Journal articles: 'Liberia France'

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Adams, Melinda. "Context and Media Frames: The Case of Liberia." Politics & Gender 12, no. 02 (May 26, 2016): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000039.

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There is a growing body of work examining gender stereotypes in media representations of female candidates, but much of this literature is based on analysis of media sources in developed countries, including the United States (Braden 1996; Jalalzai 2006; Kahn 1994, 1996; Smith 1997), Australia (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), Canada (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), France (Murray 2010b), and Germany (Wiliarty 2010). The increase in female presidential candidates and presidents in Latin America has encouraged research on media portrayals of women in Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela (Franceschet and Thomas 2010; Hinojosa 2010; Piscopo 2010; Thomas and Adams 2010). To date, however, there has been little research exploring media representations of female politicians in Africa. (Exceptions include Adams 2010; Anderson, Diabah, and hMensah 2011). A question that emerges is whether the gender stereotypes common in coverage in the United States, Europe, and Latin America are also prevalent in Africa.

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Geysbeek, Tim. "The Anderson-D'Ollone Controversy of 1903–04: Race, Imperialism, and the Reconfiguration of the Liberia-Guinea Border." History in Africa 31 (2004): 185–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003454.

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The years 2003-04 mark the centennial observance of a debate that emerged in Paris, Freetown, and Monrovia over whether or not the Liberian Benjamin Anderson trekked to the fabled town of Musadu in 1868. Musadu, now situated about five miles northwest of Beyla in Guinea-Conakry, or eighty-five miles northwest of the Liberian border town of Yekepa, represented Liberia's interiormost claim in the nineteenth century. Anderson's challenger was a captain in the French army named Henri d'Ollone, who went to West Africa in the late 1890s and surveyed some of the land that the French had recently conquered. Anderson won the debate, given the fact he was still alive and could prove that he went to Musadu, and because eminent persons such as the French diplomat-scholar Maurice Delafosse, and perhaps even the famed pan-Africanist Edward W. Blyden, came to his defense.The controversy was set in the context of Britain, France, and Liberia's competing claims for land during the heyday of the western conquest of Africa. This paper examines the main contours of the debate, sets the debate in historical context, and republishes the most important primary sources so readers can examine the case more closely for themselves. While some have mentioned the controversy that emerged between d'Ollone and Anderson, the first detailed examination of what happened has been published in Fairhead et. al. (2003:79-88). This paper is a followup to that study.

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Kymlicka, Will. "Modernity and Minority Nationalism: Commentary on Thomas Franck." Ethics & International Affairs 11 (March 1997): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1997.tb00026.x.

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Focusing on the nature of modern nationalism, Kymlicka asserts that Franck overstates the dichotomy of so-called romantic tribal nationalism and traditional nationalism as seen in the United States and France, which Franck claims is liberal, inclusive, and based on political principles rather than blood lines. Using examples from France, the United States, and Quebec, Kymlicka shows that language and common identity as well as liberal principles of freedom and democracy compose modern liberal nationalism. More sympathetic to minority nationalism than Franck, Kymlicka argues that minority movements are not irrational but often based upon legitimate claims, claims that majorities frequently fail to take seriously. Kymlicka concludes in agreement with Franck that minority nationalists should have greater representation at the international level, not simply as a means of pacifying minority nationalists but in the interests of international justice.

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McKenna, Christopher D. "The World's Newest Profession: Management Consulting in the Twentieth Century." Enterprise & Society 2, no. 4 (December 2001): 673–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700005322.

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In 1930 Business Week alerted its interested readers to a new professional service: management consulting. As the writers at Business Week explained, the existing system of business professionals had become so complicated that, according to James McKinsey at the University of Chicago, a new type of professional was “increasing in numbers and influence . . . the adviser that tells business what other advisers to use and when.” Although Business Week would go on to chronicle the rise of management consulting over the next seventy years, consultants would continue to style themselves as an emerging profession through the end of the twentieth century.My dissertation title, “The World's Newest Profession,” plays off both the longstanding perception that consulting is an emerging profession and the widespread apprehension that consultants' advice is little more than corporate pandering. In response to these concerns, I address both the origins of management consultants and their influence on the strategies, structures, and operations of large bureaucratic organizations. Because the institutionalization and professionalization of management consulting occurred within firms, not among solo practitioners, I focus on management consulting firms like McKinsey & Company; Booz, Allen & Hamilton; and Arthur D. Little, Inc., which have advised large corporations since the 1920s. During the 1920s and 1930s these consulting firms were integral in reorganizing many of the largest companies in the United States, including General Motors, Swift, U.S. Steel, and Sears. By the 1960s the use of American management consultants had expanded beyond their initial domestic corporate clients to include international nonprofit organizations, businesses, and governments as diverse and influential as Air France, the Bank of England, Volkswagen, the University of Liberia, and the Government of Tanzania.

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Chathuant, Dominique. "Dans le sillage de la marine de guerre, pouvoir et Eglise en Guadeloupe (1940-1943)." Bulletin de la Société d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe, no. 103 (February 15, 2018): 40–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1043290ar.

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Genoud, bishop in Guadeloupe from 1912 to 1945, became an unquestioning partisan of the new regime when, in 1940, Marshal Pétain established the government of the National Revolution. Bishop Gay become Genoud's coadjutor in 1943 ; he eventually succeeded him at the head of the diocese. He arrived in Guadeloupe a little after the joining of the island to De Gaulle ’s France. Because of Genoud's well-known unquestioning petainism one may wonder if Jean Gay did not owe his position to a religious purge. According to documents issued by the Minister’s office in charge of the colonies at that time, such a conclusion has to be disproved. In fact, Bishop Genoud was surrounded by government officials that the Vichy regime in Guadeloupe quickly got rid of. The latter opened negotiations with the highest religious authorities to flank Genoud with a coadjutor sympathetic to the National Revolution : Jean Gay. At the same time the regime continued to assure the bishops of its official aid. But the war delayed the new coadjutor’s trip. Ready to leave in the early months of 1943, the German and later the Italian authorities gave him permission to leave for Rome. He was then taken to Spain and Portugal. It is at that time that Admiral Robert, high commissioner to the French Caribbean, realized he had no alternative but to give up to obey Vichy. It appears that Gay was contacted in Lisbon by the Free French whose government was in Algiers. He had to continue his journey with the Allied Forces. Portuguese Guinea, Liberia, Brazil, the Guianas and Trinidad followed one another until the plane landed in Martinique. After a few hesitations, the Gaullist authorities accepted to let him go to Guadeloupe where he landed on August 10, 1943. But what were the real reasons for such an interest in a religious leader by the colonial authorities ? This was probably linked to the picture the ruling circles had of the Church, circles that considered the latter, rightly or wrongly, as a way to maintain power at a time when theology of liberation was unheard of.

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Sereme, D., B. J. Neya, M. Bangratz, C. Brugidou, and I. Ouedraogo. "First Report of Rice stripe necrosis virus Infecting Rice in Burkina Faso." Plant Disease 98, no. 10 (October 2014): 1451. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-06-14-0626-pdn.

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Rice stripe necrosis virus (RSNV) was first described in 1977 as a new virus infecting rice in Cote d'Ivoire (3) and was subsequently observed in Liberia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone (2). RSNV is a soil-borne virus transmitted by the fungus Polymyxa graminis (1) and belongs to the genus Benyvirus (4). During a survey carried out in April of 2013, severe symptoms characterized by seedling death, severe plant malformation, and foliar striping were observed on rice plants in an experimental field of INERA at Banfora located in western Burkina Faso. Disease incidence in the field was estimated to be 80 ± 5%. The symptoms of disease were successfully transmitted to the susceptible rice (Oryza sativa) cultivar IR64 by soil transmission experiments (1). RSNV was detected by ELISA using a polyclonal antiserum (1), kindly provided by Dr. Denis Fargette, IRD, Montpellier, France. Total nucleic acid was extracted with TRIzol reagent (Invitrogen) from IR64 and field infected samples. The presence of the virus was confirmed by RT-PCR using primers 5′-CATCTTGTCGAGATGAG-3′ and 5′-GCGTTGTCTTTATCAGTG-3′ for specific sequences flanking the RNA2 CP gene. The RT-PCR product was directly sequenced and the sequence was deposited in GenBank (Accession No. LK023710). Sequence analysis showed that the CP gene of the RSNV isolate from Burkina Faso shared the highest nucleotide sequence identity (97.6%) with the known RSNV CP gene sequence from the Colombian isolate (EU099845) available in GenBank, confirming the presence of RSNV in the rice crops in Burkina Faso. To our knowledge, this is the first confirmed report of RSNV in Burkina Faso. Further studies are needed to determine its incidence and spread in the country. Detection of RSNV in Burkina Faso signals the urgent need for adoption of appropriate measures to restrict the spread and impact of this virus within Africa. References: (1) C. Fauquet and J. C. Thouvenel. Proc. Acad. Sci. Ser. D 296:575, 1983. (2) C. Fauquet et al. Develop. Appl. Biol. 2:71, 1988. (3) D. Louvel and J.-M. Bidaux. Agronomie Tropicale 32:257, 1977. (4) I. Lozano and F. Morales. Eur. J. Plant Pathol. 124:673, 2009.

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Kovacevic, Maja, and Dejana Vukasovic. "France and the concept of European sovereignism at the integration crossroad." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 3 (2020): 499–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2003499k.

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The article examines the politics of French presidents towards European integration, with the focus on President Macron's proposals concerning European sovereignism. The authors apply the Liberal Intergovernmentalism, which models the EU reforms as a three-stage process in which states first define preferences, then engage in interstate bargaining, and finally design common institutions. The main thesis of this article is that France has relatively stable preferences - augmenting its power through European integration, which is also translated into Macron's politics, despite seemingly paradoxical proposals on further delegation of competences to the EU. France is refusing the status quo in the Union divided on key issues, and strongly advocate a Europe of concentric circles. The high intensity of French preferences for the EU reforms is demonstrated through the alternative coalition?s projects, such as the European Intervention Initiative or redefinition of its relations with Russia. Contrary to common interpretations of France as the weaker partner in the Franco-German axis after the Bing Bang enlargement and Eurozone crisis, the authors' thesis is that France is regaining a stronger role at the integration crossroad. In the context of the uncertain future of the transatlantic partnership, China's rise and the threat of further EU marginalization in contemporary international relations, France is determined to have the ?balancing power? status on the global stage. Based on its military and diplomatic power, as well as large geographic influence, France is offering a strong alliance to Germany, which has no serious alternative. The authors conclude that this alliance would provide an opportunity for both countries to further project their power, and create a new context for inevitable re-opening of the ?German question?.

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Ban, Cornel. "Organizing State Intervention in an Authoritarian State: From Fascist Import Substitution to French Developmentalism in Postwar Spain." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 66, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/subbs-2021-0001.

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Abstract The economics of the authoritarian regime of Francisco Franco in Spain are often narrowed to a bespoke form of fascism. This paper suggests that this regime’s rather inchoate economic regimes were in fact a series of experiments that blended varieties of statism and liberalism. Thus, a form of import-substitution industrialization colored by Italian fascist features (1939-1959) lasted fifteen years longer in Spain than in the country of importation. In contrast, a local version of French developmentalism (1964-1975) was largely in sync with what was being tried in France at the time. However, this French developmentalist template imbued with fiscal Keynesianism was layered with liberal economic projects, particularly in the monetary policy arena. But while fascist import substitution (the so called “autarky”) collapsed mostly due to its internal problems, Spain’s translation of French developmentalism was associated with economic growth and was only extensively damaged by the crisis of the global capitalist core ushered by the 1973 oil shock. Critically, while in the symbolic terrain of Spanish politics the liberal economic projects that accompanied the local translation of French developmentalism were always associated with reformist and even “dissident” elite circles, the stigma of developmentalism’ association with the core elites of authoritarianism removed developmentalism as a source of alternatives to the liberal economic reforms ushered by Spain’s transition to liberal democracy in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

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Kanstroom, Emily. "Justifying Torture: Explaining Democratic States’ Noncompliance With International Humanitarian Law." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 14, no. 1 (December 15, 2007): 51–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v14i1.202.

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This article presents an undergraduate student research project about the relationship of liberal democratic countries to international humanitarian law legislation through a comparison between the United States and France conducted in Paris, France.

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Nikishyna, Т. "The Grammatical Forms of Realization the Concept of LIBERTÉ in the Political Discourse of France." Scientific papers of Berdiansk State Pedagogical University. Series: Philological sciences 15 (April 27, 2018): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31494/2412-933x-2018-1-5-46-52.

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Richards, Michael D., and Anne Sa'adah. "The Shaping of Liberal Politics in Revolutionary France." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165096.

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Mayall, James. "1789 and the liberal theory of international society." Review of International Studies 15, no. 4 (October 1989): 297–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112719.

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Contemporaries who witnessed the fall of the Bastille did not doubt that an event of shocking significance had occurred. On 19 July 1789 the Ambassador of Saxony reported that so important and extraordinary a revolution ‘cannot fail to bring about a considerable change in the political system of France’. The Portuguese Ambassador wrote that if he had not witnessed it himself ‘he would not dare to describe it, for fear the truth should be considered a fable… A king of France in an army coach, surrounded by the bayonets and muskets of a large crowd, finally forced to display on his head the cockade of liberty.’ If it was not immediately clear that this attack on the legitimacy of the ancien régime would also involve an attack on the diplomatic practices and conventions of the European states-system, it quickly became so.

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Horel, Catherine. "France and the Austrian Empire 1815-1918." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738065h.

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Relations between France and the Habsburg Empire during the long nineteenth century went through several phases bounded by the events crucial not just to the two countries' mutual relations but to all of Europe. The Congress of Vienna defined their mutual relations for the next thirty years. The Habsburgs and their omnipresent minister Metternich were fearful of revolutionary and liberal movements traditionally having their origins in France. And it was the revolutionary events of 1848 that brought about a change in the balance of power and their mutual relations. Metternich's retirement and, more importantly, the arrival of the Russian armies in Central Europe and the subsequent strengthening of Prussia, conferred a new importance to the role of the Habsburg Monarchy as a bulwark against the advancement of Russia and a vital counterweight to Prussia. With the defeat of Napoleon III and the creation of Germany with Alsace and Lorraine Franco-Austrian relations entered a new phase. The destiny of the two provinces alienated the Habsburgs from the French Republic, especially after the reorganization of Europe into two confronting blocs. The logic of alliances led to their being adversaries in the world conflict, although Napoleon III's geo-strategic analyses remained present almost to its very end, when Clemenceau's government gave support to the nationality principle thereby crucially contributing to the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy.

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de Dijn, Annelien. "Was Montesquieu a Liberal Republican?" Review of Politics 76, no. 1 (2014): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000879.

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AbstractThis paper sets out to criticize Thomas Pangle's and Paul Rahe's reading ofThe Spirit of the Lawsas a contribution to liberal republicanism, arguing instead that Montesquieu's text is better understood as a defense of liberal monarchism. Pangle's and Rahe's interpretation ofThe Spirit of the Lawsas an unequivocal defense of the English modern republic is wrongheaded. Montesquieu in fact spent much more of his time and energy outlining another and very different political model, moderate monarchy, embodied not by England but by the government under which he lived—France. This conclusion has profound implications for our understanding not just ofThe Spirit of the Lawsbut also of the history of early modern political thought more generally speaking, showing that the political debate of this period cannot be reduced to a struggle between classical and modern republicans.

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Mann, Keith. "Resistance to Neo-Liberalism: France, Greece, Spain, and the US." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 1 (2012): 182–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x620824.

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Abstract The mass mobilizations against neo-liberal austerity drives that took place in Greece, France, Spain, and Madison, Wisconsin from 2010 into the summer of 2011 reflect deeply global forces and suggest several trends in contemporary global capitalism. These include an emerging pattern of inequality among member states of the European Union, deep alienation of workers from the Social Democracy and other traditional labor organizations who have championed neo-liberal economic policies and implemented austerity drives, and new forms of collective action.

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TODD, DAVID. "TRANSNATIONAL PROJECTS OF EMPIRE IN FRANCE, C.1815–C.1870." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 2 (October 9, 2014): 265–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431400047x.

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Rather than renouncing empire after the fall of Napoleon, this essay argues, French liberal thinkers expressed a sustained preference for a strategy based on transnational connections, or what imperial historians describe as informal imperialism. The eulogy of European Christian civilization exemplified by François Guizot's lecture at the Sorbonne in 1828 served not only to legitimize French global ambitions, but also to facilitate cooperation with other European imperial powers, especially Britain, and indigenous collaborators. Liberal enthusiasm for the spread of Western civilization also inspired the emergence of a French version of free-trade imperialism, of which the economist Michel Chevalier proved a consistent advocate. Only when such aspirations were frustrated did liberals reluctantly endorse colonial conquest, on an exceptional basis in Algeria after 1840 and on a global scale after 1870. The allegedly abrupt liberal conversion to empire in the nineteenth century may instead be construed as a tactical shift from informal to formal dominance.

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Visentin, Stefano. "A RELIGIÃO COMO ESPAÇO DE LIBERDADE: SEBASTIEN CASTELLION E ÉTIENNE DE LA BOÉTIE DIANTE DO CONFLITO RELIGIOSO NA FRANÇA." Revista Ideação 1, no. 43 (June 6, 2021): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/ideac.v1i43.7247.

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O período das guerras religiosas na França no decorrer do Século XVI marca uma passagem decisiva para a construção de uma nova relação entre religião e política, que se tornará hegemônica no decorrer da idade moderna, e que, no entanto, nos dias de hoje, mostra os seus limites e as suas contradições. Entretanto, na França da metade do Século XVI, dois pensadores, Étienne de La Boétie e Sébastien Castellion, pertencentes a dois lados diferentes, procuram encontrar uma solução para o conflito que não passe nem pela supressão violenta da outra parte, nem pela despolitização do fenômeno religioso. Dos dois escritos feitos antes do início da guerra, A Mémoire sur la pacification des troubles, de La Boétie, e o Conseil à la France désolée, de Castellion, emerge uma concepção da religião liberta de qualquer limitação dogmática e, de outro modo, entendida como espaço de cooperação entre os homens de boa vontade. Esta tentativa de reconstruir o universalismo religioso através da potência emancipadora da linguagem e de uma prática comum permanecerá minoritária na história da primeira modernidade. Porém, é capaz de oferecer à nossa contemporaneidade um importante elemento de reflexão para uma época que está vivendo a falência do projeto liberal e o retorno ao fundamentalismo teológico-político.

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Salin, Pascal. "On Understanding France and the French Situation." Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 22, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 453–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35297/qjae.010029.

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The French social model is mainly a model of state interventionism, which creates a strange contrast between two things: the fact that France is a collectivized society and the fact that it has produced some of the most famous and important libertal intellectuals (for instance, Turgot, Bastiat, and Jean-Baptiste Say). We are inclined to wonder why these liberal writers--who are famous all around the world--have not been able to convince French people so that France would be a model of liberalism.

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Oberndorfer, Lukas. "Europa und Frankreich im Ausnahmezustand." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 185 (December 1, 2016): 561–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i185.132.

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In France, the state of emergency (declared in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of November 2015) has been used against the Nuit-Debout- and the strike movement: fundamental rights were set aside in order to push through the deregulation of the labour market. An approach informed by hegemony theory can demonstrate that these developments and their point in time are articulated with the political and economic position of France within the European ensemble of state apparatuses. Because of its Eurocentric and liberal set-up, mainstream state theory tends to identify authoritarianism only in the periphery or as a threat connected with right wing populism. But an authoritarian turn is already happening within Western liberal institutions. The crisis has pushed the neoliberal mode of integration into a crisis of hegemony. The status quo can no longer be maintained through consensus and is instead upheld through coercion and racism.

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Clavier, Annick. "Archéologie et politique / Archéologie et décroissance." Canadian Journal of Bioethics 2, no. 3 (December 18, 2019): 210–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1066479ar.

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This text analyses how the values of neo-liberal society have determined the evolution of archaeological practice in France, whether it be research or preliminary to landscaping projects. It calls for the definition of a different archaeology, in a world without development.

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LOBELL, STEVEN E. "Britain's paradox: cooperation or punishment prior to World War I." Review of International Studies 27, no. 2 (April 2001): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500001698.

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In the three decades prior to World War I, Britain's paradox was whether to cooperate with or punish an emerging Germany, Japan, France, Russia, and the United States. Based on the need for economy, successive Chancellors of the Exchequer pressed for cooperating with the contenders. Members of the services and Conservatives pushed to punish these contenders, countering that Britain could afford the rising naval expenditure needed to implement such a programme. The existing literature emphasizes the role of geopolitics, domestic constraints, and individual idiosyncrasies to explain Britain's foreign policy adjustment. I argue that the nature of the foreign commercial policy of the contenders guided Britain's response. Due to the special affinity among commercially liberal states, Britain cooperated with America and Japan, ceding regional governance to both aspiring regional hegemons. Britain did, however, punish non-liberal France, Germany, and Russia by implementing new naval construction programmes and concentrating freed-up military resources until these countries capitulated in their naval challenge.

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van den Hoven, Adrian, and Karl Froschauer. "Limiting Regional Electricity Sector Integration and Market Reform." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 9 (November 2004): 1079–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004268845.

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Recent decades have witnessed liberal reforms in electricity policy in Western countries and an emerging literature with prominent perspectives on how to analyze such reforms. Some analysts viewWestern countries as replicating the policy models of Britain and the United States, the first nations to adopt liberal reforms; others see European Union and North American Free Trade Agreement countries as subjected to regional electricity sector integration by supranational regional agreements. The authors challenge those views, arguing that national interests have limited domestic electricity market reforms in France and Canada despite their participation in regional electricity market integration projects. By examining surplus-producing acceleration in building nuclear and hydroelectric plants, initiatives to secure export access as part of regional market integration, and the ability to limit the effects of market access reciprocity domestically, this comparative analysis of France and Canada demonstrates that national interests can prevail in the intergovernmental formulation and domestic implementation of electricity policy.

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Le Gaufey, Guy. "Alain de Libera. La volonté et l’action, Cours du Collège de France 2015." Essaim 41, no. 2 (2018): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ess.041.0179.

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Romano, Joseph. "THINK-TANKS MADE IN FRANCE: EMPRESARIOS DE UN ESTADO SOCIO-LIBERAL." Espiral Estudios sobre Estado y sociedad 11, no. 31 (September 1, 2004): 21–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/eees.v11i31.1558.

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Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Liberal Democracy vs Conservative Populism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 66 (February 20, 2019): 344–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-1-344-380.

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The origins of democracy date back to the Ancient World, and parliamentarism appeared in the Middle Ages. Their fusion to create representative democracy took nearly two centuries with this evolution process resulting in the appearance of present-day liberal democracy, where the latest form of liberalism have little to do with the laissez faire liberalism of the 19-th century or the Keynesian neo-liberalism of the 20-th. It serves the interests of financial oligarchy and imposes its rules upon the whole world. The former right- and left-wing parties are now merged into the same ruling elite. Nor did the former conservatism stand the test of time, resorting to alliance with neo-conservatism. Various opponents of this elite in the West today are called «populists». The most colorful example of this «populism» of the last decade is the movement of «yellow jackets» in France. Its participants unite socialist and anarchist slogans with the conservative ones and demand the «direct democracy». In Russia we have our own tradition of such unity, beginning with the early Slavophils, and supported by A.I. Solzhenitsyn as «democracy from below».

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Sleeper, Jim. "Innocents Abroad? Liberal Educators in Illiberal Societies." Ethics & International Affairs 29, no. 2 (2015): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679415000039.

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It might seem an American Dream come true: About 100 Massachusetts Institute of Technology professors, ten at a time, are managing five laboratories stocked with “totally state-of-the-art equipment” in a gleaming new tower on the National University of Singapore campus. As the New York Times reports, the campus houses the Singapore-MIT Alliance for Research and Technology and other projects, involving “world-class universities from Britain, China, France, Germany, Israel and Switzerland.” The MIT professors and their forty PhD and postdoctoral researchers are designing “myriad innovations”: driverless cars that would respond to “killer app” sensors throughout Singapore; stingray-like robots that will collect ocean-bottom data to fight noxious algae; and technologies that will track infectious diseases, energy consumption, and other movements in this tightly run, wealthy city-state of 5.4 million people.

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Allwood, Gill, and Khursheed Wadia. "Increasing Women's Representation in France and India." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (June 2004): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390404017x.

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The immediate post–Second World War period saw women gain equal political rights in a number of countries, including France and India. Political participation researchers began to consider women's involvement in politics. However, because they focused on state institutions and political parties as the most important sites of political participation, and because the presence of women within these sites was insignificant, the conclusions drawn were either that women were uninterested in and/or uninformed about politics or that their interest and knowledge derived from the male head of household. Moreover, when women's political participation was considered, the preferred location of study was the Western liberal democratic nation–state (Dogan, 1955; Duverger, 1955).

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Lem, Winnie. "Migrants, mobilization, and the making of neo-liberal citizens in contemporary France." Focaal 2008, no. 51 (June 1, 2008): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2008.510106.

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This article explores the implications of a neo-liberal transition to political activism among immigrants with small businesses. It focuses specifically on Chinese migrants in Paris who generally pursue livelihoods based on petty capitalism and who eschewed the mobilizations in France in the fall of 2005 and spring of 2006. Drawing on Bourdieu's idea of habitus, the political and economic forces that influence the possibilities for contentiousness and compliance among different classes of French citizens are examined as they confront changes in citizenship regimes that accompany the transition to neo-liberalism. It is suggested that the ideologies of entrepreneurship and its practices are fostered by neo-liberal regimes as a means of integrating and creating model citizens, who accept rather than challenge the prevailing political order.

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Strel'tsova, Y. "The Value Component of Educational System in France." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2015): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-1-88-103.

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The article examines which way the values in the educational system of France have been changing at various stages of its formation, particularly since 1980s. It refers to the problem of the immigration influence on the ongoing reforms in the school system. Special attention is paid to the problem of educational secularism and school reform during the presidency of François Hollande. The questions about the role of morality, the relationship between tradition and innovation in the school system are researched in the paper. In particular, the Charter of secularism prepared by Vincent Peillon is analyzed. Specifically the forms of enrolment and integration of immigrant children in schools and teaching them the French language are considered, from 1970s up to the present day. The teaching of French language acts as the main mechanism for the newcomers' integration. Changing forms of the immigrant children's adaptation are the convincing proof. Modern France faces a certain contradiction. On one hand, belonging to the most liberal countries continuing the tradition of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, it actively protects the values of freedom, openness to the world ideas, cultural interaction, etc., which is reflected primarily in the educational system. On the other hand, the real interpenetration of traditions and customs of different cultures which became possible due to the liberal migration policy begins to affect certain foundations, such as the secular character of the education system, equal rights for women and other, proper for the "traditional France". In conclusion, the interdependence between some problems of the modern French school and the immigration policy is stated in the article. This conclusion may be extended to the countries which accept a great number of the migrants. The experience of France, where the forms of the immigrant children integration are well functioning, becomes more and more demanded, also in Russia.

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Brasz, Chaya. "Dutch Progressive Jews and Their Unexpected Key Role in Europe." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490102.

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AbstractLiberal Judaism remained absent in the Netherlands during the nineteenth century but finally became successful in the early 1930s under the influence of the Liberal Jewish Synagogue in London and the establishment of the World Union for Progressive Judaism in 1926. It had a specific Dutch character which was more radical than the German refugees who joined in were used to. The Shoah barely left survivors of the prewar congregations, but Liberal Judaism made a remarkable comeback in the Netherlands and had a key role position for Liberal Judaism on the continent of Europe. In a much smaller Jewish community than the French one, the Dutch Progressive congregations for a considerable period formed the largest Progressive community on the continent, next to France. Even today, while comprising ten congregations, it still has a growing membership.

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Maynes, Mary Jo, Christine Faure, Claudia Gorbman, and John Berks. "Democracy without Women: Feminism and the Rise of Liberal Individualism in France." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 6 (November 1992): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075635.

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Popkin, Jeremy D., Christine Faure, Claudia Gorbman, and John Berks. "Democracy without Women: Feminism and the Rise of Liberal Individualism in France." History of Education Quarterly 32, no. 3 (1992): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368554.

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Pangle, Thomas L. "Political Theory in Contemporary France: Towards a Renaissance of Liberal Political Philosophy?" PS: Political Science & Politics 20, no. 04 (1987): 999–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500027530.

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Hazareesingh, Sudhir. "Napoleonic Memory in Nineteenth-Century France: The Making of a Liberal Legend." MLN 120, no. 4 (2005): 747–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2005.0119.

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Shin, Dong-Kyu. "The Popular Front and a Divided France : Liberal Republicanism vs. Social Republicanism." History & the World 53 (June 30, 2018): 319–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17857/hw.2018.06.53.319.

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Ignatchenko, Igor. "Victor Duruy - Historian and Liberal Minister of the Second Empire in France." Новая и новейшая история, no. 2 (2019): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640004244-6.

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Sawyer, Stephen, and William J. Novak. "Emancipation and the Creation of Modern Liberal States in America and France." Journal of the Civil War Era 3, no. 4 (2013): 467–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2013.0073.

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Orain, Arnaud, and Maxime Menuet. "Liberal Jansenists and interest-bearing loans in eighteenth-century France: a reappraisal." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 24, no. 4 (June 22, 2017): 708–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672567.2017.1338304.

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Cole, Alistair. "Studying Political Leadership: The Case of François Mitterrand." Political Studies 42, no. 3 (September 1994): 453–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb01688.x.

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The study of political leadership, in France and elsewhere, must be appreciated in terms of the interaction between leadership resources (personal and positional) on the one hand, and environmental constraints and opportunities on the other. This article proposes a general framework for appraising comparative liberal democratic political leaderships. It illustrates the possibilities of the framework by evaluating the political leadership of the French President François Mitterrand.

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Karagiannopoulou, Chara. "Unveiling the “veil debate” in the Greek press." Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego 20 (December 29, 2017): 69–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/spw.260.

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This article traces and analyses the narrative of the “veil debate” in France and Turkey as constructed by two Greek newspapers: the liberal Kathimerini and the leftist Avgi. It aims, firstly, to bring out the interconnection between the political ideological orientation of each of these newspapers and the narrative that they adopt, and secondly, to shed light on how the peculiarities of the socio-political context intersect with the narrator’s interests and preferences in the process of building the framework for public discussion in Greece. It concludes that the Greek narration of the “veil debate” in France and Turkey runs along normative lines (irrespective of the newspaper’s ideological affiliation), challenges the validity of Westphalian values, reflects the interdependence between socio-political contexts, and takes into consideration the supranational discourse of Greek foreign policy.

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Bochkarev, S. V. "Legitimacy of Power: the View of French Liberalism in the second half of the XIX century." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 2 (June 15, 2018): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18407.

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The problem of the legitimacy of power is of great interest, both in domestic and in French legal science. In France over the past two centuries, there have been five republics, two empires, and various transitional regimes and forms of government. The end of the XVIII - first half of the XIX centuries in France is characterized by the most frequent changes in the state and legal sphere, which caused increased attention of researchers to the legitimacy or legitimacy of power. The contribution of representatives of the French liberal school of the second half of the XIX century is noted in the article in the development of the concept of legitimacy of power. The main approaches to this problem of the most prominent representatives of the French liberal school have been analyzed, whose work was significantly inf luenced by the conceptual formation of the concepts of legitimacy, in particular, and the legitimacy of power in general. It is noted that representatives of French liberalism of the second half of the nineteenth century considered the legitimacy of power in the discourse of the idea of justice, emphasizing the three elements that should be embodied in the state, which in turn should ensure the legitimization of power.

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PITTS, JENNIFER. "LIBERALISM AND EMPIRE IN A NINETEENTH-CENTURY ALGERIAN MIRROR." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 2 (August 2009): 287–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309002108.

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Le Miroir, published in Paris in 1833 by Hamdan ben Othman Khodja (c.1773–1842), was the first Algerian contribution to French public deliberation about France's emerging empire in North Africa. A work of a self-consciously liberal cosmopolitan, and modernizing, perspective, theMiroirwas almost alone in French debates in making a principled argument for a complete French withdrawal from Algeria—what Khodja called a “liberal emancipation” of the country. TheMiroirargued for an independent Algeria that might take its place in a nineteenth-century Europe of emerging nations, and that might engage with European states as a diplomatic equal. The work illustrates the constraints on those who sought to preserve some independence, discursive as well as political, in the face of European expansion, as well as the critical possibilities of liberal discourse at a moment when it was being marshaled in France and Britain in the service of empire.

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Wileman, Donald G. "Not the Radical republic: liberal ideology and central blandishment in France, 1901–1914." Historical Journal 37, no. 3 (September 1994): 593–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014898.

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ABSTRACTMadeleine Rebérioux was right to wonder whether France was truly a ‘Radical republic’ in the years between the Dreyfus affair and the Great War. Archives only opened or explored since Rebérioux published in 1975, and the re-interpretation of older newspaper sources, show that control of the Third Republic was still hotly contested in those years. The Radicals tried to build a republic in their own image, but in a situation where left and right were closely balanced, they were almost always foiled. Crucial to this process was a politically republican but socially conservative centre – best typified by the A.R.D. The A.R.D. wanted a Third Republic frankly favourable to the interests of big business. Since it held the parliamentary balance of power between the left and a right only partly republican, it generally got its way. Statistical sources also support this interpretation.

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Woloch, Isser. "The Shaping of Liberal Politics in Revolutionary France: A Comparative Perspective. Anne Sa'adah." Journal of Modern History 65, no. 3 (September 1993): 622–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244700.

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Koussens, David. "Neutrality of the State and Regulation of Religious Symbols in Schools in Quebec and France." Social Compass 56, no. 2 (May 27, 2009): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768609103354.

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The difference in attitudes towards the wearing of religious symbols in schools in France and Canada is symptomatic of the respective legal and political definitions of the official neutrality of the school institution and thus of way in which laicism is used to regulate religious pluralism and the “socio-cultural” integration of immigrant populations. In what ways is state neutrality put into practice, in Quebec and in France, as regards the judicial and political treatment of the wearing of religious symbols in public schools? The author proposes to examine the implementation of the liberal principle of neutrality by the French law dated 15 March 2004 on the wearing of religious symbols in public schools and by the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada of 2 March 2006 to allow a young Sikh to wear his ritual kirpan at school.

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Lainer-Vos, Dan. "Social Movements and Citizenship: Conscientious Objection in France, the United States, and Israel." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.3.q10334171q6q0155.

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This article examines the ways in which citizenship regimes shape social struggles. It traces the conscientious objection movements in France during the war in Algeria, in America during the Vietnamese War, and in Israel after the invasion of Lebanon to show how they employed different practices and formed different alliances despite having similar goals. These differences can be attributed, in part, to the different citizenship regimes in each country: republican in France; liberal in the U.S.; and ethnonational in Israel. Arguments and practices that seemed sensible in one locale seemed utterly inappropriate in another. Social movements' activists did not manipulate conceptions of citizenship strategically. Rather, citizenship regimes constitute subjectivities and thereby shape the sensibilities and preferences of activists and state actors. Citizenship regimes shape social dramas by structuring the repertoire of contention available in a particular struggle.

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Giraud, Baptiste. "The changing face of union action put to the test by neo-liberal reforms in France." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.164063.

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This article reviews how French trade union are coping with the neo-liberal policies since the early 1980s. It shows their divergent reactions, and how these liberal reforms are implemented in a context of transformation of trade union action: the use of strikes is more difficult at the same time as the relationship between trade unions and collective bargaining is transformed in a logic of depoliticizing their strategies of action. These developments did not prevent a resurgence of strikes in the 2000s. It reveals the limits of the trade unions’ power of political influence, that implies the use of collective action. However, strikes have declined further in recent years, revealing the weakening of trade union mobilisation power.

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Kushcheva, Marina V. "“AMBITIOUS ASPIRATIONS FOR POWER IN THE STATE”. IMAGE OF HENRY, DUKE OF GUISE IN RUSSIAN AND FRENCH SCHOOLBOOKS OF THE 19TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURY." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2021): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-1-62-73.

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The following article is an attempt at a comparative analysis of the images of a key character in the epoch of the Civil (religious) wars in France, Henry, Duke of Guise in schoolbooks of the 19th – early 20th century. The research is based on several schoolbooks for different levels of education published in France and Russia at that time. It is concluded that the “black legend” about the Duke of Guise consolidated in the collective consciousness as a contribution of educational literature. He was portrayed not only as an antagonist to not only the last Valois, but also to the future monarch Henry IV, the one traditionally standing for tolerance and progress in European historical culture. However, in the liberal-republican discourse Henry of Guise’s image was always rather ambiguous. The schoolbooks reflect the controversial char - acter of his figure, as it was constructed by historians. The ever-changing politi- cal context and the development of historical research defined the evolution of his image in France as well as in Russia and the aiming for further objectiveness in 19–20th century schoolbooks. Nevertheless, the main features of his image haven’t changed.

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HOLLIFIELD, JAMES F. "Immigration and the French State." Comparative Political Studies 23, no. 1 (April 1990): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414090023001003.

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Why is it so difficult for a liberal-democratic state to regulate immigration? Although control of a territory is part and parcel of the definition of state sovereignty, labor-importing countries have found it increasingly difficult to regulate the flow of noncitizens across their borders. This article seeks to address the difficulties of regulating immigration by focusing on the policy-making process and the interaction of politics and markets in France, one of the principal countries of immigration.

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Strel'tsova, Y. "Immigrants’ Integration under Conditions of Economic Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2011): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-1-55-68.

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This article has considered the main trends of integration: economic one – “trough the work” and by means of social, educational, municipal and citizenship policy in European countries, first of all in France, and in Russia. The attention has been paid on contradictions, which are typical for searching an integration model in modern Russia. This article illustrates the main difficulties of immigrants’ adaptation in European countries, as a result of liberal migratory policy and multicultural model of newcomers’ integration.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberia France'

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