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Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.
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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating notions of progress that frustrated black claims for unconditional self-determination or first-class citizenship. Kendrix’s public relations work on behalf of Liberia highlights intersections between postwar black entrepreneurialism and politics and US foreign relations, as well as the globalization of US business and consumerism.
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Nash, Marian, and (Leich). "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 2 (April 1996): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203689.
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In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the action on behalf of the Republic of Liberia.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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GLOVER, NIKOLAS. "Between Order and Justice: Investments in Africa and Corporate International Responsibility in Swedish Media in the 1960s." Enterprise & Society 20, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 401–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.87.
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This article analyzes how the public relations of multinational companies was affected by the double impact of decolonization and spread of television during the 1960s. It contributes to recent theoretical conceptualizations of corporate social responsibility by adding the dimension of home country stakeholders and the border-crossing character of corporate responsibility. The analysis deals with the changing media representations in Sweden of Swedish-owned firms in Liberia and South Africa before, during, and after what has been called the “postcolonial moment” (1960–1963). In its wake, Swedish industrialists faced a new policy problem: firms in overseas markets were no longer expected to do only what was legal in the host country but also what was considered right in their home country. The analysis follows the debates concerning this issue of corporateinternationalresponsibility throughout the 1960s, and how national business organizations and executives in firms such as the Liberian-American-Swedish Mining Company publicly sought to defend the role of Swedish foreign direct investment in Africa. The business community developed various public relations strategies to engage with its critics, professionalized their media relations, and organized international study tours for unions and politicians.
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Blair, Robert A., and Philip Roessler. "Foreign Aid and State Legitimacy." World Politics 73, no. 2 (March 16, 2021): 315–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388712000026x.
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ABSTRACTWhat are the effects of foreign aid on the perceived legitimacy of recipient states? Different donors adhere to different rules, principles, and operating procedures. The authors theorize that variation in these aid regimes may generate variation in the effects of aid on state legitimacy. To test their theory, they compare aid from the United States to aid from China, its most prominent geopolitical rival. Their research design combines within-country analysis of original surveys, survey experiments, and behavioral games in Liberia with cross-country analysis of existing administrative and Afrobarometer data from six African countries. They exploit multiple proxies for state legitimacy, but focus in particular on tax compliance and morale. Contrary to expectations, the authors find little evidence to suggest that exposure to aid diminishes the legitimacy of African states. If anything, the opposite appears to be true. Their results are consistent across multiple settings, multiple levels of analysis, and multiple measurement and identification strategies, and are unlikely to be artifacts of sample selection, statistical power, or the strength or weakness of particular experimental treatments. The authors conclude that the effects of aid on state legitimacy at the microlevel are largely benign.
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Gerdes, Felix. "The Interplay of Domestic Legitimation and Foreign Relations: Contrasting Charles Taylor and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia." Civil Wars 17, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 446–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2015.1115576.
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van den Herik, Larissa. "The Difficulties of Exercising Extraterritorial Criminal Jurisdiction: The Acquittal of a Dutch Businessman for Crimes Committed in Liberia." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 1 (2009): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x398899.
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AbstractReports of the NGO Global Witness in which the implication of the Dutchman Kouwenhoven in the civil war in Liberia was exposed served as the lead for the Dutch Prosecution Office to start a criminal case against this national. In June 2006, the Dutch businessman Guus Kouwenhoven was convicted in first instance for the violation of an arms embargo, but acquitted of the count on war crimes. On appeal, Kouwenhoven was fully acquitted of all charges. In its judgment quashing the prior conviction, the Dutch Court of Appeal heavily criticized the Public Prosecutor and observed that the case against Kouwenhoven was built on quicksand. Even though not based on universal jurisdiction, the case does illustrate the inherent complexities of exercising extraterritorial criminal jurisdiction. A remarkable aspect of the case is that the Court of Appeal evaluated the evidence presented in a fundamentally different way than the Court of First Instance had done. This might be related to the inherent difficulties of assessing “foreign evidence”. In this note, it is argued that when adjudicating such foreign cases, national judges being unfamiliar with the historical and cultural setting in which the alleged crimes took place, should call upon experts on the region to assist in the evaluation of the evidence. In terms of substance, the case leads to interesting questions as to how charges of illegal arms trade do and should relate to charges of complicity in war crimes.
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Dr Christopher Ochanja Ngara. "WAS NIGERIA’S OFFERING OF ASYLUM STATUS TO PRESIDENT CHARLES TAYLOR OF LIBERIA A DIPLOMATIC BLUNDER?" Journal of International Studies 18 (October 16, 2022): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2022.18.3.
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This paper critically examines the appropriateness or otherwise of the granting of asylum status to former Liberian President, Charles Taylor by the Nigerian government on August 11, 2003. The paper argues that the granting of asylum status to Taylor was consistent with Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy and traditional “big brother” role in Africa. The objective of the asylum was to end the 14-year-old-conflict and return peace and stability to Liberia. However, after the asylum was granted to Mr. Taylor, Nigeria came under serious international pressure from the United States (US) and Western allies to release Taylor for trial at the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL). Using desktop review, the findings showed that the asylum was an outcome of a multilateral agreement in which the United Nations (UN), African Union, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the US, and the United Kingdom (UK) played active roles. The paper also establishes that granting asylum to Taylor was within Nigeria’s international obligation under Article 12(3) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights of 1981, for which Taylor qualified at the time of the asylum. Similarly, the Declaration of Territorial Asylum, 1967 gives asylum granting the state the powers to evaluate the grounds for granting such asylum. Thus, Nigeria’s asylum accorded to Taylor was the country’s prerogative and consistent with international law even though he was indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the SCSL. Therefore, Nigeria’s action in granting asylum to Mr. Taylor neither violated any treaty to which Nigeria was a signatory at the time of granting the asylum nor amounted to a diplomatic blunder. Rather, Nigeria’s willingness to grant asylum to Taylor which subsequently led to the successful resolution of the Liberian crisis was widely commended in global diplomatic circles. Apart from applying indigenous diplomacy in conflict resolution, Nigeria’s rating as an effective regional power increased. To sustain the country’s pedigree of diplomatic excellence in resolving the Liberian crisis, Nigeria should rally ECOWAS countries to deepen economic integration, achieve self-reliance and make the sub-region less vulnerable to manipulation by Western powers.
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Drozd, Daria. "The participation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the peacekeeping operations." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (6) (October 31, 2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2019-02-05-16.
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The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 operations which ended and 8 ongoing operations. An important aspect of Ukraine’s participation in peacekeeping on the African continent is its coordinated actions with the United Nations on the diplomatic settlement of conflicts and the adherence to official statements regarding them.Peacekeeping missions are currently operating in Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, Sudan (Darfur and Juba) and other African countries. In particular, these are peacekeeping missions such as: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the UN Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI), the African Union – United Nations Operation in Darfur (UNAUMID), the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), demilitarization and peacekeeping in the disputed area of Abyei (UNISFA), the UN Mission in the Republic of Southern Sudan (UNMISS), UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSCA).Ukrainian peacekeeping potential is analysed. Participation of the armed forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations is one of the priority foreign policy tasks of our state, successful implementation of which positively influences strengthening of the national authority of Ukraine, promotes development of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic and regional security structures and has an exceptional significance for the national interests of our country. Ukraine claims to be a full-fledged subject of international relations, increases its credibility and demonstrates a peaceful policy.
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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519561.
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AbstractThe essay traces the roots of R2P in African political thought—through individuals such as Kenya's Ali Mazrui, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Tanzania's Salim Ahmed Salim, South Africa's Nelson Mandela and abo Mbeki, and Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali— and considers the bid by West Africa's regional hegemon, Nigeria, to play a leadership role on the continent in relation to the norm. It argues that the regional West African giant has exhibited a 'missionary zeal' in assuming the role of a benevolent 'older brother' responsible for protecting younger siblings—whether these are Nigeria's immediate neighbours, fellow Africans, or black people in the African Diaspora. Without Nigeria's military support and economic and political clout, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)—which intervened in civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s—would simply not have existed. Despite the lack of a clearly agreed UN or pan-African mandate, Nigeria's interventions - under the auspices of ECOMOG - effectively operationalised R2P in the region and eventually won continental and international support. However, Nigeria's recent foreign adventures have often been launched in the face of strong domestic opposition and a failure by military and civilian regimes to apply R2P domestically. The essay concludes by considering Nigeria's need to build a stable democracy and promote effective regional integration, if it wishes to benefit from its peacekeeping successes in the region and pursue a continued leadership role in relation to R2P.
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Tesón, Fernando R. "THE LIBERAL CONSTITUTION AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS." Social Philosophy and Policy 28, no. 1 (November 30, 2010): 115–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052510000075.
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AbstractScholars have debated the meaning of the foreign-relations clauses in the U.S. Constitution. This essay attempts to outline the foreign-relations clauses that an ideal constitution should have. A liberal constitution must enable the government to implement a morally defensible foreign policy. The first priority is the defense of liberty. The constitution must allow the government to effectively defend persons, territory, and liberal institutions themselves. The liberal government should also contribute to the advancement of global freedom, subject to a number of conditions, especially cost. The essay recommends improved methods to incorporate treaties and customary international law into the constitutional structure. Treaties should be approved by the whole legislature and should generally be self-executing. Customary law should be genuine, not fake, and consistent with liberal principles. Finally, based on economic theory and evidence, the essay recommends that liberal constitutions prohibit the government from erecting trade barriers. It concludes by tentatively proposing concrete constitutional language to implement these recommendations.
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Nick Pay, Vahid, and Piotr Buszta. "China in the UK’s Foreign Policy." European Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (October 27, 2022): 372–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-02103004.
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Abstract In the post-Brexit environment, at a time when the United Kingdom is looking to redefine its international positioning under the ‘Global Britain’ policy, one of the most urgent priorities for London proves to be to restructure its relations with key global players like China. The objective of this study is to examine factors influencing the development of London’s policy towards Beijing in the period 2015–2022 and to verify whether the growing salience of a progressive liberal posture in the UK’s foreign policy vis-à-vis China could account for the deterioration of bilateral relations that has been experienced. The research attempts to investigate whether the UK’s initial modus vivendi liberal economic engagement with China gave way to a renewed emphasis on progressive liberal internationalist convictions manifested by the UK’s firm stance on Chinese investments in British critical infrastructure and by an amplified criticism of China’s repressive domestic record and aggressive global posture.
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Martynov, Andriy. "US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.
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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.
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NILI, SHMUEL. "Liberal Integrity and Foreign Entanglement." American Political Science Review 110, no. 1 (February 2016): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541500060x.
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My aim in this article is to show that there is distinctive normative value to thinking about a liberal polity as an agent with integrity that can be threatened, paralleling the integrity of an individual person. I argue that the idea of liberal integrity organizes and clarifies important moral intuitions concerning the policies of liberal democracies, especially with regard to their global conduct. This idea provides a novel organizing framework for liberal values that currently seem disparate. It also captures important moral intuitions as to how the tainted histories of actual liberal societies should bear on their global conduct. Finally, this idea explains, in a way that a simple appeal to familiar liberal values arguably cannot, why liberal polities have identity-based moral reasons not to entangle themselves in manifestly illiberal practices beyond their borders—reasons whose significance becomes apparent in scenarios and real-world cases that global political theory overlooks.
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Rozumyk, V. "Peloponnesian War: Domestic Policy Determinants of Foreign Policy." Problems of World History, no. 1 (March 24, 2016): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-3.
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The article investigates the common aspects of home policy determinants of foreign policy. The author argues that before the modern political science international relations raises questions about the possibility of aggravation of geopolitical confrontation in the process of alternative models of world order and the impact of the internal heterogeneity of the leading countries in the world in the development of a new system of international relations. On the example of the Peloponnesian War, the internal factors of international relations are reviewed and analyzed, the inadequacy and inaccuracy of many of the stereotypes of the theory of international relations, inspired liberal propaganda are clearly demonstrated. Falseness of the statements about the innate aggressiveness of authoritarian regimes is proved, the position about an inherent pacifism of democracies is refuted.
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Ihsan, Rizky. "Joe Biden’s Foreign Policy: What to Expect from the New United States President." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 18, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4514.89-98.
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Joseph Biden came to the oval office with his wealth of experience in government affairs, including as the chair in the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee. According to his campaign promises, the upcoming Biden administration’s foreign policy is aimed at improving the US’ international credibility based on liberal values. This article will further examine his political aspirations, based on the speech, campaign promises, and official statements. The argument is that although the US would be likely to embrace liberal values under his administration, international constraints may limit his ability in foreign policy agenda-setting. In managing its relations with China, for example, the US would be more likely to be driven by its interest rather than its values, particularly by continuing the anti-China coalition with its allies in the Indo-Pacific.
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Ihsan, Rizky. "Joe Biden’s Foreign Policy: What to Expect from the New United States President." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 18, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4514.88-98.
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Joseph Biden came to the oval office with his wealth of experience in government affairs, including as the chair in the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee. According to his campaign promises, the upcoming Biden administration’s foreign policy is aimed at improving the US’ international credibility based on liberal values. This article will further examine his political aspirations, based on the speech, campaign promises, and official statements. The argument is that although the US would be likely to embrace liberal values under his administration, international constraints may limit his ability in foreign policy agenda-setting. In managing its relations with China, for example, the US would be more likely to be driven by its interest rather than its values, particularly by continuing the anti-China coalition with its allies in the Indo-Pacific.
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Pikalo, Jernej, and Mitja Durnik. "The Concept of Awkward Powers in Foreign Relations." Politička misao 60, no. 2 (June 28, 2023): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.60.2.05.
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This paper addresses a specific phenomenon concerning power concepts in Canadian and EU foreign policies. As is widely known, the liberal-democratic platform has dominated global relations after the end of the Cold War. Implemented power approaches are studied from theoretical perspectives of liberalism/constructivism standpoints and their realist critique. Canada has been presented mostly as a middle power in international relations trying to find its specific role as a mediator and balancer among superpowers. On the other hand, the EU is classified predominantly as a normative power with tendencies to act as a great power from some point of view. In the paper, we analyse both entities through the recent concept of ‘awkward power’, whereby states have a so-called “dubious character”, acting in-between the potential of great and middle powers.
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Axworthy, Lloyd. "Canadian foreign policy: A liberal party perspective." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 1, no. 1 (January 1992): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1992.9672989.
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Ouellet, André. "The commitments of a liberal foreign policy agenda." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 1, no. 3 (January 1993): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1993.9673005.
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Gul, Warda, and Kong FanBin. "A Study on NGO-Donor Relations in Basic Education Sector: Case of Pakistan." International Journal Of Innovation And Economic Development 1, no. 4 (2015): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijied.1849-7551-7020.2015.14.2003.
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NGOs gained the importance in the last decades all over the world and the same is true with the case of Pakistan. NGOs are participating in the education sector. This paper studies the involvement of NGOs in the basic education sector, being dependent on the foreign donor agencies. NGOs have to follow the agenda of donors that can create tension with the government. This paper applies qualitative research methodology to study the relationships between donors and NGOs. The findings of this study show that donors are mostly following market-based approach and neo-liberal agenda that results in inequalities for people. Therefore, to perform their duty rightly, NGOs should look for sustainable sources of finances.
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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.
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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.
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Fischer, Conan. "Heavy Industry, Society and aspects of foreign Policy in the Weimar Republic." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 30, no. 1 (1998): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1998.4049.
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Historians of Weimar have often regarded heavy industry as instrumental in the Republic's eventual collapse. Socially reactionary and with undue political power, heavy industrialists allegedly sought an excessive share of resources and influence at the cost of labour and the more liberal newer industries. However this received picture is too simple. Heavy industry suffered repeated crises which triggered internal conflict, and inconsistencies in relations with government and labour. Furthermore, in unwitting anticipation of the European Union, there arose a tentative willingness to repair external economic relations, with France in particular.
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Belukhin, Nikita E., Vladislav V. Vorotnikov, and Svetlana Y. Dianina. "Reputation and status in Denmark’s strategic culture." Baltic Region 15, no. 3 (2023): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2023-3-1.
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The primary objective of the article is to evaluate the significance of status and allied reputation within Denmark’s strategic culture. Amongst Danish international relations scholars, there is a well-established notion that one of the key motivations for the use of military force in Danish foreign policy was the aspiration to cultivate special relations with the United States and achieve the status of a privileged ally. This status would confirm guarantees for Denmark’s national security, provide the country with an opportunity for distinctive influence in decision-making and agenda-setting in NATO, the EU, and transatlantic cooperation. A qualitative content analysis of the 2017—2018, 2019—2020 and 2022 Danish foreign policy strategies was carried out to determine the effect of such expert perceptions on the texts of the guiding foreign policy documents. The analysis highlighted and confirmed the ‘super Atlanticism’ tendencies in Denmark’s contemporary strategic culture, revealing its close ties with the Danish perception of the US as the safeguard for the liberal world order and associated multilateral institutions. Denmark’s value-driven militarised foreign political activism in the post-Cold War era is thus not only pragmatic but also ideological as it seeks to promote liberal values, democracy and human rights under American leadership. The article concludes that factoring in status and reputation in strategic culture studies may complement the explanations of security community formation, alliance strategies and the dynamics behind relations within different types of alliances.
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Fajimbola, Joshua Olatunde. "America’s Foreign Policy and the Challenges of Liberal Democracy in Africa." Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2022.0302.03-j.
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The paper examines the United States of America’s foreign policy toward Africa in terms of promoting liberal democracy, as well as the challenges that African countries face in putting liberal democracy principles into practice, thereby impeding expected dividends and development. It is based on secondary data sources and descriptive data analysis methods. The findings revealed a gap between what the United States proposed for Africa in terms of good governance, anti-corruption, and social development and how liberal democracy actually works on the continent. The paper observed that, despite America’s celebration of liberal democracy, the effect in Africa is contextualized by the majority of African countries’ experiences of impressive governance, ineffective leadership, and endemic corruption. The various bilateral agreements between the United States of America and some African countries to promote liberal democracy have also been called into question due to deviations from expected outcomes. The paper suggests a philosophical approach to liberal democracy in Africa that incorporates pre-colonial African leadership traditions and governance cultures. African governments should invest adequately in youths and galvanize their energies for productivity through employment opportunities in order to uphold and protect liberal democracy. On the other hand, the United States should strengthen bilateral relations with each African country to ensure that they achieve good governance and economic development for mutual benefit.
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Grafov, Dmitry. "THE OUTLOOK ON THE TURKEY’S FOREIGN POLICY FROM DIFFERENT PARADIGMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-064-089.
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The article is attempt to evaluate the foreign policy of Turkey from the key paradigms of international relations: liberalism, constructivism, realism, neorealism and neoclassical realism. Turkish military power actively involved in Syria, Iraq, Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, the South Caucasus with the intention to alter the existing power distribution. This may be considered as signs of the offensive realism strategy. Offensive realism asserts that states willing to use force to advance their own interests, and the survival in the international system requires to maximize power. Defensive neorealism holds that aggressive expansion collides with the interests of other states and their desire to ensure their own security in the first place. According to the balance of power theory, the expansion and maximization of power reduces the security of an offensive state by countering a coalition of balancing states. But in the case of Turkey, there are no signs of emerging a counterbalance coalition, and this is «know-how» of Erdogan’s policy. From the liberal perspective, also, there are no signs of countering of the internal and external liberal determinants (Turkish civil society, NATO’s policy, affairs with liberal allies) of Turkey’s foreign policy. The deadlock of joining Turkey to the EU and abolition of Ataturk’s secular and republican guidelines are signs of failure of liberal approach to Erdogan’s foreign policy. Turkey’s offensive policy, ignited nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire, means the inability of international institutional cooperation to overcome anarchy and power maximizing instinct. From the constructivist perspective, the social structure affects the decision- making process. And this is confirmed in Turkey. Expansionism and resentment of historical injustice towards Turkey are necessary to strengthen Erdogan’s power and legitimize it. Constructivist approach may explain the meaning Turkish, Turkic and Neo- Ottoman identities. Identities and interests mutually constitute and effect foreign- policy behavior. And Erdogan shapes identities in the state and beyond on the basis of the interests of the of the power. Neoclassical realism approach may be useful in the analysis of Turkish foreign policy too. It underlines importance of a state’s domestic arrangements, particularly decisionmakers’ perceptions. And, of course, Erdogan’s perception is crucial for foreign policy. Perceptions usually tend to follow the actual distribution of power, but in the case of Erdogan’s aggressive policy, there is a risk of misjudgment, when long-term trends are hidden behind short-term perceptions. The main emphasis of article is on attempts to determine Erdogan’s strategy and examine it from the standpoint of offensive (realism) / defensive (neoralism) approach of international relations, and evaluate its effectiveness. Erdogan has created a multipolar balancing structure of foreign relations, in which Turkish rivals restrain each other. This structure is similar to a pentahedron with Turkey in the center and its main rivals- partners on the tops. Erdogan, shifting closer to one top or another one, can effectively bargain using threats with other rivals.
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Kumar, Ajay. "Ambedkar’s Approach to International Relations and India’s Foreign Policy." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 3, no. 1 (June 16, 2023): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/pjpsh.2023.3.1.4.
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B. R. Ambedkar has been a towering personality of modern India who was instrumental in igniting the minds of the current and next generations of citizens. However, his views on various social, economic, and political aspects have been discovered and analyzed by several scholars, but his approach to studying and analyzing international relations and Indian foreign policy has remained in a shadow. However, he used a pragmatic approach to India’s foreign policy and international relations which could be more beneficial for a new India, or it could contribute to creating a powerful image of India in the world as a great and independent power. This paper tries to examine the role of Ambedkar in India’s Foreign Policy and approach to International Relations. Analytical and descriptive method has been adopted for the examination of his approach and a way to handle the same. As a result, it has been found that sometimes he adopted a liberal and realist approach, and sometimes he adopted a socialist or rationalist approach, which was, in total a pragmatic approach in itself. Thus, he was a doctor who knew the treatment according to the disease.
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Kuznietsova, K. I. "CZECH REPUBLIC FOREIGN POLICY: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 139 (2019): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.49-57.
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In the 1990s the Czech foreign policy objectives were to secure its proper place in international relations after the end of the Cold War, which included the entry of a number of international intergovernmental organizations (IMF, World Bank Group organizations, OECD, EBRD, NATO, EU, etc.) and the development of friendly relations with neighboring states and partners. In this sense, there is no reason to identify the foreign policy of the Czech Republic during this period only as a course aimed at "returning to Europe". In the early 1990's, most Czech political actors shared the idea of "return to the West" and "liberal democracy", the differences in their vision of the models of the geopolitical orientation of the Czech Republic make it possible to distinguish between the interaction of the three main foreign policy ideologies in the process of adopting foreign policy decisions: atlanticism, continentalism, and autonomy. Different interpretations of the essence of "liberal democracy" led to the emergence in the Czech politics of two ideological trends that had a significant impact on the vision of the foreign policy priorities of the Czech Republic: economic universalism (aimed at eliminating institutional barriers to the free flow of goods, services, money), and moral universalism (oriented towards the spread of democracy and the protection of human rights, which is a priority in foreign policy). Followers of economic universalism (primarily V. Klaus) actively advocated the development of economic ties with Russia and China, while the followers of the ideology of moral universalism (V. Havel and his followers) actively opposed it. The article also investigates the influence of foreign policy prejudices on the formation of the foreign policy of the Czech Republic, among which the most influential are anti-Russian and anti-German.
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Barik, Sushri Sangita. "The Concoction of Panchsheel and Panchmrit: A New Perspective in India’s Foreign Policy." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 9, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v9i2.4221.
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Post-1991 reforms obligation weighted on New Delhi to take a paradigm shift in their foreign policy for pragmatic approaches as India had liberalised its economy, which led to the opening of its frontier to the Global world. Now in the multi-polar Global world, the International Relations scholars question the idealistic notion of Panchsheel, advocates the need for more pragmatism in India’s Foreign Policy which coincides with the emergence of Panchamrit proposed by the National Executive of Bharatiya Janata Party in 2015, to replace Panchsheel. The study aims to understand the philosophical distinction between Panchsheel and Panchamrit, how they could be as a strategic resolve and restraint respectively in India’s Foreign Policy than ‘the debate of replacement’. In the context of concocting ‘the Panchsheel and Panchamrit’ in the external affairs relations, how could India steer with this concoction to become a stabilising power? This paper advocates for the middle path between the two and such concoction intends to bring ‘Liberal Realism’ of British School of International Relations into India’s Foreign Policy.
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Helle, Regina. "Russlands Statusstreben und die liberale internationale Ordnung. Was eine Emotionen-fokussierte Analyse der Beziehungen zwischen Russland und dem Westen zutage fördert." Sicherheit & Frieden 37, no. 2 (2019): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-2-74.
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Despite continued weak economic performance, Russia displays high determination to increase its global influence. On the one hand, hard power and the use of violence play a much greater role as foreign policy tools than a few years ago. On the other hand, Russia seems to be pursuing the goal of overthrowing the liberal international order, thereby also accepting long-term distortions of relations especially with the West. What are the links between Russia’s conflict-laden, aggressive foreign policy and the liberal international order? In this article, the conflictual dynamics between Russia and the West are primarily understood as conflicts over social status. An emotion-focused analysis of official Russian speech between 1994 and 2015 shows how the subjective status expectations of Russian decision-makers have affected their attitudes and policies towards the West and the post-Cold War liberal order.
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Shain, Yossi, and Aharon Barth. "Diasporas and International Relations Theory." International Organization 57, no. 3 (2003): 449–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303573015.
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In this article, we incorporate the study of diasporas into international relations (IR) theory by focusing on diasporas as independent actors who actively influence their homeland (kin-state) foreign policies. We argue that diasporic influences can best be understood by situating them in the ‘theoretical space’ shared by constructivism and liberalism; two approaches that acknowledge the impact of identity and domestic politics on international behavior. We also maintain that the exploration of diasporic activities can enrich both constructivism and liberalism. First, diasporas' identity-based motivations should be an integral part of the constructivist effort to explain the formation of national identities. Second, diasporic activities and influences in their homelands expand the meaning of the term ‘domestic politics’ to include not only politics inside the state but also inside the people For the liberal approach, this is a “new fact” in the Lakatosian sense of the word. We theorize that the extent of diasporic influence on homeland foreign policy is determined by three components that make up the ‘balance of power’ between homelands and diasporas. We then test this theory by delving into the interaction between the newly established state of Armenia and its powerful diaspora, and by comparing this case with examples taken from the relations between Israel and diaspora Jews.
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Wivel, Anders, and Caroline Howard Grøn. "Charismatic leadership in foreign policy." International Affairs 97, no. 2 (March 2021): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa223.
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Abstract Charismatic leadership is an integral yet understudied aspect of foreign policy in liberal democratic states. Combining insights from recent developments on charismatic leadership in organization and management studies with literature on foreign policy, we construct a novel theoretical framework for understanding how foreign policy leaders exercise charismatic leadership. We argue that charismatic leadership makes sense of who ‘we’ are and where we are going through communicative practices. We specify these practices and discuss why charismatic leadership is important in foreign policy analysis; what it is; and how and why sense-making matters for a charismatic leadership style. We contribute with new empirical knowledge by probing our theoretical propositions in a comparative case-study of the charismatic leadership practices of Donald Trump and Angela Merkel. The case-studies illustrate the importance of charismatic communication for both leaders, while disclosing variations in both the ‘thickness’ of charismatic leadership practices and their compatibility with rational legal authority and liberal democratic values.
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Patnaik, Prabhat. "Trends of centre–state relations in India under the neo-liberal regime." Studies in People's History 5, no. 1 (May 11, 2018): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448918759872.
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India had been envisioned as a federation by our Constitution makers, and so states were assigned some important subjects in which the centre could have no or only limited authority. Thus state governments run by opposition parties could pursue policies different from those of the Central Government in a number of ways. But since the onset of economic ‘liberalisation’ beginning with the late 1980s the financial strength and economic role of the state governments have been constantly undermined. This came, first, through the raising of interest rates to attract foreign finance capital, which created budgetary crises for the states since they fell under heavy debt simply to pay interest on existing debt. Neo-liberal policies were then imposed on them by Finance Commissions which made compliance with these compulsory for centre’s financial assistance. More recently the states’ powers have been further curtailed by the Goods and Services Tax, which has deprived the state government of the power to determine tax rates on goods produced within the states. Another means to the same end has been the centre’s trade agreements with foreign countries, with no reference made to states whose products thereby may be priced out of the market. The demonetisation of 2016, which impacted so destructively on employment and the cooperative sector in the states, was also undertaken by the centre without any reference to the states.
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Sikharulidze, A. Т. "Georgia Beyond “Radical Europeanness”: Undiscovered Directions of Foreign Policy." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 2 (November 7, 2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-91-108.
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Georgia’s turn to the West signifi cantly aff ected its geopolitical and foreign policies. The author shares the view expressed by Georgian scholars that the country’s continued commitment to the Western vector is a direct consequence of ideas expressed by political elites (constructivist theory) and their self-identifi cation as “European,” coupled with Western-style liberal democracy as a social order preference (liberal theory). Georgia’s political elites are driven by the concept of “Europeanness” and thus focus primarily on the state’s aspirations to be integrated into the “Western world,” which is pushing the state towards European and North-Atlantic integration. Georgian elites believe that institutional reunifi cation with “European family” under the NATO defence shield will not only deter Moscow but will fi nally put an end to Moscow’s attempts to bring the post-soviet state under its control. Moreover, due to the tensions between the generalized West and Russian Federation, the Kremlin’s aspirations to stop what it perceives as a geopolitical expansion of the West to the east, Georgia’s approach has become even more radical. The paper argues that the concept of “Europeanness” has been transformed into “radical Europeanness,” meaning that the political elites maintain economic cooperation with non-Western countries, but there is no proactive foreign policy beyond that, even with its most important strategic partners, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey. In spite Tbilisi enjoys trade relations with these countries, the existing level of political and military cooperation between them conceals signifi cant bilateral challenges. Additionally, this approach is perfectly refl ected in Georgia’s relations with China, when the country’s political elites pushed for free trade, without attention to the political and geopolitical aspects of economic cooperation. Thus, Georgia – China relations are also the part of research interest in this paper, as the free trade regime between the two countries is subject to serious scrutiny after the Donald Trump administration made it clear that Washington would not welcome Chinese economic and geopolitical expansion in Georgia.
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Ajzenhamer, Vladimir. "Battlefield praxis: The alliance of realism and constructivism and the “fall” of liberal internationalism." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 262–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703262a.
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The Great Debates are an important stage in the development of International Relations (IR) as a science. However, the ?exactness? of its chronology and content, as well as the precise determination of the actors and results, is questionable on several grounds. Therefore, relying on this, often contradictory, interpretations of the outcome of the Great Debates, little can be said about the current state of the mentioned theoretical dialogue. Today, IR scholars mostly discuss abandoning the idea of macro theory and the pluralistic silence in which medium-scale theories resonate in peace. However, this "diagnosis" still does not give us an answer to the question of who really won the fight of so-called big theories, or which theoretical paradigm today has the greatest influence within the disciplinary field? Applying the idea of reflexivity between the theory of international relations and the practice of foreign policy, the author of this paper rejects the restrictions of the mythos of the discipline (at the center of which is the myth of the Great Debates) and turns to the analysis of international political praxis as an instrument for the identification of the mentioned theoretical impact. At the center of the analysis are the foreign policy principles of the United States, which the author reviews in a hundred-year time interval, in particular emphasizing the doctrine of Wilsonianism and the principles of foreign policy advocated by the current US President Donald Tramp. Facing Wilsonianism and Trampism (determining, in turn, the latter as a realistic-constructivist Anti-Wilsonian coalition), the author offers his view of the current state of paradigmatic ?clashes? in the theory and practice of international relations.
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Tomja, Alida. "Effective Grand Strategy of the 21st Century: An American Foreign Policy based on Values or Interests." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (April 20, 2023): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2023.3.2.431.
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Since the end of the Cold War, foreign policy analysts have debated about the most appropriate strategy that the United States should follow in terms of its foreign policy. Making clear the concept of effective strategy in foreign policy and international relations, the purpose of this paper is to analyze the concrete strategies that the United States must follow to be successful in its foreign policy, in the context of the new challenges that the international system is facing in the 21st century. More clearly, in this paper will be identified the character of the international policies that the USA should follow in the system of international relations, as well as the most appropriate means to realize them. The research questions that arise for this purpose are: Should the American foreign policy prioritize liberal values and principles or the American national interest? What role should the US play in providing global public goods? Is it necessary for the USA to invest in a restrictive foreign policy strategy, maintaining defiant military primacy in the context of the problems they are facing today? To answer the above question this study is based on secondary sources as bibliographical analysis, journal articles, as well as the most popular theories of international relations, making efforts to ensure objective and accurate information sources. Also, given that international relations forecasting is a really complex issue, the collection of concrete data and their interpretation based on a comparative approach, has served as an important instrument to make the theoretical framework as reliable as possible.
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Rada, Peter. "US-Visegrad Realities in Biden’s World of Democracies." Politics in Central Europe 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2024-0008.
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Abstract The ‘liberal world order’ can be considered as an historic exception in the history of ‘realist anarchy’ of international relations. This exception is the result of many factors and it has been significantly influenced by the power of the United States. Thus, the agenda of the world order can be analysed in the context of American foreign policy. The place of Central Europe – and in the Visegrad countries – can be analysed in this frame. This approach elaborates the basis for further inquiries also of the Central European-American relations but here the goal is to understand the place of the Visegrad countries in the context of the American led liberal world order. The goal of this study is to theorise the world order, and to identify the role of the United States and the place of the Visegrad countries in it. Furthermore, the study tries to draw theoretic conclusions in the light of the ‘Biden doctrine’ – which is theoretically coherent with the liberal characteristic of the order – to the Visegrad-US relations.
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Deng, Yong. "The Chinese Conception of National Interests in International Relations." China Quarterly 154 (June 1998): 308–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000002058.
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The pursuit of national interests is the legitimate goal of a state's foreign policy. Yet in the 1990s, politicians in the West and the U.S. have criticized the Chinese government for its allegedly narrow-minded, backward view, especially on issues concerning human rights and irredentist claims. Many scholarly analyses in North America also point to a “hard-core,” well-entrenched Chinese realpolitik “worldview” with little ingrained liberal thinking. The conclusion seems to be that, in the Chinese worldview, the international system consists essentially of atomistic nation-states locked in a perpetual struggle for power. China's foreign policy is based on an outmoded Westphalian notion of sovereignty in a world where state sovereignty is being eroded and the traditional notion of national interests is under increasing challenge, thanks to unprecedentedly “dense interdependence.” The blunt policy criticisms and subtle scholarly analyses point to a problematic Chinese definition of national interests.
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Mania, Andrzej, and Tomasz Pugacewicz. "Confronting the International Order: Changes in US Foreign Policy from the Perspective of American Power Elites." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.02.
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The aim of this article is to present the most important voices on the role of the US in the international order during Donald Trump’s presidency in the debate held in the Foreign Affairs. The authors assume that Foreign Affairs expresses the opinions of the most crucial organisation bringing together the elites of American foreign affairs – the Council on Foreign Relations. The paper proposes a hypothesis according to which there is a difference of opinion due to the adopted theoretical perspective regarding Trump’s role in the destruction of the liberal international order among the American power elites, even though they agree that the ideological conflict between democratic and authoritarian countries around the world is escalating.
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Sokolshchik, L. M., E. Z. Galimullin, A. V. Bondarenko, and V. M. Semenov. "Historical Memory in the Context of U.S. Foreign Policy: The Case of the Presidency of Joseph Biden." Journal of International Analytics 13, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-3-48-66.
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Modern day politicians often refer to historical memory in order to construct and/or adjust foreign policy. The analysis of historical memory as one of the tools for constructing foreign policy narratives is attracting increasing scientific interest in the study of international relations. Under conditions of deep socio-political split in the USA and fragmentation of American identity, representatives of the Democratic administration actively turn to historical memory, trying to explain the changing international realities and justify the implemented foreign policy course. The article attempts to identify the key historical narratives of the Biden Administration and analyze how their use influences the foreign policy of the U.S. at the present stage. To achieve this goal, the authors used the method of narrative interpretation to conduct a qualitative analysis of a broad source base (speeches, interviews, press conferences of key representatives of the U.S. executive branch). As a result, a number of foreign policy narratives with the most characteristic historical subjects for the current administration were identified. It has been established that U.S. leaders address historical memory as part of discourses on the promotion of liberal democracy in the world; the limits of “hard power” and the fight against international terrorism; human rights and freedoms; relations with Russia; and the defense of a liberal world order. It is determined that historical narratives are often used by the United States to legitimize its unilateral and discriminatory foreign policy actions. The authors conclude that for the current administration the construction of foreign policy narratives through selective reference to the subjects of American historical memory becomes one of the key tools of adaptation to the development of international multipolarity, mobilization of its resources and consolidation of allies to defend the “free world” from “illiberal” opponents.
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Chaudoin, Stephen, Helen V. Milner, and Dustin H. Tingley. "The Center Still Holds: Liberal Internationalism Survives." International Security 35, no. 1 (July 2010): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00003.
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Recent research, including an article by Charles Kupchan and Peter Trubowitz in this journal, has argued that the United States' long-standing foreign policy orientation of liberal internationalism has been in serious decline because of rising domestic partisan divisions. A reanalysis of the theoretical logic driving these arguments and the empirical evidence used to support them suggests a different conclusion. Extant evidence on congressional roll call voting and public opinion surveys, which is often used to support the claim that liberal internationalism has declined, as well as new evidence about partisan divisions in Congress using policy gridlock and cosponsorship data from other studies of American politics do not demonstrate the decline in bipartisanship in foreign policy that conventional wisdom suggests. The data also do not show evidence of a Vietnam War or a post–Cold War effect on domestic partisan divisions on foreign policy. Contrary to the claims of recent literature, the data show that growing domestic political divisions over foreign policy have not made liberal internationalism impossible. It persists as a possible grand strategy for the United States in part because of globalization pressures.
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Lovell, David. "Democracy Promotion as Foreign Policy: Some Cautionary Reflections." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 2 (2007): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x180502.
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AbstractActivities by one state to promote democracy in another are now more visible and systematic than they have ever been. Numerous governments, international organizations and private associations spend billions of dollars to build, deepen and defend democracy around the world. Promoting democracy elsewhere forms the centre piece of the foreign policies of the United States and the European Union, and is used to justify a wide range of actions, from election observation to education of public officials, but also includes the controversial 2003 US invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq. To judge from the rhetoric, promoting democracy elsewhere has become a guiding theme both of the foreign policies of liberal democracies and of international relations more generally.This article draws chiefly on the experiences of the United States and the European Union — the two most important democracy promoters. It suggests that the prominence given to promoting democracy elsewhere as part of the foreign policies of liberal democracies tends to diminish the challenges of democratization and has the potential to exacerbate international tensions, bring democracy itself into disrepute, and diminish the role of traditional diplomacy in managing differences between states.
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JAHN, BEATE. "Rethinking democracy promotion." Review of International Studies 38, no. 4 (February 21, 2012): 685–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000763.
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AbstractDespite the fact that democracy promotion is a major part of liberal foreign policies, the discipline of International Relations has not paid much systematic attention to it. Conversely, the study of democracy promotion is dominated by comparative politics and pays hardly any attention to the international system. This mutual neglect signifies a core weakness in the theory and practice of democracy promotion: its failure to comprehend the development of liberal democracy as an international process. This article argues that a thorough engagement with John Locke explains the failures of democracy promotion policies and provides a more comprehensive understanding of the development of liberal democracy.
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GRUSZKO, Katarzyna. "HUMAN RIGHTS AND US FOREIGN POLICY." Humanities and Social Sciences quarterly 30, no. 4 - part I (December 31, 2023): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7862/rz.2023.hss.45.
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Human rights are fundamental elements of the post–World War II world order, and in contemporary international relations. They constitute the moral base of the West, which, through the system of international institutions, has been implemented all over the world. Treated as universal, they constitute a bridge between the West – and, above all, the United States – and the rest of the world, in a moment of changes in the global order. The aim of this paper is not to analyze these changes, but to show how human rights happen to be politicized and what the consequences may be. The position and foreign policy of the United States as the architect of the liberal order after World War II, and its care for human rights in an era of global changes at the beginning of the 21st century, seem to be of key importance for international policy on the fate of humanity.
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Doyle, Michael W. "Liberalism and World Politics." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400185041.
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Building on a growing literature in international political science, I reexamine the traditional liberal claim that governments founded on a respect for individual liberty exercise “restraint” and “peaceful intentions” in their foreign policy. I look at three distinct theoretical traditions of liberalism, attributable to three theorists: Schumpeter, a democratic capitalist whose explanation of liberal pacifism we often invoke; Machiavelli, a classical republican whose glory is an imperialism we often practice; and Kant, a liberal republican whose theory of internationalism best accounts for what we are. Despite the contradictions of liberal pacifism and liberal imperialism, I find, with Kant and other democratic republicans, that liberalism does leave a coherent legacy on foreign affairs. Liberal states are different. They are indeed peaceful. They are also prone to make war. Liberal states have created a separate peace, as Kant argued they would, and have also discovered liberal reasons for aggression, as he feared they might. I conclude by arguing that the differences among liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant's internationalism are not arbitrary. They are rooted in differing conceptions of the citizen and the state.
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ZEMÁNEK, Ladislav. "The Czech Republic and the Ukrainian crisis: Economic and foreign policy aspects." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2 (2022): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2022-2-62-82.
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The article deals with two areas: first, the consequences of the 2022 Ukrainian crisis for the Russian business in the Czech Republic and the Czech business in Russia; second, the accelerating dynamics of the Czech-US relations, which are increasingly intensive, primarily in the field of the (geo)political and military cooperation. The analysis shows that the liberal elites are deepening the country's Euro-Atlantic orientation, which manifests itself both at the conceptual, ideological and practical levels. Not surprising in this context are the attempts to revive the plans to establish a US military base in the Czech Republic and Prague's active military support for Kiev to the detriment of the national interest. The study reveals a strong tendency among the Czech political elites towards militarism and revision of policy fundamentals in line with radical Euro-Atlanticism and liberal authoritarianism.
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Sümer, Gülteki̇n. "International Order and the Access Problem of the Defeated Hegemon: the Case of Russia in the Post-Cold War Era." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.2.
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It has been evident that Russia as the heir of Soviet foreign policy, could neither achieve to integrate herself into the international order, nor could the international order achieve to find a solution to Russian foreign policy identity quest. As long as Russia cannot find a stable and permanent status for herself in the world politics, her foreign policy will signify a permanent instability on the behalf of the international order. The current hegemonic international order is far from residing technical capabilities in terms of satisfying Russia’s foreign policy expectations, because it is unprecedentedly rigid in terms of allowing or refusing the incorporation of hegemonic power like Russia. While it cannot return to multipolarity, it could not set a community based international order either. Since the current international order was founded upon liberal anti-Soviet values, it entered into a lightness of exposing Russia to make clear-cut choices in her foreign policy. As much as the current international order was founded upon liberal anti-Soviet values, its demands from the new members would much higher that especially Russia would not easily adapt herself to.
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Scully, Eileen P. "Historical Wrongs and Human Rights in Sino-Foreign Relations: The Legacy of Extraterritoriality." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645967.
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AbstractIn the battle for universal human rights, it may be said that sovereignty has become “the last refuge of scoundrels.” Certainly, this is the prevailing verdict of Western liberal activists with regard to the invocations of absolute self-determination and noninterference by authoritarian regimes in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Indonesia, Myanmar, Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines. These Asia- Pacific governments have defended their heavy-handed response to internal dissent with the position that “State sovereignty is the basis for the realization of citizens’ human rights. If the sovereignty of a state is not safeguarded, the human rights of its citizens are out of the question.”
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Deudney, Daniel, and G. John Ikenberry. "Getting Restraint Right: Liberal Internationalism and American Foreign Policy." Survival 63, no. 6 (November 2, 2021): 63–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2021.2006452.
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Godovanyuk, Kira A. "India in British foreign policy: Challenges for partnership of liberal democracies." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015442-8.
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The article provides insight into the UK approach towards India after Brexit. It is highlighted that this policy is incorporated into the new foreign strategy (“Global Britain”). The author outlines that British government set to build new partnerships with like-minded countries based on neoliberal values. Against the backdrop of global shifts towards Asia and rise of new powers the UK international priority is to build an advanced partnership with India. The author explores the asymmetry in British and Indian interests. London seeks to benefit from advanced trade and investment partnerships in such areas as information technology, green energy, pharmaceuticals, etc. London also expects that comprehensive partnership with New Delhi, including in defence and maritime security, will help strengthen its strategic position in the Indo-Pacific region. Supporting New Delhi in its ambition to become a regional leader, inviting to the G7 Summit and promoting other multilateral formats. Developing trade and investment amid the pandemic, the UK pursues to establish preferential bilateral relations. Britain seeks to present a partnership with democratic India as a counterbalance to communist China in a highly competitive international environment, guided by both values and economic interests.