental asymmetries, they determine the status quo mostly regardless of the environment and related pressure from the EU, promoting the struggle against climate change.
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Karaköy, Çağatay, Ahmet Uzun, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Changes in Foreign Debt for the Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00279.

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1989 and the years following 1991 were the times in which many important economic and political turnovers had taken place in the world. That was the time when Berlin Wall fall down with scattering the Eastern block and many politically and economically independent states came into being, at the same time, ongoing about 70 years socialist system also started to spin into liberal system. The constituted 27 states in 1991 were tended to liberal economic system instead of socialist economy, and these stated were called as transition economies. With the transition period, there has have been significant decreases in the level of affluence, hyperinflation and some common properties seen at the beginning. It became inevitable to get foreign debt for reorganization and configuration of these economies. Nevertheless these foreign debts caused many serious problems in some of these economies. In the present work we tried to understand the economic structure and external loans of the transition economies, which are different with respect to their natural resources and are similar to each other in term of social, political and cultural aspects. It was under debated to investigate the relationship between indicated foreign debts and indicated domestic income and external trade so foreign trade financing problematic which thought to be the source of going into debt and economical development relations are searched.
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Reports on the topic "Liberia, foreign relations"

1

Pretorius, Philip Christo, and Radoslav Valev. Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea and Mongolia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0054.

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This report encapsulates the highlights of the eleventh event hosted by the European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS) as part of its monthly Mapping European Populism (MGP) panel series. Titled “Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism, and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea, and Mongolia,” this event unfolded online on March 30, 2024. The esteemed Dr. John Nilsson-Wright expertly moderated the panel, which boasted insights from five distinguished scholars in the field of populism. The panelists featured in the event included experts such as Dr. Joseph Yi, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Hanyang University, Seoul, renowned for his work on "Discourse Regimes and Liberal Vehemence." Dr. Meredith Rose Shaw, an Associate Professor at the Institute of Social Science, The University of Tokyo, provided valuable insights into the regional context through her research on "Foreign Threat Perceptions in South Korean Campaign Discourse: Japan, North Korea, and China." Dr. Sang-Jin Han, an Emeritus Professor of Sociology at Seoul National University, shared his expertise on sociopolitical trends in South Korea, focusing on the "Transformation of Populist Emotion in Korean Politics from 2016 to 2024." Dr. Junhyoung Lee, a Research Professor in the School of International Relations at the University of Ulsan, South Korea, contributed with his research on "Nationalism and Resilience of Authoritarian Rule in North Korea." Lastly, Dr. Mina Sumaadii, a Senior Researcher at the Sant Maral Foundation, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, offered a unique perspective on "Populist Nationalism as a Challenge to Democratic Stability in Mongolia." The panel served as a platform for a rich exchange of ideas and analysis, shedding light on the complex interplay between populism, authoritarianism, and democracy within these East Asian nations.
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