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1
Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.
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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.
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Bangura, Ibrahim. "Resisting War: Guinean Youth and Civil Wars in the Mano River Basin." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 14, no. 1 (April 2019): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619833286.
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For more than two decades, the Mano River Basin was trapped in a spiral of violent civil wars at the centre of which were the region’s youth. However, in spite of the similarities in contexts, and despite its history and external attacks by insurgency groups based in Liberia and Sierra Leone, Guinea did not degenerate into a civil war. The immediate question then is, what factors might have been responsible at that time for mitigating the potential involvement of the country’s youth in a civil war, and can the lessons learned from Guinea be emulated in conflict-affected countries today? This article provides in-depth perspectives into the Guinean youth and the factors that mitigated their involvement in violent insurrections against the state from 1989 to 2011. It also juxtaposes the findings on Guinea with conclusions on factors responsible for involvement of youth in the civil wars in other countries in the region.
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Ellis, Stephen. "Mystical Weapons: Some Evidence From the Liberian War1." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00130.
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AbstractDuring the Liberian civil war (1989-97), many participants, as well as local journalists, used terms such as 'sorcery', 'witchcraft', 'voodoo', 'juju' and 'African science' to describe certain techniques used by fighters. Essentially, these words were applied to techniques of offence or defence which were rooted in local religious traditions rather than in either Islam or Christianity. This article traces the history of such terms, as well as of the activities which they designate, to show how they changed during the twentieth century.
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Pich Mitjana, Josep, and David Martínez Fiol. "Manuel Brabo Portillo. Policía, espía y pistolero (1876-1919)." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 8 (June 20, 2019): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2019.08.20.
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RESUMEN:El objetivo del artículo es aproximarnos a la controvertida biografía del comisario Manuel Brabo Portillo. El trabajo está basado en fuentes primarias y secundarias. El método utilizado es empírico. En el imaginario del mundo sindicalista revolucionario, Brabo Portillo era el policía más odiado, la reencarnación de la cara más turbia del Estado. Fue, así mismo, un espía alemán relacionado con el hundimiento de barcos españoles, el asesinato del empresario e ingeniero Barret y el primer jefe de los terroristas vinculados a la patronal barcelonesa. La conflictividad que afectó a España en el período de la Primera Guerra Mundial es fundamental para entender los orígenes del terrorismo vinculado al pistolerismo, que marcó la historia político social española del primer tercio del siglo XX.PALABRAS CLAVE: Brabo Portillo, pistolerismo, espionaje, sindicalismo, Primera Guerra Mundial.ABSTRACT:The objective of the article is an approach to the controversial biography of Police Chief Manuel Brabo Portillo. The work is based on primary and secondary sources. The method used is empirical. In the imagery of the revolutionary syndicalist world, Brabo Portillo was the most hated policeman, the reincarnation of the murkiest face of the state. He was also a German spy connected with the sinking of Spanish ships, the murder of businessman and engineer Josep Barret and the first head of the terrorists linked to Barcelona employers. The conflict that affected Spain during the period of the First World War is fundamental in order to understand the origins of terrorism linked to pistolerismo, which marked Spanish social political history during the first third of the twentieth century.KEY WORDS: Brabo Portillo, pistolerismo, espionage, syndicalism, First World War. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAisa, M., La efervescencia social de los años 20. Barcelona 1917-1923, Barcelona, Descontrol, 2016.Aguirre de Cárcer, N., La neutralidad de España durante la Primera Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). I. Bélgica, Madrid, Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, 1995.Alonso, G., “’Afectos caprichosos’: Tradicionalismo y germanofilia en España durante la Gran Guerra”, Hispania Nova, 15, 2017, pp. 394-415.Amador, A., El Terror blanco en Barcelona. Las bombas y los atentados personales. Actuación infernal de una banda de asesinos al servicio de la burguesía. El asesinato como una industria, Tarragona, Talleres gráf. Gutenberg, [1920?].Anglés, C., “Contra los sindicatos. Los procesos de la organización obrera. La impostura nunca ha sido justicia”, Solidaridad Obrera, 836 (1/8/1918), p. 1.Balcells, A., El Pistolerisme. Barcelona (1917-1923), Barcelona, Pòrtic, 2009.Ben-Ami, S., La Dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923-1930), Barcelona, Planeta, 1984.Bengoechea, S., Organització patronal i conflictivitat social a Catalunya. Tradició i corporativisme entre finals de segle i la dictadura de Primo de Rivera, Barcelona, PAM, 1994.Bengoechea, S., El locaut de Barcelona (1919-1920), Barcelona, Curial, 1998.Bengoechea, S., “1919: La Barcelona colpista. L’aliança de patrons i militars contra el sistema liberal”, Afers, 23/24 (1996), pp. 309-327.Brabo Portillo, M., Ensayo sobre policía científica, Barcelona, Gassó Hermanos, [190?].Bravo Portillo, M. y Samper, A., Programa para los exámenes de ingreso ó ascenso en plazas de oficiales de cuarta clase de la Hacienda Pública, Madrid, Mateu, 1906.Bueso, A., Recuerdos de un cenetista, Barcelona, Ariel, 1976.Burgos y Mazo, M. de, El verano de 1919 en Gobernación, Imprenta de E. Pinós-Cuenca, 1921.Calderón, F. de P. [Rico Ariza, E.] y Romero, I., Memorias de un terrorista. Novela episódica de la tragedia barcelonesa, Barcelona, [s.e.], [1924?].Carden, R. M., German Policy Toward Neutral Spain, 1914-1918, London, Routledge, 2014.Cardona, G., Los Milans del Bosch, una familia de armas tomar. Entre la revolución liberal y el franquismo, Barcelona, Edhasa, 2005.Casal Gómez, M., La Banda Negra. El origen y la actuación de los pistoleros en Barcelona (1918-1921), 2ª. Edición, Barcelona, Icaria, 1977.Calle Velasco, M. D. de la, “Sobre los orígenes del estado social en España”, Ayer, 25 (1997), pp. 127-150.D’Ors, E., “La unidad de Europa”, La Vanguardia, (1/12/1914), p. 7.Díaz Plaja, F., Francófilos y germanófilos. Los españoles en la guerra europea, Barcelona, Dopesa, 1973.Díez, P., Memorias de un anarcosindicalista de acción, Barcelona, Bellaterra, 2006.Domingo Méndez, R., “La Gran Guerra y la neutralidad española: entre la tradición historiográfica y las nuevas líneas de investigación”, Spagna Contemporanea, 34 (2008), pp. 27-44.Esculies, J., “España y la Gran Guerra. Nuevas aportaciones historiográficas”, Historia y Política, 32 (2014), pp. 47-70.Esdaile, Ch. J., La Quiebra del liberalismo, 1808-1939, Barcelona, Crítica, 2001.Foix, P., Los Archivos del terrorismo blanco. El fichero Lasarte (1910-1930), Madrid, Las Ediciones de la Piqueta, 1978.Forcadell, C., Parlamentarismo y bolchevización. El movimiento obrero español, 1914-1918, Barcelona, Crítica, 1978.Fuentes Codera, M., “El somni del retorn a l’Imperi: Eugeni d’Ors davant la Gran Guerra”, Recerques, 55 (2007), pp. 73-93.Fuentes Codera, M., “Germanófilos y neutralistas. Proyectos tradicionalistas y regeneracionistas para España (1914-1918)”, Ayer, 91/3 (2013), pp. 63-92.Fuentes Codera, M., España en la Primera Guerra Mundial. Una movilización cultural, Madrid, Akal, 2014.García Oliver, J., El Eco de los pasos, Paris/Barcelona, Ruedo Ibérico, 1978.García Sanz, F., España en la Gran Guerra, Madrid, Galaxia Gutenberg, 2014.Giráldez, E., “Brabo Portillo ¡Yo te acuso, Asesino!”, Solidaridad Obrera, 840 (5/8/1918), p. 1.Golden, L., “Les dones com avantguarda; El rebombori del pa del gener 1918”, L’Avenç (1981), pp. 45-52.Golden, L., “The women in command. The Barcelona women’s consumer war of 1918”, UCLA Historical Journal (1985), pp. 5-32.E. González Calleja y F. del Rey Reguillo, La Defensa armada contra la revolución. Una historia de las guardias cívicas en la España del siglo XX, Madrid, CSIC, 1995.González Calleja, E., La Razón de la fuerza. Orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración, 1875-1917, Madrid, CSIC, 1998.González Calleja, E., El Máuser y el sufragio. Orden público, subversión y violencia política en la crisis de la Restauración (1917-1931), Madrid, CSIC, 1999.González Calleja, E., (ed.), Políticas del miedo. Un balance del terrorismo en Europa, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva, 2002.González Calleja, E., La España de Primo de Rivera. La modernización autoritaria 1923-1930, Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 2005.González Calleja, E., El laboratorio del miedo. Una historia general del terrorismo, Barcelona, Crítica, 2013.González Calleja, E. y Aubert, P., Nidos de espías. España, Francia y la Primera Guerra Mundial, Madrid, Alianza, 2014.González Calleja, E. (coord.), Anatomía de una crisis. 1917 y los españoles, Madrid, Alianza, 2017.Granados de Siles, J., “El escandaloso espionaje de Barcelona”, Solidaridad Obrera, 793 (19/6/1918), p. 1.Gual Villalbí, P., Memorias de un industrial de nuestro tiempo, Barcelona, Sociedad General de Publicaciones, [193?].León-Ignacio, J., Los años del pistolerismo. Ensayo para una guerra civil, Barcelona, Planeta, 1981.León-Ignacio, J., “Brabo Portillo, comisario y político”, Historia y vida, 181 (1983), pp. 68-73.Llates, R., 30 anys de vida catalana, Barcelona, Aedos, 1969.Madrid, F., Ocho meses y un día en el Gobierno Civil de Barcelona (confesiones y testimonios), Barcelona-Madrid, Las ediciones de la flecha, 1932.Manent, J., Records d’un sindicalista llibertari català, 1916-1943, París, Edicions Catalanes de París, 1976.Marquès, J., Història de l’organització sindical tèxtil “El Radium”, Barcelona, La Llar del Llibre, 1989.Márquez, B. y Capo, J. M., Las Juntas militares de defensa, Barcelona, Librería Sintes, 1923.Martínez Fiol, D., El catalanisme i la Gran Guerra (1914-1918). Antologia, Barcelona, La Magrana, 1988.Martínez Fiol, D. y Esculies Serrat, J., L’Assemblea de Parlamentaris de 1917 i la Catalunya rebel, Barcelona, Generalitat de Catalunya, 2017.Martínez Fiol, D. y Esculies Serrat, J., 1917. El año en que España pudo cambiar, Sevilla, Renacimiento, 2018.M.C.C., “El ‘affaire’ Brabo Portillo”, publicado en El Parlamentario y reproducido por Solidaridad Obrera, 926 (2/11/1918), p. 1.Mendoza, E., La verdad sobre el caso Savolta, Barcelona, Seix y Barral, 1975.Morales Lezcano, V., El colonialismo hispano-francés en Marruecos (1898-1927), Madrid, Siglo XXI, 1976.Navarra, A., 1914. Aliadófilos y germanófilos en la cultura española, Madrid, Cátedra, 2014.Navarra, A., Aliadòfils i germanòfils a Catalunya durant la Primera Guerra Mundial, Barcelona, Generalitat-CHCC, 2016.Nisk, “¡Inocente Brabo!”, Solidaridad Obrera, 789 (15/6/1918), p, 1.Pestaña, Á.,“A vuela pluma” y “En Libertad”, Solidaridad Obrera, 840-841 (5-6/8/1918), p. 1.Pestaña, Á., Terrorismo en Barcelona. Memorias inéditas, Barcelona, Planeta, [1979].Pradas Baena, M. A., L’anarquisme i les lluites socials a Barcelona 1918-1923. La repressió obrera i la violència, Barcelona, PAM, 2003.Pujadas, X., Marcel·lí Domingo i el marcel·linisme, [Barcelona], PAM, 1996.Roig, M., Rafael Vidiella. L’aventura de la revolució, Barcelona, Laia, 1976.Romero Salvadó, F. J., “Crisi, agonia i fi de la monarquía liberal (1914-1923)”, Segle XX. Revista catalana d’història, 1 (2008), pp. 57-82.Romero Salvadó, F. J. y Smith, A. (eds.), The Agony of Spanish Liberalism. FromRevolution to Dictatorship 1913-23, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.Rosenbusch, A., “Los servicios de información alemanes: sabotaje y actividad secreta”, Andalucía en la historia, 45 (2014), pp. 24-29.Rosenbusch, A., “Guerra Total en territorio neutral: Actividades alemanas en España durante la Primera Guerra Mundial”, Hispania Nova, 15 (2017), pp. 350-372.S. A., “Historia de un ‘bravo’ muy pillo”, La Campana de Gracia, 2569 (28/6/1918), p. 4.S.A., L’Esquella de la Torratxa, (12/7 y 30/8/ y 12/9/1918), pp. 447, 451, 456, 458, 568, 577 y 592.S. A., “A cada puerco le llega su San Martín” y “La muerte de Batet”, Solidaridad Obrera, 711 y 712 (9 y 10/1/1918), p. 1.S. A., Solidaridad Obrera, 713-716 (11-14/1/1918), p. 1.S. A., “Los conflictos del hambre”, Solidaridad Obrera, 717, 719-721 y 723-727 (15 y 17-19 y 21-25/1/1918), p. 1.S.A., Solidaridad Obrera, 783 y 784-786, (9-12/6/1918), p. 1.S.A., Solidaridad Obrera, 789-790, 794-795, 798 (15-16, 20-21 y 24/6/1918), p. 1.S. A., Solidaridad Obrera, 833 y 837 (28/7 y 2/8/1918), p. 1.S. A., Solidaridad Obrera, (3/7 y 12/12/1918), p. 2.S.A., “Veredicto popular”, Solidaridad Obrera, 790, 791, 793, 794, 795, 798, 799, 800, 802, 808, 809, 810, 811, 815, 816, 817, 818, 819, 820, 821, 822, 823, 825, 826, 827, 828, 829, 830, 832, 833, 834, 835, 836, 837, 838, 839 (16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 28/6; 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31/7; 1, 2, 3, 4/8/1918), pp. 1-3.S.A., “Envío a doña Remedios Montero de Brabo Portillo”, 871 (7/9/1918), p. 1.S.A., Solidaridad Obrera, (24, 25, 26, 27, 28 y 30/6 y 3, 6, 8, 5, 10, 12, 13 y 19/7, 4, 5, 9, 23, 24 y 26/8, 21, 24, 25, 31/10, 1, 2/11/ y 1-6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 20, 30 y 31/12/1918), pp. 1-4.Safont, J., Per França i Anglaterra. La I Guerra Mundial dels aliadòfils catalans, Barcelona, Acontravent, 2012.Sánchez Marín, A. L., “El Instituto de Reformas Sociales: origen, evolución y funcionamiento”, Revista Crítica de Historia de las Relaciones Laborales y de la Política Social, 8 (mayo 2014), pp. 7-28.Smith, A., “The Catalan Counter-revolutionary Coalition and the Primo de Rivera Coup, 1917–23”, European History Quaterly 37:1 (2007), pp. 7-34.Smith, A., Anarchism, revolution and reaction. Catalan labor and the crisis of the Spanish State, 1898-1923, New York, Oxford, Berghahn, 2007.Soldevilla, F., El Año político 1920, Madrid, I. de Julio Cosano, 1921.Taibo II, P. I., Que sean fuego las estrellas. Barcelona (1917-1923), Barcelona, Crítica, 2016.Tamames, R. y Casals, X., Miguel Primo de Rivera, Barcelona, Ediciones B, 2004.Tusell, J., Radiografía de un golpe de estado. El ascenso al poder del general Primo de Rivera, Madrid, Alianza, 1987.Val, R. del y Río del Val, J. del, Solidaridad Obrera, 787-788, 790, 794, 801, 805, 807, 811, 814, 818, 828, 829, 836, 970 (13, 14, 16, 20 y 27/6/, 3, 7, 10, 14, 23, 24 y 31/7/ y 1/8/ y 10/121918), p. 1.Vandellós, P., “Contra los sindicatos. Los procesos de la sindicación obrera. De actualidad”, Solidaridad Obrera, 791 (17/6/1918), p. 1.Vidiella, R., Los de ayer. Novela, Madrid-Barcelona, Nuestro Pueblo, 1938.Winston, C. M., La Clase trabajadora y la derecha en España (1900-1936), Madrid, Cátedra, 1989.Winston, C. M., “Carlist workers groups in Catalonia, 1900-1923”, en S. G. Payne (dir.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la España contemporánea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, Madrid, Actas, 1996, pp. 85-101.Wosky, Solidaridad Obrera, 791, 801 y 820, (17 y 21/6/ 10/7/1918), pp. 1 y 3.
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Domenech, Daniel. "The National Revolution Architecture: Rooted Modernism in the Spanish New State (1939–1959)." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 213–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702004.
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Francoism was the product of the sum of all the heterogeneous forces of anti-liberal right, from the most radical fascists to Christian traditionalists even further to the conservative right than the Monarchists and the Carlists, and as a result their architectural response to the problem of rebuilding Spanish society following the Civil war could not be unitary either. Each school of thought, each situation to be solved, and each architect generated a different solution, and as a result we find a wide variety of architectural works in Francoist Spain. Rather than revisit the topics studied in multiple works since the seventies, this article will focus the research on typologies that have hardly received any attention, namely constructions of marked ideological and propagandistic character, such as the monolithic monuments dedicated to the Fallen, the reconstructions of ‘mythological’ places for the discourse of the first Francoism, and the production of monumental civic buildings, such as the Universities of Labor. The core issue to be resolved is whether some cultural discourses under Francoism constructed the new regime as pioneering a modernizing national revolution, rather than installing a reactionary counterrevolution, and whether the architectural works that resulted in fact present outstanding elements of modernity that had nothing to envy, in their physical scale, radicalism of design, and futural temporality, those of National Socialist Germany or Mussolini’s Italy. Such a kinship suggests that many buildings of right wing regimes, at least in Spain, in the first half of the twentieth century should be considered as belonging organically to the fascist era, even if the regimes that promoted or hosted them were not technically fascist in a strict political and ideological sense, a kinship expressed in their ‘rooted modernism’.
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Klay Kieh, George. "Warlords, Politicians and the Post-First Civil War Election in Liberia." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2011): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x586979.
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AbstractThe issue of post-conflict elections has become one of the major areas in both the scholarly literature and in policy circles. This is because post-conflict elections are considered critical to the peacebuilding process in war-torn societies. The rationale is that post-conflict elections can be used to address the vexing problem of choosing the leadership for states recovering from war. With the leadership chosen in the context of free, fair and transparent elections, it can then shepherd the arduous process of rebuilding the society. In this vein, using the first post-conflict election in Liberia as a case study, this article examines the electoral landscape, and the factors that led to the Taylor-led National Patriotic Party (NPP) winning a landslide victory.
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Korczyc, Aleksandra. "State Security Policy and Changing the Nature of the Conflict after the End of the Cold War Rivalry." Security Dimensions 30, no. 30 (June 28, 2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7549.
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The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.
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Ganin, Andrey V. "Pyotr S. Makhrov. The Civil War in Ukraine." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 108–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.08.
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The material is a publication of an annotated excerpt from the memoirs of General Pyotr Semyonovich Makhrov about the events of the Civil War in Ukraine from the autumn of 1918 to the winter of 1919. The manuscript of Makhrov’s memoirs is kept in the Bakhmetev archive of Columbia University in the USA. This valuable testimony of an informed contemporary of crucial historical events is an important source on the history of the First World War, the Civil War in Russia and Ukraine, and Russian mili- tary emigration, and covers the period from the late nineteenth century to the fi rst half of the twentieth century. Makhrov was an offi cer of the Russian army, a graduate of the Nicholas General Staff Academy, a man of liberal views, and brilliantly wielded a pen. In 1918, Makhrov lived in Ukraine in Poltava and was an eyewitness to a series of sig- nifi cant events, including several changes of power. The memoir covers in detail the life of Ukraine under Hetman Pavlo P. Skoropadsky, the German occupation, the anti-Hetman uprising, the fall of the Hetmanate, the rampant ataman, and the establishment of the power of the Directory of Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918. The memoirs represent the view of a military man who was critical of the new Ukrainian state and was focused on the ideology of the White movement. Much attention is paid to the be- haviour of offi cers in the varied conditions of independent Ukraine and in its collapse.
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Sfikas, Thanasis D. "War and Peace in the Strategy of the Communist Party of Greece, 1945–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419493.
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Using archival sources that only recently have become available, this article fo-cuses on the interplay between the concepts of war and peace in the strategy of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) during the Greek Civil War of the late 1940s. The article demonstrates that the choices facing the KKE and its opponents changed quite dramatically in the period from 1945 to 1949. The active role of Great Britain in Greek domestic affairs and the relatively limited role of the Soviet nion meant that the KKE was increasingly ostracized in the international community. The unwillingness of the Greek Liberal Party to forge a political alliance with the KKE prompted the Communists to resume their armed struggle for power. This article presents the alternatives facing the KKE in light of the postwar domestic and international contexts.
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Woodworth, Steven E., Roman J. Heleniak, and Lawrence L. Hewitt. "Leadership During the Civil War: The 1989 Deep Delta Civil War Symposium: Themes in Honor of T. Harry Williams." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 4 (November 1994): 813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211101.
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Svärd, Proscovia. "Has the Freedom of Information Act enhanced transparency and the free flow of information in Liberia?" Information Development 34, no. 1 (October 3, 2016): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666916672717.
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This article investigates if the adoption of the Liberian Freedom of Information (FOI) law 2010 has led to a transparent government and increased the free flow of government information. Freeing government information is expected to create transparent and accountable governments. It brings forth democratic and inclusive government institutions that work for the people. Inclusivity, transparency and accountability are expected to address sustainable development challenges and democracy deficits. Transparency and accountability can only be achieved through access to government information. The right to access government information is also included in the national constitution of Liberia. The citizens of Liberia in West Africa suffered from a protracted civil war between 1989–1996 and 1999–2003 respectively. These wars were partly caused by non-accountability of the governments, endemic corruption and the mismanagement of the countries’ resources. Efforts are being made by the government with the help of the international community to embrace a new democratic dispensation. Liberia was also one of the first African countries to enact a Freedom of Information (FOI) Law that would enable Liberians to access government information.
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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Davis, Tracy C. "Between History and Event: Rehearsing Nuclear War Survival." TDR/The Drama Review 46, no. 4 (December 2002): 11–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402320907001.
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Performance historian Davis opens a window onto the civil defense movement that was a mainstay of Western governments from 1949 until the collapse of the Eastern Bloc from 1989 to 1991. Civil defense activities included playing out many “as if” scenarios wherein a “time out of time” reality was created, something that NATO members referred to as the “scope of play” (portée du jeu) and the “play of decisions” (jou des décisions). These activities, Davis argues, are inherently performative. But are they history?
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Travis, Toni-Michelle C. "Boston: The Unfinished Agenda." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 03 (1986): 610–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018175.
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In January 1986 Bruce Boiling, a member of the Boston City Council, became the first black president in the council's 166-year history. Boiling's presidency marks the culmination of the slow, but steadily growing empowerment of blacks in Boston politics. While blacks have always been present in Boston politics they have more often been observers, rather than participants as the Yankees and the Irish have dominated the political stage. In order to understand the role of blacks in Boston it is necessary to have some background knowledge of how Yankee paternalism retarded black political development and how Irish displacement of the Yankees resulted in the exclusion of blacks from Democratic party politics.Historical AntecedentsBoston politics has its roots in the historical relationships among the Yankees, the Irish, and the blacks. Under Yankee domination colonial and pre-Civil War blacks experienced racial harmony in an atmosphere where they could enjoy civil and political rights. Wealthy Yankee traders viewed free blacks paternalistically, as a low income class of people (Lupo, 1977, p. 124). Since Yankees were members of the political and cultural elite they did not perceive blacks as an economic threat to their position. Consequently, blacks could freely operate businesses, buy property, and run for office (Horton, 1979).As slavery became an increasingly important issue in the 1850s free blacks and Yankee abolitionists formed integrated organizations to end slavery. Abolitionist organizations provided an opportunity for free blacks to learn organizational and political skills. Yet, blacks often found that their efforts to become leaders were thwarted by white patrons who expected blacks to work only as obedient followers. A notable case among many was the conflict between white abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass, a former slave, over the crucial issue of the future role of blacks in electoral politics (Quarles, 1969). Frederick Douglass broke with Garrison who felt that blacks should not be encouraged to vote in a political system where the Constitution protected the rights of slaveholders (Horton, 1979, p. 86). Douglass adamantly advocated electoral participation and pulled some black abolitionists from Garrison's ranks. Douglass felt that participation in the electoral process was a necessary step in the political development of blacks. To affirm his convictions Douglass ran on the Liberal ticket for an office in New York state.
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Gifford, Paul, and Stephen Ellis. "The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War." Journal of Religion in Africa 30, no. 2 (May 2000): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581805.
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Osborne, Myles. "A Note on the Liberian Archives." History in Africa 36 (2009): 461–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0012.
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Two decades of civil war have left Liberians facing many challenges. One such group includes those concerned with the preservation and maintenance of Liberia's archives, which were severely compromised during the period of conflict. This paper provides a brief introduction for scholars as to the nature of Liberia's archival materials available in-country, the impact of the war on the collections, and details about how scholars interested in the history of Liberia may access these records.There are three archival collections in Liberia. The first is at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Tubman Boulevard, between 12th and 13th Streets. The second is at the Center for National Documents and Records (National Archives) at 96 Ashmun Street, while the third—the Presidential Archives—is at the Executive Mansion on Capitol Hill.
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Ellis, Stephen. "Violence and history: a response to Thandika Mkandawire." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 3 (August 26, 2003): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004324.
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Last year, Thandika Mkandawire (2002) published an article in the Journal of Modern African Studies proposing ‘an explanation of the violence against the peasantry’ in Africa, referring to people in rural areas who have suffered so much in recent wars across the continent. The article starts by categorising suggestions made by some other authors as to why combatants have used ‘extremely brutal and spiteful forms of violence’ in such a disturbing number of cases. In the opening section of his paper, Mkandawire takes exception to suggestions I have made concerning the antecedents of the 1990s civil war in Liberia, describing my views as ‘essentialist’ and ‘poorly veiled racist’, and alleging that I believe ‘there is something fundamentally wrong with African culture’ (2002: 183).
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Berg, Louis-Alexandre. "Elite Bargains and External Influence: Security Assistance and Civil-Military Relations in Post-War Liberia and Sierra Leone." Civil Wars 22, no. 2-3 (January 29, 2020): 266–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2020.1707495.
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Sacco, Esteban G., and Stephen Ellis. "The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 35, no. 3 (2001): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486310.
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Hartman, Alexandra C., and Benjamin S. Morse. "Violence, Empathy and Altruism: Evidence from the Ivorian Refugee Crisis in Liberia." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (January 18, 2018): 731–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000655.
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In regions plagued by reoccurring periods of war, violence and displacement, how does past exposure to violence affect altruism toward members of different ethnic or religious groups? Drawing on theories of empathy-driven altruism in psychology, this article proposes that violence can increase individuals’ capacity to empathize with others, and that empathy born of violence can in turn motivate helping behavior across group boundaries. This hypothesis is tested using data on the hosting behavior of roughly 1,500 Liberians during the 2010–11 Ivorian refugee crisis in eastern Liberia, a region with a long history of cross-border, inter-ethnic violence. Consistent with its theoretical predictions, the study finds that those who experienced violence during the Liberian civil war host greater numbers of refugees, exhibit stronger preferences for distressed refugees and less bias against outgroup refugees, and host a higher proportion of non-coethnic, non-coreligious and distressed refugees. These findings suggest that violence does not necessarily lead to greater antagonism toward outgroups, as is often assumed, and that in some circumstances it can actually promote inter-group co-operation.
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RICHARDS, PAUL. "‘WITCHES’, ‘CANNIBALS’ AND WAR IN LIBERIA: The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War. By STEPHEN ELLIS. London: C. Hurst, 1999. Pp. xix + 350. £35.40 (ISBN 1-85065-401-8); £16.50, paperback (ISBN 1-85065-417-4)." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (March 2001): 117–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700557892.
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Bidlack, Richard. "Workers at War: Factory Workers and Labor Policy in the Siege of Leningrad." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 902 (January 1, 1991): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1991.49.
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Inall of Soviet history from October 1917 to the end of 1989, two events or greatest challenges to the existence of the regime and, one might argue, have had the greatest impact on subsequent political, diplomatic, social, and economic developments. An entire generation of Western historians has revised and deepened our understanding of the Revolution and Civil War period; however, a scholarly re-examination of the conflagration of 1941-45 and its impact is still in the initial stages.
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Ward, Christopher. "Peasant Russia, Civil War. The Volga Countryside in Revolution (1917–1921). By Orlando Figes. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989. Pp. xix + 401. £40." Historical Journal 34, no. 1 (March 1991): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014060.
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Orlov, A. "Autumn 1936: the battle for Madrid (from the working materials of the book on the history of Spain in the ХХ century)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-4-7-15.
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The article is devoted to one of the most vivid episodes of the Spanish civil war, the defense of Madrid in the autumn of 1936. The author tells about the participation in the war of members of International brigades, Soviet military specialists, shares his own memories of the opening of the monument to Soviet volunteers in the suburbs of Madrid in 1989. The article assesses the role in the defense of the Spanish capital and in subsequent events of some prominent figures of the Republican political and military leadership, in particular Prime Minister Largo Caballero, General Miaja and Lieutenant Colonel, and later General Vicente Rojo.
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Lih, LarsT. "Orlando Figes. Peasant Russia, Civil War: The Volga Countryside in Revolution, 1917-1921. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. viii, 401 pp. $68.00." Russian History 17, no. 4 (1990): 453–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633190x00147.
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Blake, G. H. "Political Geography in the Literature on Libya 1969–1989." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006762.
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Political geography can be taken to include the geographical analysis of formal political territories of all kinds, and an interest in political spheres of influence. Thus defined, Libya must have provided an almost unparalleled range of topics for study in the past 20 years. Internal administrative districts have been changed three times. The international boundaries of the state have been the subject of debate and dispute. In 1975 Libya occupied a large tract of northern Chad and became heavily involved in the Chadian civil war in 1980. Maritime boundary delimitation began in the 1980s and Libyan claims to historic water status for the Gulf of Sirte were disputed by the United States. At least eight attempts at political mergers with other states have been made by Colonel Qadhafi, while other Libyan foreign policy adventures have been widespread, especially in Africa. In the face of this plethora of geopolitical activity it is disappointing to report that the political geography of Libya has not received the attention it deserves from scholars in Britain or elsewhere. Only in one area of study — international boundaries — is the literature reasonably plentiful, and of a high calibre (detailed bibliographies in Alawar 1983; Lawless 1987). While this emphasis may be justified on the grounds that Libya's boundaries are major potential ‘flashpoints’ (Copson 1982) it leaves a great deal of potentially useful geopolitical insights as yet unexplored. No publications have been traced for example on the implications of the changing location of Libya's designated capital city, from Tripoli to Benghazi — Tripoli to Beida to Tripoli and now — conceivably — to Sirte.
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Troebst, Stefan. "Evacuation to a Cold Country: Child Refugees from the Greek Civil War in the German Democratic Republic, 1949–1989*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 675–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000246442.
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We Greek political emigres celebrate the thirtieth historical anniversary of the GDR as our own holiday since we are vitally connected to this state from its first steps onwards. We feel better than any other foreigner the great joy and the pride of the people of the GDR since, from the foundation of its socialist state, we are marching side by side and since then we by way of our small contribution feel as co-constructors of this grand act. The thirtieth anniversary of the GDR coincides with the thirtieth anniversary of our political emigration to this hospitable country. Today we all remember the first years after our arrival and our caring reception in the GDR. (Speech of the day at the central celebration of the Greek political emigres in the GDR devoted to the thirtieth anniversary of the GDR and the thirtieth anniversary of the political emigration, Dresden, 29 September 1979).
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Sholeye, Yusuf, and Amal Madibbo. "Religious Humanitarianism and the Evolution of Sudan People’s Liberation Army (1990-2005)." Political Crossroads 24, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.03.
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During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all sought to serve their own interests, which jeopardized the possibility of a lasting peace. Thus, the interpretation of that history provides ways to help solve the current armed conflict in South Sudan.
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Woolaver, Hannah. "R v. Reeves Taylor (Appellant). [2019] UKSC 51." American Journal of International Law 114, no. 4 (October 2020): 749–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2020.51.
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The First Liberian Civil War (1989–1996), in which Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) waged an ultimately successful military campaign to depose President Samuel Doe, was characterized by widespread atrocities. During this period, Agnes Reeves Taylor, known as “The Mother of the Revolution” and at the time Charles Taylor's wife, allegedly committed multiple acts of torture in her capacity as a high-ranking member of the NPFL. After moving to the United Kingdom, Agnes Taylor was charged in 2017 with seven counts of torture and one of conspiracy to commit torture under Section 134 of the UK Criminal Justice Act 1988 (CJA), which domesticates aspects of the UN Convention Against Torture 1984 (CAT) and asserts universal jurisdiction over torture. During the prosecution, a question over a key definitional element of the crime was appealed to the UK Supreme Court (Supreme Court): whether nonstate actors could be liable under the statute, which requires that torture be carried out by a “public official or person acting in an official capacity” (para. 14). The Court gave a qualified answer in the affirmative, holding that this definition includes individuals acting for a nonstate body that exercises control over territory and carries out governmental functions in this territory. As the first apex court decision extending liability for torture to de facto authorities, the Supreme Court decision is likely to have significant jurisprudential influence well beyond the United Kingdom.
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Ellis, Stephen. "A Marxist history of Liberia - Jr. Kieh en George Klay, The First Liberian Civil War. The Crises of Underdevelopment (Peter Lang Verlag; Pieterlen 2008) € 26,90 ISBN 9780820488394." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 122, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2009.1.b14.
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BUCHANAN, TOM. "‘Shanghai-Madrid Axis’? Comparing British Responses to the Conflicts in Spain and China, 1936–39." Contemporary European History 21, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 533–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000367.
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AbstractThe impact of the Sino-Japanese War on Britain has generally been overshadowed by the impact of the Spanish Civil War, which broke out a year earlier. Indeed, the only book on the subject, Arthur Clegg's Aid China (1989), is subtitled A Memoir of a Forgotten Campaign. Yet, for a few months in the autumn of 1937, these two campaigns achieved a kind of parity in British public perception. British opinion was united in condemnation of the Japanese bombing of Chinese cities, and, at its peak, the ensuing campaign attracted a broader range of supporters than the movement in solidarity with the Spanish Republic. For instance, the Archbishop of Canterbury publicly criticised Japan's actions in a way that would have been unthinkable in the case of Franco's Spain. Moreover, some acts of solidarity with China (such as the refusal by British dockers to load Japanese ships) went beyond what the supporters of the Spanish Republic could hope to achieve. This article makes a comparison of the two campaigns, and examines the interconnections between them. It not only sheds new light on the ‘forgotten’ campaign for China, but also asks why Spain – unlike China – became the ‘Great Cause’ of the later 1930s.
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Preston, P. "Book Reviews : Hitler and Spain: the Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War. By Robert H. Whealey. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky. 1989. x + 269 pp. $31." German History 14, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 272–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549601400233.
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Kaufman, David. "Restoring the “unbroken continuity of our history”: Commemoration of the Great War in the former Russian Empire." Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i02.y2015.003.
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Una combinación de factores ha asegurado que la conmemoración de la Primera Guerra Mundial en las tierras del anterior imperio ruso se haya quedado atrás con respecto al resto de Europa.El hecho de que el conflicto desembocó en el colapso del régimen zarista y su reemplazo por un estado bolchevique centró la atención en otro sitio. Las exigencias inmediatas de los enfrentamientos en la Guerra Civil y posteriormente la muerte de Lenin ofrecieron un marcado contrarrelatofrente a la historia principal europea de dolor, conmemoración y pérdida. Los veteranos de la «guerra imperialista» encajaron mal en el nuevo estado Soviético durante los años entre guerras donde, bajo Stalin, se hicieron difíciles incluso las conmemoraciones privadas. A pesar del regreso parcial a las tradiciones nacionales rusas durante la «Gran Guerra Patriótica», esto aseguró en gran parte que la derrota del nazismo sería la experiencia definitoria de Rusia durante el siglo, legitimando el estado Soviético y confirmando su estado como potencia global. Tras 1989-1991 la memoria de la Gran Guerra resurgió de esta sombra, más claramente como la comadrona de la independencia nacional en los estados sucesores al imperio zarista, y con el regreso del estado ruso esto ha continuado, perpetuando la narrativa de que su experiencia no es la típica del resto de Europa.
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Galliera, Izabel. "Self-Institutionalizing as Political Agency: Contemporary Art Practice in Bucharest and Budapest." ARTMargins 5, no. 2 (June 2016): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00147.
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Reacting against politically monopolizing attempts at rewriting the socialist past in post-1989 Hungary and Romania, a diverse number of artists, curators, critics, activists and students have come together to form temporary organizations and institutions. Through a contextual reading and critical analysis of The Department for Art in Public Space (2009–2011) in Bucharest and DINAMO (2003–2006) and IMPEX (2006–2009) in Budapest, this article investigates what the author refers to as a “self-institutionalizing” and the ways in which this practice becomes a vehicle to rear politicized civil societies in post-cold war Central and Eastern Europe. The discussion of the two self-institutionalizing initiatives in Romania and Hungary seeks to contribute and complicate the official and institutionalized narrative of institutional critique rooted in a North American context.
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Smyth, Denis. "Reviews : Robert H. Whealey, Hitler and Spam: The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939, Lexington KY, University Press of Kentucky, 1989; x + 269 pp.; US $24.00." European History Quarterly 21, no. 3 (July 1991): 409–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149102100311.
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Long, John W. "Red Victory: A History of the Russian Civil War. By W. Bruce Lincoln. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989. 637 pp. Photographs. Bibliography. Index. $24.95, hard bound." Slavic Review 52, no. 1 (1993): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499640.
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Lewis, Andrew M. "Orlando Figes. Peasant Russia, Civil War: The Volga Countryside in Revolution (1917-1921). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989. xix, 401 pp. $100.00 Cdn. Distributed in Canada by Oxford University Press, Don Mills, Ontario." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 25, no. 1-4 (1991): 312–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023991x00524.
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr Leonidovych. "Institute of the Soviet Advisors in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan." Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, no. 1 (June 2, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261715.
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А role and place of soldiery and civil advisers as an important instrument of soviet politics in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan are investigated in the article. It is well-proven that on a quantity, scales of activity and sphere of plenary powers the institute of soviet advisers in Afghanistan did not have analogues in history of the "cold war". The attempt of determination of degree of efficiency of realization of orders of soviet guidance by advisers is realizable. Factors that influenced on their activity are found out. Question about responsibility of soviet advisers for the failure of socialistic experiment in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan discussed in the article. Also heaved up the problem of interpretation of institute of the soviet advisers as an important instrument of the soviet occupation Afghanistan in 1979–1989. The researches based foremost on the memoirs of the soviet advisers. Like research is at first carried out in Ukrainian historiography.
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VINCENT, K. STEVEN. "FORUM: ELIE HALEVY, FRENCH LIBERALISM, AND THE POLITICS OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC INTRODUCTION." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 1 (September 25, 2014): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000390.
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The history of French liberalism is undergoing a renaissance. For much of the twentieth century, it was viewed with disdain, as insufficiently “engaged,” as too tentative in its demands for social reform, as overly optimistic concerning the progress of reason and science. Scholarship during the past three decades has challenged these views, though it is notable that there is still, to my knowledge, no general history of French liberalism that goes past the consolidation of the Third Republic in the late 1870s. Part of the ongoing reassessment has been the consequence of the decline of revolutionary illusions and of marxisant frameworks of analysis following 1968, reinforced by the more general decline of the left following the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991. Another element contributing to this reassessment has been the emergence of more nuanced definitions of “liberalism,” ones that are not limited to legal (civil liberties), political (constitutionalism), and/or economic (free trade) dimensions. Equally important, scholars are insisting, are conceptions of science, of religion, of the role of the state, of solidarity, of sociability, of moeurs, of identity, of gender, of the self.
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Persak, Krzysztof. "Jedwabne before the Court." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 3 (July 11, 2011): 410–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398915.
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On 10 July 1941, Jewish inhabitants of the little town of Jedwabne were burnt alive in a barn by their Polish neighbors. This was probably the worst act of violence inflicted on Jews by the Poles during World War II. By examining postwar legal proceedings related to the Jedwabne massacre, this article looks at the attitude of Polish authorities towards crimes committed by the Poles on Jews during the war as well as the reaction of the local community to its own dark past. Although a group of perpetrators were put on trial in 1949 and 1953, criminal court files reveal the indolence and ineffectiveness of Communist Poland’s justice in such cases. The documents also expose a conspiracy of silence among residents of Jedwabne and their solidarity with the defendants. On the other hand, a scrutiny of civil court proceedings discloses mechanisms of appropriation of the victims’ property by the perpetrators. An analysis of a subsequent investigation into the Jedwabne case carried out in the 1960s and 1970s proves that it predominantly aimed at erasing the truth about Polish involvement in the crime, and as its result German gendarmes were officially pointed out as the sole culprits. Only after the restitution of democracy in 1989 was Poland able to openly confront black pages of its history including the Jedwabne massacre.
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McPherson, James M. "Conflict and Compromise: The Political Economy of Slavery, Emancipation, and the American Civil War. By Roger L. Ransom. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Pp. xv, 317. $39.50. cloth: $12.95, paper." Journal of Economic History 50, no. 4 (December 1990): 982–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070003816x.
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Stawarska-Rippel, Anna. "TRZY TRANSFORMACJE W PROCEDURZE CYWILNEJ W POLSCE W XX WIEKU. WZORCE ROZWIĄZAŃ." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 2 (December 21, 2016): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.2.18.
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THREE TRANSFORMATIONS OF CIVIL PROCEEDINGS IN POLAND IN THE 20TH CENTURY. THE LEGAL PATTERNS Summary Poland’s history over the last century was an eventful period of political, state and legal change. There were three transformations of judicial law due to changing political circumstances in twentieth century Poland. The first transformation occurred when independence was gained in 1918. At that point in Poland five different legal system were in force. The decision to temporarily keep the law of the occupying powers until the new Polish legal system was created was taken by the Polish authorities. The work on Polish civil procedure began in November 1919. Using the comparative method all modern legal answers within European civil procedures, which equated with Polish Law, were drafted in the Polish Code of Civil Procedure. The second transformation in Polish judicial law began after World War II, when Poland found itself under the political influenceof the USSR. Formal maintenance of the law of the Second Republic of Poland was decided on in People’s Poland. The legal system of the interwar Poland, including the Code of Civil Procedure (1930), did not square with the principles of the new state system. Code of Civil Procedure (1930) had been „adapted“ to contemporary governance, plitical and ideological so that it would mirror as much as possible the Soviet model. The new Code of Civil Procedure that was adopted during November 1964 retained its binding force so far. However when the third transformation came about soon after 1989, the existing system of law was revised to eliminate the rules and principles characteristic of the socialist legal system. Amendments of the Code of Civil Procedure (1964) have increased the adversarial aspect of civil proceedings. The possibility of the court to order the investigations during the civil procedure was eliminated, but the possibility of the court to obtain evidence ex officio was kept which is intended to guarantee the implementation of the principles of truth, in legal sense and not in the ideological sense.
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Lih, Lars T. "Party, State, and Society in the Russian Civil War: Explorations in Social History. Eds. Diane P. Koenker, William G. Rosenberg and Ronald Grigor Suny. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989. xiv, 450 pp. Bibliography. Index. Paper." Slavic Review 51, no. 1 (1992): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500307.
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Mujkić, Asim. "The Ethnification of Politics and the Galvanization of Fear." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 2 (2013): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03702002.
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The aim of this text is twofold. First, I intend to examine the importance of fear for the creation of ethnonationalist political entities in ex-Yugoslavia, especially in the areas where ethnic borders failed to coincide with political borders, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina after the 1989 Revolution. The region had entered into “a state of suspense and fear, dissolution of the sober little uniformities” (Brinton 1965: 173) and into a series of “aggressions and civil wars (total war) as the most extreme forms of the uncompleted ethnonational revolutions” (Sekulić 2006: 35). This is the first phase of the galvanization of fear, namely, the phase of revolutionary terror, referring to a series of small dictatorships of ethnonationalist extremists “embodied in governmental forms as rough-and-ready centralization” (Brinton 1965: 171). These extremists relied on the illegal use of force, ethnic cleansing and genocide. The second phase of the galvanization of fear excluded armed revolutionary violence due to the intervention of the international community, but implied various mechanisms of ruling ethnonationalist elites in preserving the necessary level of fear in politics for the same purpose of achieving the still unrealized goals of “the territorial-nationalist revolution.”1 My focus in the second part of the text will be how fear is structurally produced and politically organized in an ethnopolitical society such as Bosnia and Herzegovina through democratic institutions, for example political elections, for the purpose of achieving the basic political end – the creation of a (ethno)national state.
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Tataru, N. "Forensic Psychiatry in the Elderly-ethical Issues." European Psychiatry 24, S1 (January 2009): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(09)70561-9.
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We discuss about psychiatric and psychological expertise exams and about the assessment of competence in the elderly and ethical aspect of care and research in elderly demented or not demented people and about involuntary commitment of incompetent patients.We also refer to the complications and difficulties when trying to apply the civil commitments compulsive hospital admission measure, foreseen in the law for mental health, when the dementia diagnostic falls within this age group. Historically, involuntary commitment of incompetent patients took in the consideration the best interest of the patient, but also the well-being of the family and the potential risk for others.After a short review of legislation and of conditions of hospitalization concerning involuntary commitment of the mentally ill people during our history before and after 1989, we'll analyze the activity on involuntary commitment in a Forensic Psychiatry Hospital in district Bihor, in last five years from a 30 years experience working in the field. Standards and practice in our country regarding the involuntary commitment have been changed more that three times after the second War and has been improved in 2002, when there appeared the new Mental Health Law, emphasizing protection of patients’ rights. There are legal and ethical limits to involuntary hospitalisation, because involuntary treatment and hospitalisation restricts a person's liberty. There should be a lot of things to do to improve the quality standards: improvement of elementary care needs, improvement of their quality of life.
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Allain, Paul. "Gardzienice: a Village, a Theatre, and a Cultural Crossroads." New Theatre Quarterly 8, no. 29 (February 1992): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00006308.
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Appropriately, this feature on the Polish theatre group Gardzienice is something of a cultural mix, in which the impressions of an English visitor may be contrasted with the voice of a Polish admirer – and the beliefs of the group itself, expressed in the words of its director, Wlodzimierz Staniewski. In the winter of 1989–90, Paul Allain, a graduate student at Goldsmiths' College, University of London, visited the company at its ‘headquarters’ – which is also, in effect, the small and remote Polish village from which Gardzienice takes its name. This was at a time when the new. Solidarity-led government had yet to be fully felt. Here, Allain describes the training methods and disciplines of the company which, within the context of its physical environment, have come to constitute a lifestyle as much as an approach to theatre. Janusz Majcherek writes rather of the significance of Gardzienice in relation to the ancient and fundamental need for a homeland – a need which, in Staniewski's writings, is related to the company's own hopes and plans. All this material was in our hands well before the upsurge in nationalist feeling which has succeeded the political changes in eastern Europe: and it may be felt to reflect ironically upon alternative ways of ‘returning home’ – on the one hand through the actuality or threat of civil war and the struggle for an elusive slice of the ‘free market’, on the other in that quest for a lost history and inheritance, for healing connections with one's environment, which is reflected theatrically in the work of Gardzienice.
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "“HONEST DEFENSE” BY THOMAS DURELL YOUNG." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/3 (September 15, 2018): 97–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.3.6.y.
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Last year, a new book by Dr. Thomas Durell Young was published by the British publisher Bloomsbury, entitled THE ANATOMY OF POST-COMMUNIST EUROPEAN DEFENCE INSTITUTIONS: THE MIRAGE OF MILITARY MODERNITY. The author probably does not need any special introduction for those whose work is related to security and defence matters. For all others, though, let me mention that he is a long-time lecturer at the Center for Civil-Military Relations (CCMR) from Monterey, California, USA. Prior to joining CCMR, Dr Young was a Research Professor at the Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army War College, where he focused on European politico-military issues, as well as on joint planning, execution and management of systems and procedures. He holds a Ph.D. in international economics from Geneva, and has authored several monographs. From 1989 to 2017 he was an editor of Small War and Insurgencies, and he is currently an editor of Defence and Security Analyses. An important fact is that his work has led him to travel to the majority of European countries and, as such, he is very well acquainted with their respective defence systems, defence and military history, as well as many defence and military decision-makers and experts, with whom he had shared his views and experiences. In most of these countries he has also acted as a defence adviser. Dr Young is an author whose field of research is extremely rich, both in theory and practice. It is therefore no surprise that his new book reflects his thorough knowledge of the historical background of the former communist states, their defence systems and their armed forces. The work is divided into nine chapters. In addition to the introduction and conclusion, it includes the following thematic sections: The State of Communist Defense Institutions and Armed Forces, circa 1990; NATO Exports its “New Model Army”: Why It Did Not Take; Former Soviet Republics' Defense Institutions; Former Warsaw Pact Republics' Defense Institutions; Former Yugoslav Republics' Defense Institutions; Building Defense Institutions: Sharpening the Western Mind; Reforming Western Policy and Management of Defense Reform. The concluding chapter is entitled Getting to Honest Defense. Young is very systematic and analytical when presenting the topic, and uses all the characteristics of comparative analysis. Wherever historical, political, defence and military bases are identical or highly similar, he provides a thorough explanation of the reasons for significant differences in further development, as well as those who had prevented the occurrence of changes or their sufficient implementation. He is very insightful in his attempts. The basic principle of his research or the criterion for the evaluation of defence institutions in the former communist states is the “Western Mind”, as he calls it. In short, a comparison of western and eastern thinking reveals key differences in planning, decision-making, leadership and implementation of the state’s defence function. The important criteria Young considers when implementing these policies are a review of defence institutions, the public policy framework and compliance of concepts, defence planning techniques, national-level command, the military decision-making process, and the concepts of operations, logistics and professionalism. According to his findings, these are the major areas where the former communist states differ. The differences between them are normally related to the past regimes and mind-sets in the respective countries. With time, some of the countries have managed to successfully overcome those differences and implement the “Western Mind”, while others have not been so successful. Although the author uses the Western Mind as the criterion to establish the level of development of defence systems in eastern countries, he does not claim this to be the only and the best criterion everyone should aim for. Quite the opposite: in his chapter “NATO Exports its ‘New Model Army’: Why It Did Not Take”, he provides a thorough explanation of where, when and why critical mistakes or flaws have been made, which still prevent some NATO members to perform up to their potential within the Alliance. He does not, however, miss the fact that the western democratic concepts of defence management cannot serve just as a means to simply follow the model of others. Rather, these areas must be functional and effective, as well as adapted to each separate country. In his book, the author lists several examples of bad practice, highlighting at the same time some of the unique and good solutions put forward by some countries. Nevertheless, individual chapters reveal some of the characteristics specific to a subject area or a country, which are hard to classify as good or bad. They are just special features that require new solutions with a higher level of functionality. In the conclusion, the latest monograph by Thomas Young lists proposals on how to build defence institutions using the Western Mind. These institutions first must be upgraded in order to be more effective in responding to new security threats. For young countries, which some twenty or twenty-five years ago still used communist concepts, Young proposes a new approach called “Honest Defense”, which is generally intended for all those building collective defence. The approach brings something new for amateurs of such topics, and at the same time serves as a broadly useful and helpful study material for experts who wish and are obliged to find concrete solutions and opportunities for a new and safe future. The monograph includes interesting concrete examples from individual countries, which the author professionally and critically comments on. The discussed examples comprise both good and bad practice. Additionally, they include an analysis of the development of the defence system and institutions in Slovenia, which enables a neutral external observer to understand our development as well as identify their own strengths and deficiencies.
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Childs, David, Jane McDermid, Kirsten E. Schulze, Geoffrey Alderman, Garrath Williams, Paul Gilbert, Chantal Mouffe, M. L. R. Smith, Robert Bideleux, and Steve Smith. "Book Reviews: British Politics since the War, The Reordering of British Politics: Politics after Thatcher, Authoritarianism and Democratisation in Postcommunist Societies, Vol. 1: The Consolidation of Democracy in East-Central Europe, Vol. 2: Politics, Power, and the Struggle for Democracy in South-East Europe, Vol. 3: Democratic Changes and Authoritarian Reactions in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova, Vol. 4: Conflict, Cleavage, and Change in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Hizb'Allah in Lebanon: The Politics of the Western Hostage Crisis, The Palestinian Intifada, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949–93, The Second Republic: Politics in Israel, The Israeli Labour Party: In the Shadow of the Likud, Getting What You Want? A Critique of Liberal Morality, Restructuring the Global Military Sector, Vol. 1: New Wars, Restructuring the Global Military Sector, Vol. 2: The End of Military Fordism, Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism: Against Politics as Technology, Popular Sovereignty and the Crisis of German Constitutional Law: The Theory and Practice of Weimar Constitutionalism, Legality and Legitimacy: Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen and Hermann Heller in Weimar, Black and Green: The Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland, the Origins of the Present Troubles in Northern Ireland, the Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country, Croatia: A Nation Forged in War, between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo, Kosovo: A Short History, Agency, Structure and International Politics: From Ontology to Empirical Inquiry." Political Studies 47, no. 4 (September 1999): 755–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00230.
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McGlynn, Sean, R. A. W. Rhodes, Geoffrey K. Roberts, Christopher Johnson, Brigitte Boyce, Mark Donovan, Deiniol Jones, Susan Mendus, Krishan Kumar, and Robert McKeever. "Book Reviews: The McFarlane Legacy: Studies in Late Medieval Politics and Society (The Fifteenth Century Series No. 1), Crown, Government and People in the Fifteenth Century (The Fifteenth Century Series No. 2), Courts, Counties and the Capital in the Later Middle Ages (The Fifteenth Century Series No. 4), The Treasury and Whitehall: The Planning and Control of Public Expenditure, 1976–1993, Das Wiedervereinigte Deutschland: Zwischenbilanz und Perspektiven, Unifyng Germany 1989–1990, Uniting Germany: Actions and Reactions, behind the Wall: The Inner Life of Communist Germany, The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945–1949, Origins of a Spontaneous Revolution: East Germany, 1989, Intellectuals, Socialism and Dissent. The East German Opposition and its Legacy, The Rotten Heart of Europe: The Dirty War for Europe's Money, Muslim Politics, Muslim Communities Re-Emerge: Historical Perspectives on Nationality, Politics, and Opposition in the Former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, The Politics of Pan-Islam: Ideology and Organization, The Crisis of the Italian State: From the Origins of the Cold War to the Fall of Berlusconi, The End of Post-War Politics in Italy: The Landmark 1992 Elections, beyond Confrontation: Learning Conflict Resolution in the Post-Cold War Era, Care, Gender, and Justice, Nationalisms: The Nation-State and Nationalism in the Twentieth Century, Nationalism and Postcommunism: A Collection of Essays, Notions of Nationalism, on the Limits of the Law: The Ironic Legacy of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act." Political Studies 45, no. 4 (September 1997): 790–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00113.
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Ilam Khan. "Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka through Constitutional Arrangements." NUST Journal of International Peace & Stability, July 26, 2021, 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37540/njips.v4i2.92.
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Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.