Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Liberia, foreign relations'

The US has been involved in the majority of transitional justice measures established since the 1990s. This study explores this phenomenon by examining the forces that shape US foreign policy on transitional justice. It first investigates US influence on the evolution of the field, and then traces US involvement in three illustrative cases in order to establish what US involvement entails, why the US gets involved and how the US has impacted individual measures and the field as a whole. The cases include: the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia; the trial of Liberian President Charles Taylor and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission; and the Justice and Peace Process in Colombia. These cases represent different transitional justice measures, transition types and geographic regions – all key dimensions in the field. These measures were also all established in the 2000s, a period which reflects a different historical moment in the field’s evolution. The cases shed light on the actors who play a key role in the field – from presidential administrations to Congress to the State Department and others. The study is based on nearly 200 interviews and archival research undertaken in the US, The Hague, Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia, providing a strong basis on which to draw conclusions about US foreign policy on transitional justice.

The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.

This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.

Deux évidences traversent le discours politique d'aujourd'hui. D'une part, la « démocratie » représenterait le forme de société la plus légitime ou la plus émancipatrice possible, et d'autre part, la guerre serait désormais le signe patent d’un échec dans le traitement des différends entres États souverains. La thèse s'efforce d'extraire de l'œuvre de Tocqueville, des éléments de réponse à une triple interrogation. Quels sont les éléments culturels et institutionnels qui permettent d'appuyer l'idée, et que ratifie l'auteur, selon laquelle, une société démocratique serait pacifique ? Quels sont ensuite les facteurs, les tendances, les intérêts qui, à l'intérieur de ce type de société, peuvent perturber ou annuler ce pacifisme de départ ? Enfin, peut-on être sûr que la paix que proposent les démocraties ne dissimulerait-elle pas un potentiel d'aliénation bien pire que celle que la guerre génère évidemment ?
Two obvious ideas cross the political speech of today. On one hand, the « democracy » would represent shape of the most justifiable society or most possible emancipator, and on the other hand, the war would be from now on the obvious sign of a failure in the treatment of the disputes enter sovereign States. The thesis tries hard to extract from the work of Tocqueville, from elements of answer to a triple interrogation. What are the cultural and institutional elements which allow to support the idea, and which ratifies the author, according to which, a democratic society would be paceful ? What are the factors, the trends, the interests chich, inside thos social structure, can disrupt or cancel this pacifism of departure ? Finally, we can be sure that the peace which propose the democracies it would note hide a potential of alienation much worse than the one that the war generates obvioulsy ?

A la fin du 18ème siècle, les Etats-Unis inaugurent les révolutions fondatrices ou refondatrices, directement inspirée des Lumières et ayant dialoguées par-delà l’Atlantique. La période révolutionnaire a vue une élite politique nouvelle aux prises avec la nécessité de bâtir un «ordre nouveau», c'est-à-dire de créer un gouvernement et de définir le rapport au monde de ce nouvel Etat. Cette quête a amené les acteurs politiques de la révolution à chercher un modèle politique différent de celui, dominant, des monarchies absolues. L’idée de république s’impose dès la déclaration d’indépendance. En effet, les Lumières avaient redécouvert le républicanisme qui pouvait incarner l’espoir d’un ordre politique réformé. Cependant, les républiques classiques et les exemples contemporains confirment l’idée alors partagée par tous qu’une république ne peut être qu’une petite entité politique au sein de laquelle vit une population restreinte d’hommes libres et où les différences sociales sont relativement faibles. Non seulement cette petite taille des républiques était-elle un phénomène empirique mais elle semblait être une loi d’airain. Depuis la reformulation du dilemme républicain par Machiavel, l’idée qu’une république ne puisse pas être libre et étendue faisait consensus. Cette première république moderne, fille des Lumières pacifistes, a pourtant mené une expansion quasi-continentale. Comment cette petite république à la périphérie du monde pouvait-elle réconcilier sa volonté de rompre avec les tentations hégémoniques et son désir de puissance ?Comment pouvait-elle s’étendre tout en préservant sa liberté républicaine ?Nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que la réponse à ces questions se trouve dans une redéfinition des principes et des méthodes de leur politique étrangère. Afin de minimiser les risques de corruption de la république, les acteurs de la révolution ont cherché à mettre en place une politique étrangère républicaine fondée sur les idées des Lumières.

Cette hypothèse nous a mené à articuler notre travail autour de trois axes de recherche :le premier portant sur la théorie politique internationale, le second sur le débat idéologique autour de la politique étrangère et le troisième sur les institutions de prise de décision et de mise en œuvre de cette politique étrangère. Ces trois axes sont reliés par les idées qui forment la structure intellectuelle des débats entre les acteurs ainsi que les déterminants de la création institutionnelle.

C’est là le cœur de notre thèse. En faisant appel à la méthodologie originale développée par Pierre Rosanvallon, qu’il décrit comme une histoire conceptuelle du politique, nous avons tout d’abord procédé à une étude du cadre intellectuel de la révolution américaine en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la philosophie des relations internationales par une analyse de la contribution de Montesquieu à la théorie politique internationale.

La thèse porte ensuite sur les débats révolutionnaires, la tension entre les idéologies des Lumières telles qu’illustrées par la pensée de Montesquieu et le désir d’expansion territoriale ou de grandeur des acteurs de la révolution. Nous avons choisi de consacrer notre étude aux élites, non pas que nous ne considérions pas l’histoire sociale digne d’intérêt mais nous avons postulé que dans cette phase de bouleversement politique, ce sont les élites politiques qui ont joué le rôle déterminant. Enfin, la troisième partie de la thèse consiste en une étude du cadre constitutionnel, législatif et institutionnel de la politique étrangère républicaine issue de l’interaction entre la structure intellectuelle des Lumières et son interprétation par les acteurs.

Ainsi, notre analyse des idées, des acteurs et des institutions de la république américaine nous a permis de contribuer d’une part à la théorie des relations internationales en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la politique internationale au cours du 18ème siècle et d’autre part à l’histoire des idées politiques en étendant son champ aux questions internationales. Cela nous a permis également de mettre en lumière le lien étroit entre la structure idéelle, les intérêts et les stratégies des acteurs et la création des institutions politiques.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.

La diversité des accords bilatéraux a constitué un moyen pour l'Union européenne d'étendre ses compétences externes. Cela rend compte du volontarisme mais surtout du pragmatisme de son action extérieure, ce qui n'est pas sans poser de problèmes.La mise en cohérence des accords bilatéraux devient alors une exigence impérieuse. Cette rationalisation des accords devra être confortée par un schéma institutionnel rénové autant que par la reformulation synthétique des fondements juridiques de la compétence externe de l'Union européenne
The different bilateral agreement is a tool for the European Union to wide its external competences. This illustrates it voluntarism but even more it pragmatism of it external action, what is not without raise problems.The harmonization of bilateral agreements is a very strong need. This rationalization should be hold by an institutional scheme and by a reformulation of legal basis

International lawyers are familiar with the question: “Is international law law?” But this thesis instead asks the question: “Is international law international?” Using a variety of methods, this work sheds light on some of the ways in which international law as a transnational legal field is constructed by international law academics, and is conceptualized in international law textbooks, in the five permanent members of the Security Council: the People’s Republic of China, the French Republic, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America. It explores how different national communities of international lawyers construct and pass on their understandings of “international law” in ways that belie the field’s claim to universality, perpetuating certain forms of difference and dominance. By adopting a comparative approach, it aims to make international lawyers more aware of the frames that shape their own understandings of and approaches to the field, as well as how these might be similar to or different from the frames adopted by those coming from other states, regions or geopolitical groupings. It also examines how some of these patterns might be disrupted as a result of shifts in geopolitical power, such as the movement from unipolar power toward greater multipolarity and the growing confrontations between Western liberal democratic states (like the United States, the United Kingdom, and France) and non-Western authoritarian states (like China and Russia).

Given the destabilizing effect which conflicts have had on Africa's socio-economic and political development, attempts have been (and are still being) made by a combination of state and non-state actors towards ensuring the prevention of conflicts before they occur, including the setting up of the required capacity to deal with them. Epitomizing this tradition is Nigeria, which courtesy of its regional hegemonic status and geographic location as well as its military and economic strength has been one of the leading nations in conflict resolution, peace building and peacekeeping in Africa. In view of the foregoing, this study revisits Nigeria's conflict resolution mechanisms in Africa, through an analysis of its role within Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)-sponsored projects; such as the Nigerian-led military intervention in Liberia between 1990 and 1997. Using the realist approach as its framework of analysis and content analysis as its research methodology, the study interrogates the connection between Nigeria's interventionist role in Africa and the possible nexus or otherwise with its foreign policy dictates. The study further examines the gains or otherwise that have been achieved courtesy of the Africanization of Nigeria's foreign policy objectives from 1960 to 2010; and the probable factors responsible for the much 'politicized' shift to citizen diplomacy. The study reveals that what is presently at play is a continuation of Nigeria's traditional Afro-centric posture and advocates the need for Nigeria to put an end to its seemingly 'charity inclined foreign policy orientation'. It recommends a re-definition of Nigeria's foreign policy focus to accommodate a 'People first' approach towards conflict resolution in Africa both in theory and in practice.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

The essence of this thesis is to explore the role of Nigeria, West Africa's hegemon, in the intervention efforts by the Economic Community of West African states (ECOWAS) through its Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in both Liberia (1990-1997) and Sierra Leone (1993-2000). While the thesis has sought to understand the leading role played by Nigeria in first establishing the ECOWAS and being the primus motor for its functions, I have also attempted to analyse the rationalities for the transformation of ECOWAS from a purely economic integrative scheme to a security organisation. While the economic agendas for ECOWAS have not changed, the argument in this thesis is that security related issues and realities have taken precedence over the original economistic agendas. One of the thesis' major arguments is that the nature of results attained in both Liberia and Sierra Leone are different because of (a) the leadership role of Nigeria and (b) the nature of international responses and contributions to the resolution of these conflicts. In the thesis, I argue that in the Liberian case, Nigeria took a more domineering leadership role albeit tinged with the characteristics of the actions of a benevolent hegemon. Here, Nigeria through different processes either through leadership, consensus-seeking processes and dialogue managed to get other ECOWAS states to coalesce around its leadership. However, in Sierra Leone, Nigeria's leadership role was not permitted to unfold. The resultant effect was the shift from NIFAG to ECOMOG and eventually "rekindling hatred" of these troops as UN troops. This thesis has pointed to the utility of sub-regional organisations in resolving conflicts and demonstrates the need for further study.
Political Science
DLITT ET PHIL (INT POL)

W pracy doktorskiej omówiono problem znaczenia i wpływu partii regionalnych na proces tworzenia polityki zagranicznej na przykładzie analizy studium przypadku Indii. Indie jako państwo demokratyczne o strukturze federacyjnej oraz mocarstwo wschodzące, dostarcza informacji o funkcjonowaniu współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych. Indie są najbardziej zróżnicowanym etnicznie, językowo i religijnie państwem w Azji Południowej oraz jednym z najbardziej zróżnicowanych na świecie. Uwarunkowania te wpływają zarówno na politykę wewnętrzną jak i zagraniczną. Dlatego kluczowe jest zbadanie współzależności między systemem wewnętrznym i polityką zagraniczną, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem znaczenia partii regionalnych w kształtowaniu polityki zagranicznej. Przegląd stanu badań nad partiami regionalnymi w Indiach dowodzi, że koncentrują się one nad mechanizmem ich rozwoju i funkcjonowania oraz roli w systemie politycznym Indii. Ma miejsce luka w badaniach o znaczeniu tych partii w formułowaniu i realizacji polityki zagranicznej Indii. Ponadto brak jest prac naukowych, które w całościowy sposób analizowałyby programy polityczne partii regionalnych oraz wystąpienia ich liderów, z uwzględnieniem polityki zagranicznej wobec państw sąsiadujących. Praca doktorska ma wypełnić tą lukę w literaturze przedmiotu. Mając na uwadze przedstawiony cel pracy, stan badań oraz uwzględniając przegląd litera-tury, można postawić następujące pytania badawcze: 1. Jakie czynniki miały wpływ na rosnące zainteresowanie problematyką polityki zagranicznej przez partie regionalne? Jak ta zmiana uwidacznia się w programach wyborczych, wypowiedziach liderów i dokumentach publikowanych przez te partie? 2. Czy ewolucja systemu partyjnego i liberalizacja gospodarki umożliwiły partiom regionalnym uzyskanie większego wpływu na kształtowanie polityki zagranicznej Indii? 3. Jakie są przejawy formalnych i nieformalnych mechanizmów oddziaływania partii regionalnych na decydowanie w polityce zagranicznej Indii? 4. Jakie jest znaczenie partii regionalnych w kształtowaniu polityki zagranicznej Indii od 1991 roku? W rozprawie przyjęto następującą hipotezę badawczą: Partie regionalne po 1991 roku stawały się coraz ważniejszym uczestnikiem procesu decyzyjnego polityki zagranicznej Indii, będąc wyrazicielem interesów lokalnych na szczeblu ogólnokrajowym. Hipoteza została sformułowana na podstawie obserwacji zmian jakie zachodziły w indyjskim systemie partyjnym, gospodarczym, polityce zagranicznej oraz dzięki analizie programów wyborczych partii regionalnych w kontekście tworzenia polityki zagranicznej. Celem udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytania badawcze oraz weryfikację hipotezy została przyjęta strategia indukcyjno – dedukcyjna. Badacz, poprzez wykorzystanie podejścia indukcyjnego, interpretuje zgormadzony materiał empiryczny. Wówczas możliwe jest uogólnienie wniosków oraz konstrukcja ogólnych założeń o charakterze teoretycznym. Oznacza to, że badania o charakterze indukcyjnym stanowią wstępną hipotezę. Hipoteza ta może zostać zweryfikowana poprzez prowadzone badania o charakterze dedukcyjnym. Jest to możliwe dzięki zbadaniu empirycznemu materiału zgromadzonego w toku prowadzonego badania. Ponadto odwołanie się do liberalnej teorii polityki zagranicznej umożliwiło podkreślenie faktu, że działania podejmowane przez państwa w polityce zagranicznej są funkcją działań aktorów wewnętrznych. Teoria ta została wybrana ze względu na założenia ontologiczne i epistemologiczne. Istotne z punktu badanego problemu jest założenie, że aktorzy wewnętrzni, tacy jak: jednostki, partie polityczne, grupy interesu, organizacje pozarządowe, opinia publiczna odgrywają coraz istotniejszą rolę w kreowaniu polityki zagranicznej państw.
The doctoral dissertation discusses the problem of the role of regional parties on the process of foreign policy making - case study: India. India as a democratic state with a federal structure and as emerging power provides information on the functioning of contemporary international relations. India is the most ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse country in South Asia and one of the most diverse in the world. These conditions affect both domestic and foreign policy. Therefore, it is crucial to examine the interdependence between the internal system, domestic politics and foreign policy, with particular emphasis on the importance of regional parties in the process of foreign policy making. A literature review on regional parties in India shows that scholars focus on the mechanism of parties development and functioning, and on their role in the Indian political system. There is a gap in research about the importance of regional parties in the formulation and implementation of India's foreign policy. Moreover, there are no scientific papers that would comprehensively analyze the political programs of regional parties and the speeches of their leaders, taking into account foreign policy towards neighboring countries. The doctoral dissertation is to fill this gap in the literature on the subject. Bearing in mind presented purpose of the work, the state of research and taking into account the literature review, the following research questions can be asked: 1. What factors influenced the growing interest of regional parties in foreign policy issues? How is this change reflected in election programs, statements by leaders and documents published by these parties? 2. Have the evolution of the party system and the liberalization of the economy allowed the regional parties to gain greater influence in shaping foreign policy? 3. What are the manifestations of formal and informal mechanisms of influence of regional parties on decision-making in Indian foreign policy? 4. What is the importance of regional parties in shaping India's foreign policy since 1991? With regard to the research goal of the dissertation and the formulated research questions, the following research hypothesis was adopted: From 1991 regional parties became an increasingly important participant in the decision-making process of India's foreign policy, expressing local interests at the national level. The hypothesis was formulated on the basis of observation of changes that took place in the Indian party system, economy, foreign policy and thanks to the analysis of the election programs of regional parties in the context of creating foreign policy. In order to answer the research questions and verify the hypothesis, an inductive-deductive strategy was adopted. The researcher, by using the inductive approach, interprets the collected empirical material. Then it is possible to generalize conclusions and construct general theoretical assumptions. This means that inductive research is a preliminary hypothesis. This hypothesis can be verified by conducting deductive research. It is possible thanks to empirical examination of the material collected during the research. Moreover, the reference to the liberal theory of foreign policy as a theoretical tool, made it possible to emphasize the fact that actions taken by states in foreign policy are a function of actions taken by internal actors. This theory was chosen due to its ontological and epistemological assumptions. From the point of view of the problem under study, it is important to assume that internal actors, such as individuals, political parties, interest groups, non-governmental organizations, and the public, play an increasingly important role in shaping the foreign policy of states.