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Allen, William Ezra. "Sugar and coffee: a history of settler agriculture in nineteenth-century Liberia." FIU Digital Commons, 2002. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1068.

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This dissertation is about commercial agriculture in nineteenth-century Liberia. Based primarily on the archives of the American Colonization Society (founder of Liberia), it examines the impact of environmental and demographic constraints on an agrarian settler society from 1822 to the 1890s. Contrary to the standard interpretation, which linked the poor state of commercial agriculture to the settlers' disdain for cultivation, this dissertation argues that the scarcity of labor and capital impeded the growth of commercial agriculture. The causes of the scarcity were high mortality, low immigration and the poverty of the American "Negroes" who began to settle Liberia in 1822. Emigration to Liberia meant almost certain death and affliction for many immigrants because they encountered a new set of diseases. Mortality was particularly high during the early decades of colonization. From 1822 to 1843, about 48 percent of all immigrants died of various causes, usually within their first year. The bulk of the deaths is attributed to malaria. There was no natural increase in the population for this early period and because American "Negroes" were unenthusiastic about relocation to Liberia, immigration remained sparse throughout the century. Low immigration, combined with the high death rate, deprived the fledgling colony of its potential human resource, especially for the cultivation of labor-intensive crops, like sugar cane and coffee. Moreover, even though females constituted approximately half of the settlers, they seldom performed agricultural labor. The problem of labor was compounded by the scarcity of draft animals. Liberia is in the region where trypanosomiasis occurs. The disease is fatal to large livestock. Therefore, animal-drawn plows, common in the United States, were never successfully transplanted in Liberia. Besides, the dearth of livestock obstructed the development of the sugar industry since many planters depended on oxen-powered mills because they could not afford to buy the more expensive steam engine mills. Finally, nearly half of the immigrants were newly emancipated slaves. Usually these former bondsmen arrived in Liberia penniless. Consequently, they lacked the capital to invest in large-scale plantations. The other categories of immigrants (e.g., those who purchased their freedom), were hardly better off than the emancipated slaves.
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Agbedahin, Komlan. "Young veterans, not always social misfits: a sociological discourse of Liberian transmogrification experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003104.

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This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.
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Outland, Aaron. "The American Colonization of Liberia & the Origins of Africa's First Republic." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/694.

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The American Colonization of Liberia is a unique example of statecraft, reflecting the domestic political concerns of free blacks and colonizationists in the United States. The founding of Liberia reflects the objectives of these two factions.
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Ursa, Liana. "Le paradigme Etat, nation, développement: le cas libérien." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209043.

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La manière dont le processus de construction étatique et nationale se déroule, influence le processus de développement d’un pays. Idéal type d’une construction imaginée, le Libéria et les Libériens ont été au centre de notre analyse. L’intérêt pour ce sujet découle :- de notre mécontentement vis-à-vis du postulat de l’inexistence sociologique de la nation libérienne et de la faiblesse du projet national Libéria énoncé par plusieurs auteurs mais aussi - de la méconnaissance par les élites nationales de leurs propres concitoyens, de leurs aspirations, peurs et espérances, soit des prérequis indispensables pour mettre en place un projet de construction nationale, étatique et de développement cohérent et inclusif. Nous avons voulu écouter le peuple et rapporter des sources primaires recueillies sur le terrain pour rendre compte sur ces processus tout en réalisant une analyse documentaire approfondie de la question. Au Libéria, après les années sombres des guerres civiles, la construction d'un nouveau type d'État démocratique et libéral, capable d'incorporer toutes les composantes nationales, s’appuyant sur une identité suprême partagée, a été prônée. Mais avant de reconstruire un pays, on doit solidifier la nation. L’ancienne conception d'État et de nation centralisée et limitative doit laisser place à une conception nouvelle intégrative et ouverte, basée sur l’histoire et le vécu de tous les Libériens. A travers cette étude, nous avons cherché à identifier, dans l’imaginaire individuel et collectif, qui sont les Libériens d’aujourd’hui ?Qu’est-ce être Libérien ?En observant, chez eux, l’absence ou la présence d’une adhésion au projet national libérien et ses facteurs explicatifs. Les réponses fournies par nos interlocuteurs seront utiles à tous ceux qui veulent travailler pour la réinvention du Libéria après l’époque du nationalisme ethnocentrique, de la destructrice et meurtrière guerre civile et du difficile démarrage national en après-conflit. La démocratisation du pays a été aussi porteuse d’un projet citoyen qui suppose des droits et des obligations. L’existence d’un fort sentiment d’identification et d’appartenance à un espace donné contribue au renforcement de la démocratie, avec une influence forte sur le développement du pays. L’expérience a montré que les nations se fortifient surtout dans un cadre démocratique et constitutionnel. L’analyse du contenu de la littérature géopolitique et sociale du pays nous a révélé comment l’identité nationale (que nous nommons ici « la libérianité ») s’était construite à

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travers les étapes historiques du pays et le résultat de notre enquête de terrain nous indique comment elle a évolué. Ensuite, nous avons établi le contour de la « libérianité » telle qu’elle est vécue et définie, aujourd’hui, par ceux qui s’identifient comme Libériens. Nous avons aussi constaté l’existence d’une adhésion à l’identité nationale libérienne et au projet national libérien, assumée par - et dont s’est appropriée - une majorité écrasante des individus, indépendamment de leurs identifications assumées ou assignées. Cette adhésion est moins due au facteur ethnique qu’à de facteurs historiques, culturels, linguistiques, sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles, d’inclusion et exclusion. L’identité nationale libérienne est définie à partir des référents historiques, culturels (traditions, danses, fêtes, chants, coutumes), linguistiques et sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles. L’adhésion au projet national libérien est soutenue par les éléments constitutifs de l’identité nationale libérienne. Pour les Libériens-mêmes, l’identité nationale libérienne est une identité légitimante, une identité duale, se basant sur une culture mixte (indigène et moderne), une langue commune (l’anglais libérien) et des éléments identitaires propres qui les distinguent des autres peuples (noms, coutumes, nourriture, danses, chants, vêtements, célébrations etc.). Cette identité est une identité projet, en réinvention continue. L’attachement à la terre commune, « maman Libéria », est sentimental et instrumental. Le projet national libérien est aujourd’hui - intégré parce qu’il exprime la symbiose entre l’âme indigène et des éléments allogènes, entre la tradition africaine propre à la Côte du Poivre (Côte du Poivre) et la modernité :il se base sur l’expérience historique commune. Viennent ensuite, les facteurs sécuritaires (valorisation et protection de leurs vies, propriétés), économiques et psychologiques qui sont mobilisés pour soutenir le projet politique. Nos interlocuteurs sont réalistes, le projet national et étatique actuel présente d’innombrables limites politiques, institutionnelles, culturelles, sociales et économiques mais y adhérer leur procure la seule possibilité de se mettre à l’abri de l’arbitraire de l’homme, d’écarter le spectre d’une nouvelle guerre civile, d’accéder à la citoyenneté porteuse de valorisation personnelle et collective et à une vie épanouissante et prospère. Notre étude, par la recherche documentaire, met aussi en évidence l’évolution du caractère et du contenu de l’idée nationale libérienne, les moments et les personnages y ayant travaillé pour façonner le Libéria et les Libériens depuis 1822 à nos jours. Le Libéria, le premier État indépendant d’Afrique, a toujours eu les caractéristiques de l’étatisme, il a existé sans cesse depuis sa création, en dépit de sa nature patrimoniale et prébende. État failli durant les deux guerres civiles, le Libéria d’après 2003 est en plein processus de

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reconstruction physique et symbolique. Par cette recherche, nous avons étudié l’État, la Nation et le développement du Libéria :plus précisément, la manière dont la mise en place de l’État libérien a influencé le développement de cet espace et le contenu de la nation libérienne, mais aussi la façon dont elle a été instrumentalisée, comment elle a évolué et influencé les processus étatique et de développement national.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Ballah, Henryatta Louise. "Listen, Politics is not for Children: Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354564839.

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Williams, Timothy Earl. "A missiological assessment of the evangelization of the Mano of Northern Liberia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95988.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is a missiological assessment of the evangelization of the Mano of Northern Liberia. The study considers the historical record of Liberia, the transmission of Christianity through the Americo-Liberian community, and the movement of the Gospel of Jesus Christ to and through the Mano of Northern Liberia. As a foundation, a theoretical and missiological framework of evangelization is explored on a biblical, theological, and social understanding. How does one measure the extent and evangelization? Definitions and theories are presented along with expressions of evangelization. In regards to transmission, what was the approach of the initiating missionaries? How and through what impetus did a transition occur to local agents? Understanding evangelization involves identifying the contextual process resulting in the community of God expressed as the local church. This dissertation argues that the intent of the American Colonization Society and the immigrants who sailed to Liberia in 1822 was to establish a Christian presence in Africa that would serve as an impetus for evangelization of the continent. The Americo-Liberians, however, became entangled in a cultural Christianity that proved to be a barrier to evangelization of the indigenous people of the region. Other barriers included geographical isolation, the societal structure of governance, and the absence of a contextual witness. Sociological analysis is given to the all-inclusive nature and governance of the Poro Society which stymied the evangelization process. This study explored the influencing factors towards evangelization of the Mano and Gio and the acceptance of the good news of Jesus Christ. The influencing factors included the collapse of the Liberian governmental structure, the empowerment of local agent through theological education, the role and necessity of leadership caused by the coup, and the subsequent diaspora of the Civil War. Over 50% of the Baptist Churches among the Mano and Gio were started after the coup in 1980 and during the civil war which lasted from 1989 – 2004. This study utilized the methodology of qualitative researching through interviews, observations, and empirical surveys to evaluate the process of evangelization. The first gospel witness came to the Mano and Gio in 1926. The next fifty years of evangelization revolved around missionaries, mission stations, schools, and humanitarian enterprises. More recently, the Gospel has spread rapidly through the influence of contextual witness and local agents. The delimitations of the study focused on the role of Baptist Churches affiliated with Nimba Baptist Union. Prior to 1970, there were few indigenous led, linguistically Mano or Gio Baptist churches. Today, there are almost a hundred churches and missions affiliated with the Nimba Baptist Union, most started after the coup and during the war. A crucial component of the study was to determine whether or not this was a contextual indigenous movement of evangelization. The evidence of such a movement is determined by the presence of churches in the local villages, acts of personal and community transformation associated with the church, and reproductive patterns in regards to leadership and church starting. The movement of evangelization was a collaborative effort of the missionaries and local agents facilitated by political, social, and spiritual transitions. On this basis, the study proposes an Interpretative Model of Evangelization to serve as a useful tool in attempting to understand how to interpret the extent of evangelization. From this study, it is clear that evangelization is an imperfect process, but the movement towards contextualization of the gospel infuses deeper levels of transformation. As the Apostle Paul concluded in the Acts of the Apostles, the Gospel continued unhindered (Acts 28:31). The unhindered manner did not reflect the absence of barriers, but the onward movement propelled by the Holy Spirit, through proclamation of the good news of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and by local empowerment through contextualization of methods, message, and leadership. The study is evaluative in nature and has implications for missiological strategy, cross-cultural understanding, and contextual methods of evangelization.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif is ʼn sendingkundige assessering van die evangelisasie van die Mano-stam in Noord-Liberië. Die studie ondersoek die geskrewe geskiedenis van Liberië, die oordrag van die Christendom deur die Amerikaans-Liberiese gemeenskap en die verspreiding van die evangelie van Jesus Christus aan en deur die Mano-stam van Noord-Liberië. Om ʼn grondslag vir die studie te lê, is ʼn teoretiese en sendingkundige raamwerk vir evangelisasie ondersoek vanuit ʼn Bybelse, teologiese en sosiale perspektief. Dit is gedoen deur die volgende vrae te beantwoord: Hoe meet ʼn mens die reikwydte van evangelisasie? Definisies en beskrywings van, asook teorieë oor, evangelisasie word hiervoor aangebied. Wat was die benadering deur die aanvanklike sendelinge om die evangelie aan ander oor te dra? Hoe en deur watter impetus het oordrag na plaaslike agente plaasgevind? Om evangelisasie te verstaan, moet die kontekstuele proses geïdentifiseer word wat lei tot die gemeenskap van God, soos uitgedruk deur die plaaslike kerk. In hierdie proefskrif word daar geargumenteer dat die oogmerk van die American Colonization Society en die immigrante wat in 1822 na Liberië gevaar het, was om ʼn Christelike teenwoordigheid in Afrika te vestig wat sou dien as ʼn impetus vir evangelisasie van die kontinent. Die Amerikaans-Libiërs het egter in ʼn kulturele vorm van Christenskap verstrik geraak wat ʼn hindernis gevorm het vir die verspreiding van die evangelie onder die inheemse bevolking van daardie streek. Ander hindernisse was geografiese isolasie, die gemeenskapstruktuur van die regering en die afwesigheid van ʼn plaaslike getuie. Die allesomvattende aard en regering van die Poro-gemeenskap, wat die evangelisasieproses gestuit het, is gevolglik in hierdie studie geanaliseer. Hierdie studie het verder die faktore ondersoek wat evangelisasie van die Mano- en Gio-stamme, asook hul aanvaarding van die blye boodskap van Jesus Christus, beïnvloed het. Hierdie faktore sluit in die ineenstorting van Liberië se regeringstruktuur, die bemagtiging van plaaslike agente deur teologiese opvoeding, die rol en noodsaaklikheid van leierskap wat deur die staatsgreep veroorsaak is en die diaspora na aanleiding van die burgeroorlog. Meer as 50% van die Baptistekerke onder die Mano- en Gio-stamme is gestig na die staatsgreep in 1980 en tydens die burgeroorlog wat van 1989 tot 2004 geduur het. In hierdie studie is daar van kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologie, deur middel van onderhoude, waarnemings en empiriese opnames, gebruik gemaak om die evangelisasieproses te evalueer. Die eerste evangeliese getuie het in 1926 die Mano- en Gio-stamme besoek. Vir vyftig jaar daarna het evangelisasie om sendelinge, sendelingstasies, skole en humanitêre inisiatiewe gewentel. Meer onlangs het die evangelie vinnig versprei as gevolg van die invloed van gekontekstualiseerde getuies en plaaslike agente. Die afbakening van hierdie studie was om te fokus op die rol van die Baptistekerke wat met die Nimba Baptist Union geaffilieer is. Voor 1970 was daar min Baptistekerke wat deur mense van die inheemse bevolking gelei is en waar daar in Mano of Gio gepreek is. Vandag is daar amper ʼn honderd kerke en sendinggenootskappe wat met die Nimba Baptist Union geaffilieer is. Meeste van hierdie kerke is na die staatsgreep en tydens die burgeroorlog gestig. ʼn Belangrike komponent van die studie was om te bepaal of hierdie ʼn kontekstuele, inheemse evangelisasiebeweging was. Bewyse van so ʼn beweging sal wees die teenwoordigheid van kerke in plaaslike dorpies, persoonlike en gemeenskapstransformasie wat met die kerk geassosieer word en reproduserende patrone met betrekking tot leierskap en kerkvestiging. Die evangelisasiebeweging was ʼn samewerkingspoging tussen die sendelinge en plaaslike agente wat gefasiliteer is deur politieke, sosiale en geestelike oorgangstadiums. Op grond hiervan, stel die proefskrif ʼn interpretatiewe model van evangelisasie voor om te dien as ʼn nuttige hulpmiddel om die omvang van evangelisasie te probeer verstaan. Uit hierdie studie kan daar duidelik gesien word dat evangelisasie ʼn onvolmaakte proses is, maar dat dieper vlakke van transformasie bewerkstellig kan word, namate die evangelie gekontekstualiseer word. Soos die apostel Paulus ook in die Handelinge van die Apostels opmerk, het die verspreiding van die evangelie onverstoord (soos in Handelinge 28:31) in Liberië voortgegaan. Dié onverstoorde wyse het egter nie die afwesigheid van hindernisse weerspieël nie en die voorwaartse beweging het plaasgevind danksy voortdrywing deur die Heilige Gees, deur die verkondiging van die blye boodskap van die evangelie van Jesus Christus, en as gevolg van plaaslike bemagtiging deur middel van die kontekstualisering van metodes, die boodskap en leierskap. Hierdie studie was evaluerend van aard en hou gevolge in vir die bewerkstelliging van sendingkundige strategieë, transkulturele begrip en kontekstuele evangelisasiemetodes.
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Durr, Samantha J. "A Brief History of United States Foreign Development Assistance to Benin, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Senegal Since 2000." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1493389407692537.

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Domson-Lindsay, Albert. "Towards a broader application of decision-making paradigms: a case study of the establishment of ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981.

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The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
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Kammah, Jerry Calson. "Legal and Policy Framework for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: a Critical Analysis of the Third Millennium Development Goal in Liberia." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22834.

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This paper critically analyse the extent to which legal and policy frameworks have contributed in achieving the third Millennium Development Goal (3rd MDG) in Liberia. It explores the feminist theory of Intersectionality by examining the intersection of historical, social and political context which all contribute to social division in Liberia. The paper goes further to examine how these social divisions affects gender equality and women’s empowerment through the indicators associated with the 3rd MDG on education, employment and political participation. It concludes by noting that though 2015 is a year away, much still has to be done to achieve the 3rd MDG, other MDGs as well as promotion of human rights in Liberia.
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Murray, Robert P. "Whiteness in Africa: Americo-Liberians and the Transformative Geographies of Race." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/23.

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This dissertation examines the constructed racial identities of African American settlers in colonial Liberia as they traversed the Atlantic between the United States and West Africa during the first half of the nineteenth century. In one of the great testaments that race is a social construction, the West African neighbors and inhabitants of Liberia, who conceived of themselves as “black,” recognized the significant cultural differences between themselves and these newly-arrived Americans and racially categorized the newcomers as “white.” This project examines the ramifications for these African American settlers of becoming simultaneously white and black through their Atlantic mobility. This is not to suggest that those African Americans who relocated to Liberia somehow desired to be white or hoped to “pass” as white after their arrival in Africa. Instead, the Americo-Liberians utilized their African whiteness to lay claim to an exotic, foreign identity that also escaped associations of primitivism. This project makes several significant contributions to scholarship on the colonization movement, whiteness, and Atlantic world. Importantly for scholarship on Liberia, it reestablishes the colony as but one evolving point within the Atlantic world instead of its usual interpretative place as the end of a transatlantic journey. Whether as disgruntled former settlers, or paid spokesmen for the American Colonization Society (ACS), or visitors returning to childhood abodes, or emancipators looking to free families from the chains of slavery, or students seeking medical degrees, Liberian settlers returned to the United States and they were remarkably uninterested in returning to their formerly downtrodden place in American society. This project examines the “tools” provided to Americo-Liberians by their African residence to negotiate a new relationship with the white inhabitants of the United States. These were not just metaphorical arguments shouted across the Atlantic Ocean and focusing on the experiences of Americo-Liberians in the United States highlights that these “negotiations” had practical applications for the lives of settlers in both the United States and Africa. The African whiteness of the settlers would function as a bargaining chip when they approached that rhetorical bargaining table.
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Sims-Alvarado, Falechiondro Karcheik. "The African-American Emigration Movement in Georgia during Reconstruction." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/29.

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This dissertation is a narrative history about nearly 800 newly freed black Georgians who sought freedom beyond the borders of the Unites States by emigrating to Liberia during the years of 1866 and 1868. This work fulfills three overarching goals. First, I demonstrate that during the wake of Reconstruction, newly freed persons’ interest in returning to Africa did not die with the Civil War. Second, I identify and analyze the motivations of blacks seeking autonomy in Africa. Third, I tell the stories and challenges of those black Georgians who chose emigration as the means to civil and political freedom in the face of white opposition. In understanding the motives of black Georgians who emigrated to Liberia, I analyze correspondence from black and white Georgians and the white leaders of the American Colonization Society and letters from Liberia settlers to black friends and families in the Unites States. These letters can be found within the American Colonization Society Papers correspondence files and some letters reprinted in the ACS’s monthly periodical, the African Repository. To date, no single work has been published on the historical significance of black Georgians who emigrated to Liberia during Reconstruction. What my research uncovers is that that 31 percent of the 3,184 passengers transported to West Africa by the American Colonization Society from 1865 to 1877 were Georgians, thereby making Georgia, the leading states to produce the highest numbers of blacks to resettle in Liberia and the logical focal point for the African-American emigration movement during Reconstruction.
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Mark-Thiesen, Cassandra. "West African labour and the development of mechanised mining in southwest Ghana, c.1870s to 1910." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2a086cfd-2398-4d14-9a28-c2252176d2a4.

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Wassa in southwest Ghana was the location of the largest mining sector in colonial British West Africa. The gold mines provide an excellent case study of how labour was mobilised for large-scale production immediately after the legal end of slavery, in the context of an expansive independent labour market. Divided into three sections, this thesis examines the practice of indirect labour recruitment for the mines during the formative years of colonial rule; the incorporation of ‘traditional’ credit relationships into ‘modern’ commerce. The starting point for this study is the analysis of precolonial strategies for mobilising labour. Part one examines the most pervasive and coercive employer-employee relationship in precolonial West Africa, namely the master-slave relationship. Even enslaved Africans could expect individual economic opportunity, and related to such, debt protection, and the power of labourers increased significantly after abolition. Starting in the 1870s, mine management found that the most effective way of recruiting long-term wage earners was through headmen; African authorities who established temporary patronage relationships with a group of labourers by offering them credit. Moreover, administrative and court records indicate that there were various forms of headship, some which the mines managed to impose greater regulation over than others. Therefore, part two demonstrates that issues of cost and control of recruitment differed depending on whether the labour recruiter had been furnished with the capital of a mining firm to conduct his business, whether he had done so with his own personal savings, or whether he was in the employment of the colonial government. Finally, part three takes a comparative look at headship and recruitment through rural chiefs, which began in 1906; two successive forms of non-free wage labour mobilisation. In 1909, mine management reverted to the headship system that many colonial commentators regarded as being more compatible with the colonial political order, albeit under considerably stricter regulations.
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Adekoya, Wilmot Nah. "Exploring Ghana's Strategies for Stability:Lessons for Postwar Reconstruction." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2512.

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Between 1990 and 2005, the state of affairs in parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, including Liberia, remained fragile due to continuous civil unrest and war. Although peace initiatives were initiated, progress toward peace has remained minimal. Ghana, one of the nations in Sub-Saharan Africa, has continued to demonstrate significant stability and progress in the midst of civil and political conflicts in the sub-region. Currently, little research exists on how Ghanaians managed to remain stable, while countries in the sub-region continued to experience civil unrests and wars. Using Eisenstadt's theory of sociological modernization as the theoretical foundation, the purpose of this holistic case study sought to understand factors that have driven stability in Ghana. Data were collected from multiple sources including 15 research participants of diverse professions and perspectives, numerous pertinent documents, and field notes. All data were inductively coded and then subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. Social change lessons extracted from the study linked to core findings include (a) Ghanaians demonstrate an understanding of the importance of both African and Western cultural experiences and integrating the experiences from both cultural sectors for national harmony, and (b) Ghanaians are pursuing a national development agenda through economic reforms, participatory democracy, and some level of equal distribution of the national wealth. The effectiveness of Ghana's national development agenda is demonstrated by capacity building and the strengthening of social service programs not just in the urban sector, but also in the rural sector of Ghanaian society. These two core social change lessons could remain useful for countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Antwi-Ansorge, Nana Akua. "Ethnic mobilisation and the Liberian civil war (1989-2003)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d7a54b2-e2e9-4f72-aad4-2301e9cf2def.

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This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.
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Stanski, Keith Raymond Russell. "'Warlord' : a discursive history of the concept in British and American imperialism, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:303a15ac-8f59-4861-9cc0-e514193e1e17.

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The renewed interest in empire, particularly in its British and American variants, has brought into sharper relief the difficulties both metropoles faced in projecting order in the global south. Far from cohesive entities, the British and American empires tried to manage territories that defied many of the political, economic, and legal systems, as well as normative and moral understandings, that enabled their imperial ascendancy. Despite a considerable literature about how metropoles comprehended these frustrated imperial plans, limited insights can be found into the way Britain and the United States coped with the influence of war in the uneven expansion of order. This challenge is brought into focus by examining one of the most direct formulations of the relationship between war and order in US and British imperialism, namely the concept of warlord. The concept’s history, it is argued, provides a glimpse into the far-reaching influence cultural constructions of war had in how US and British policymakers, journalists, and advocates conceived of and projected order in the non-European world. Such influential understandings also inspired overstated conclusions about the degree to which both imperial powers could realise their visions of order in the global south. Drawing on discursive and historical methods, the dissertation develops a conceptual framework that distils the core features of ‘warlords’ in the US and British imperial imaginaries. This conceptual approach is used to revisit some of the most formative encounters with colonial and contemporary ‘warlords’, as captured in British and American policy debates, political commentary, and popular culture, during two highpoints in British and American imperial history, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006 respectively. These arguments bring to the forefront how instead of an ancillary part of conclusions about the inferiority of non-European cultures, as suggested in much of the post-colonial literature, notions of war conditioned many of Britain and the United States’ enduring conception of and strategies for managing the uneven development of order in the global south.
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Gagliano, Stefano. "Egualmente liberi? Libertà religiosa e chiese evangeliche in Italia, 1945-1955." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86035.

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Tarrant, Iona Elizabeth. "Is there a conflict between liberty and social welfare? : an historical perspective on Sen's "Impossibility of a Paretian Liberal"." Thesis, University of Hull, 2000. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3952.

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Clark, Rebecca. "Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:103616.

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Thesis advisor: Christopher Kelly
Montesquieu famously presents climate and terrain as enabling servitude in hot, fertile climes and on the exposed steppes of central Asia. He also traces England's exemplary constitution, with its balanced constitution, independent judiciary, and gentle criminal practices, to the unique conditions of early medieval northern Europe. The English "found" their government "in the forests" of Germany. There, the marginal, variegated terrain favored the dispersion of political power, and a pastoral way of life until well into the Middle Ages. In pursuing a primitive honor unrelated to political liberty as such, the barbaric Franks accidentally established the rudiments of the most "well-tempered" government. His turn to these causes accidental to human purposes in Parts 3-6 begins with his analysis of the problem of unintended consequences in the history of political reform in Parts 1-2. While the idea of balancing political powers in order to prevent any one individual or group from dominating the rest has ancient roots, he shows that it has taken many centuries to understand just what needs to be balanced, and to learn to balance against one threat without inviting another. Knowledge of the administration of criminal justice has proven the most important to liberty, as well as the most difficult to acquire and put into practice. Montesquieu's attention to accidental causes sheds light on the contradictions within human nature, and the complex relationship between humans and their physical and conventional environments. He shows how nature provides support for both political liberty and for despotism. The wisdom of organizing government with a view to political liberty, as well as the means for doing so, does not follow from human nature in the abstract, but has required reflection on experiences with the consequences of actual governments. By highlighting the dependence of free politics on conditions outside the legislator's immediate control, he encourages reformers to attend to the non-legal supports of political liberty, the limits of human ingenuity, and the risks of unintended consequences. His attention to forces beyond human control provides the occasion to clarify the character of liberal legislative prudence, the art of leading by "inviting without constraining."
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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DE, WAARD Jacob Marinus. "John Morley and the liberal imagination : the uses of history in English liberal culture, 1867-1914." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6997.

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Defence date: 26 June 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen, (EUI) ; Prof. Ann Rigney, (Utrecht University) ; Prof. Arfon Rees, (EUI) ; Prof. Norman Vance, (University of Sussex)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of the present study is to offer a new understanding of the ‘uses of history’ in English liberal culture between the passing of the Second Reform Act of 1867 and Britain’s entrance in the First World War in August 1914. Culturally as well as politically, this period is commonly recognised as having a distinctive character for which the epithet ‘liberal’ offers an apposite shorthand. Although the period saw long spells of conservative administration (under Derby, Disraeli, Salisbury, and Balfour) as well as the liberal ministries of Gladstone, Rosebery, Campbell-Bannerman, and Asquith, it is often called a liberal age, or construed as the heyday of English liberal politics, because liberal values and the memory of an exceptional liberal heritage pervaded political life and the organisation of society. Just to sum up: the years from 1867 to 1914 saw the extension of the franchise to almost all the male population (in the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884), diminishing property qualifications, disestablishment of the Church in Ireland and Wales, political consensus in regard to free trade up until the late 1890s, and the last days and slow demise of the Gladstonian minimal state with its reliance on subsidiarity, voluntarism, self-help, and a spirit of civic duty. In comparison to the heavily centralised states of the European continent, England continued to have a ‘minimally centralised system of governance’ until the end of the nineteenth century, a system in which citizens saw a source of national pride and proof of England’s superior, vanguard role in the world as the cradle of parliamentary government and civic liberties.
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Cheng, Wing Ming (Clement). "Liberal Studies in Hong Kong, 1992-2014 : a critical history." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/53345/.

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This thesis investigates the history of two Liberal Studies curricula in Hong Kong: Advanced Supplementary Level Liberal Studies (ASL LS) and New Senior Secondary Liberal Studies (NSS LS), which were introduced under two successive academic structures. The former follows the English Britain academic structure, with five-year junior and senior secondary, two further secondary years for matriculation, and a three-year undergraduate higher education. The latter resembles the Chinese academic structure with three years' junior secondary, three years' senior secondary and four year of undergraduate higher education. ASL LS formed part of the matriculation education curriculum and lasted for two years under the old academic structure; NSS LS is a component of a three-year senior secondary education under the new academic structure. The shift of academic structures in Hong Kong took place between 2009 and 2012, during which transition period both academic structures existed in parallel. This research has two main purposes. The first is to examine the history of the two Liberal Studies curricula. The second is to find out the key factors shaping the two curricula. The results and findings are mainly based mainly on documentary analysis supplemented by interviews with men and women who played significant parts in shaping the Liberal Studies curriculum. This historical research identifies three key overlapping stages in the development of Liberal Studies. The first stage relates to the formation and implementation of the ASL LS from 1992 to 2012. The second stage, beginning in September 2001, covers the consultation over and implementation (up to August 2014) of NSS LS. The third and comparatively short stage covers September to December 2014. This was initiated by the 79 day 'Occupy Central' and the 'Umbrella' movements in support of universal suffrage for the Legislative Council Election in 2016 and Chief Executive Election in 2017. While the predominant view in the academic literature locates the origins of Liberal Studies in the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Legislative Council records show that ideas about liberal studies began to emerge as early as 1978. Factors shaping the Liberal Studies curriculum are also identified at international, regional and local levels. The Liberal Studies curricula is seen as resulting from the interplay of factors at all three levels, with local level factors played the decisive role.
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Patton, Patrick. "Standing at Thermopylae: A History of the American Liberty League." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/323479.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation re-examines the history of the American Liberty League, building upon observations in recent works by Kimberly Phillips-Fein and David Farber that trace the origins of the modern American conservative political movement back to the reaction against the New Deal programs implemented by Franklin Roosevelt. The Liberty League, it is argued here, established a tradition of what I describe as Constitutional conservatism. The Liberty League, established in 1934 with the expressed purpose of "upholding the Constitution," represented the most forceful and coherent contemporary resistance against a trend toward centralization of power in the federal government and the executive branch that took shape during the Progressive Era and was cemented by the New Deal. Historians writing about conservatism in the the U.S. have most often highlighted other explanations for the motivations underpinning the movement, most notably the "racial backlash" thesis, but a theme of Constitutional conservatism can be traced through many of the conservative political organizations that have emerged in the United States since the demise of the Liberty League in 1936. The first chapter discusses the origins of the Liberty League, which to a considerable extent evolved out of the Association Against the Prohibition Movement. In addition to their shared focus on Constitutional issues, the two organizations utilized the same tactics and showed considerable overlap in terms of membership, leadership and financial backing. Leaders of the organization, discussed in a separate chapter, included Jouett Shouse, William Stayton, Al Smith, Raoul Desvernine, along with a number of wealthy industrialists that provided financial backing, including Pierre du Pont, his brother Irénée du Pont, John Raskob and E. F. Hutton. Further chapters examine the activities of the local and state branches of the Liberty League, the League's attempts to coordinate efforts with other organizations professing a desire for upholding the Constitution and analysis of the publications produced and distributed by the Liberty League. While the organization was funded largely by a small group of wealthy individuals with a vested interest in protecting their vast fortunes, the Liberty League devoted itself in practice to arguing in favor of the more strict interpretation of the Constitution that had largely prevailed in the United States before the New Deal era. Of course, the League failed utterly to convince the electorate, as evidenced by the overwhelming electoral triumph achieved by President Roosevelt in 1936, but it's relentless attempts to highlight the perceived excesses of the New Deal helped fill the void left by the virtual absence of any meaningful Republican opposition, perhaps helping to place some limits on the extent of the New Deal and laying the ground work for future generations of conservatives that continue to draw on the theme of Constitutional conservatism in their efforts to turn back some of the advances made by proponents of a more activist federal government during the Twentieth Century.
Temple University--Theses
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Coohill, Joseph. "Ideas of the Liberal Party : perceptions, agendas, and Liberal politics in the House of Commons 1832-1852." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285422.

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Treasure, Ian Clements. "The Liberal Education Bills : conflict and compromise in religious issues and Liberal Party educational policies, 1906-1908." Thesis, Open University, 1993. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57427/.

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This study follows the religious and educational issues which formed the background to the Education Bills of the Liberal Government in the period 1906-08. The role of the churches and their place in society in the 19th and early 20th Centuries is outlined. The problems of educational provision and lack of resources through the voluntary agencies is reviewed and the impact of the Education Act of 1870 during the period of the School Board era is considered. The position of the Church of England is outlined alongside the provisions of the Education Act of 1902 and an assessment is made of the working of that Act. The claims and grievances of the Nonconformists are reviewed. The political consequences of the Conservative Government's defeat and the return of a Liberal Government to power in 1906 is outlined together with a review of that Election. The role of the newspapers and the demands of the various bodies with a declared interest in religion and education are considered. A detailed examination of the negotiations undertaken between the Liberal Government and the various denominational interests in their attempts to remedy the Nonconformist grievances over the 1902 Education Act during the period 1906-08 is included. The work of the Archbishop of Canterbury on behalf of the Established Church is closely followed to draw the distinction between those working at the highest level of negotiation and those at grass roots level. The Liberal Government's social reforms and the decline in popularity of the Liberal Party as a vehicle for political Nonconformism is reviewed alongside the stalemate in educational legislation affecting religious issues. The growth of that Government's intervention into the field of social welfare and the lessening impact of religion in the overall life of the Nation is also considered together with a review of changes in attitudes towards religion and its part in educational provision in more recent times.
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Colombani, Marie-Jeanne. "James Boswell, historien et publiciste de la Corse. Édition critique de la traduction de "British Essays in Favour of the Brave Corsicans by Several Hands. Collected and Published by James Boswell, Esq." (1769)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030181.

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La Corse est une île qui symbolise la résistance à la tyrannie. Son histoire est faite d'une succession de révolutions (1729-69) contre les occupations génoise et française dont les périodiques britanniques se sont fait l'écho. James Boswell (1740-95), lors de son Grand Tour (1763-66), rencontre le père de la nation corse, Pascal Paoli (1725-1807), à la tête des rebelles. Il devient le chantre de la liberté pour ceux qui sont, aux yeux de l'Europe éclairée, de braves insulaires. Il commence une campagne de presse effrénée afin de faire intervenir la Grande-Bretagne dans un conflit qui n'est pas le sien. Le volume d'essais que James Boswell a édité, n'a jamais été traduit. L'étude porte sur le texte de "British Essays" et sur son contexte. La traduction et l'appareil critique concernent les vingt essais qui composent le volume. La circulation des idées et des hommes facilitent l'intérêt pour les nouvelles venant de l'étranger dans une société britannique où l'histoire est un genre noble et où la presse se développe dans ces nouveaux lieux de sociabilité que sont les cafés. On s'y adonne à la conversation, art que chacun croit maîtriser et la politique est de tous les débats
The island of Corsica has always been the symbol of resistance to tyranny.Its history was made up of a series of revolutions against the Genoese and French settlements which made the news in the British periodicals.James Boswell(1740-95), while on his Grand Tour(1763-66), met the father of the Corsican nation, Pascal Paoli( 1725-1807), at the head of the rebels.Boswell championed the cause of liberty on behalf of those who were regarded as brave islanders by the enlightened conscience of Europe.He started a frantic press campaign so that Great Britain would interfere in a conflict it did not want to enter. The volume of essays James Boswell published has never been translated. This study is concerned with both the text of *British Essays* and its context.The translation and the critical apparatus bear on the twenty essays which make up the volume. The circulation of ideas and men fuelled the interest in foreign news in the British society where history was a lofty genre and where the press flourished in coffee-houses, those new types of places of sociability. Patrons took pleasure in conversations, an art everyone thought they mastered and politics was on everyone's lips
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Choi, Young-Chan. "A history of Protestant theory of liberty in Korea, 1886-1917." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2017. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24948/.

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Visser, Liezel. "The contextual compass : a literary-historical study of three British women’s travel writing on Africa, 1797 – 1934." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2673.

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Thesis (MA (English Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Texts by women travellers describing their journeys date back almost as far as those produced by their male counterparts, yet women’s travel writing has only become an area of academic interest during the past ten to fifteen years. Previously, women’s travel writing was mostly read for its entertainment value rather than its academic merit and – as Sara Mills notes in her Discourses of Difference – appeared almost exclusively in the form of coffee table books or biographies offering romanticized accounts of heroic, eccentric women who undertook epic journeys to Africa (4). The growing interest in women’s travel writing as part of colonial discourse coincides with the emergence of gender studies and related subjects. The emergence of these areas of academic enquiry can be attributed to the systematic dismantling of the patriarchal structures, which previously dominated social and academic domains. The aim of this study is to examine European women’s travel writing as a subversive discourse which, while sharing some characteristics with traditional male-produced travel texts from the colonial era, was informed by the discursive constraints of femininity. These texts thus differ from male-produced texts in the sense that, because of the different discursive constraints informing women’s travel writing, they offer commentary on aspects of Africa and its peoples which men had omitted in their travel accounts. Three specific texts by British women who recorded their travels in Africa form the basis of the discussion in this dissertation: the travel writing of Lady Anne Barnard (South African Cape Colony, 1797 – 1801), Mary Kingsley (West Africa: Gabon and the Congo, 1896 – 1900) and Barbara Greene (Liberia, 1935). Since, as Mills argues, “feminist textual theory has restricted itself to the analysis of literary texts and has been concerned with analysis of the text itself” (12), which limits the extent to which one can provide interesting, discerning, and relevant comment on women’s writing, the readings of these texts are not limited to feminist theory of women’s travel writing. Social expectations until as recently as the early twentieth century located women firmly in the domestic sphere. It was almost unthinkable for women to undertake travels other than the traditional Grand Tour. To attempt to venture into the predominantly male territory of travel writing was to expose oneself to harsh criticism and to risk being labelled as eccentric and unfeminine. Thus women had to find a way of making both their travels and writing seem acceptable by social standards, while still presenting as true as possible a picture of Africa in their writing. These constraints of the discourse of femininity on their texts necessarily make women’s writing seem concerned almost exclusively with matters of feminine interest. Mills attributes this to women travel writers’ “problematic status, caught between the conflicting demands of the discourse of femininity and that of imperialism.” (Mills, Discourses of Difference 22)
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Reisbeskrywings deur vroue dateer byna so ver terug as dié wat deur mans geskryf is. Tog het vroue se reisbeskrywings eers in die afgelope tien tot vyftien jaar akademiese belangstelling begin ontlok. Voorheen is vroue se reisbeskrywings meestal vir vermaak eerder as akademiese meriete gelees, en – soos Sara Mills in haar Discourses of Difference opmerk – het dit byna uitsluitlik verskyn as koffietafelboeke of verromantiseerde biografieë van heldhaftige, sonderlinge vroue wat epiese reise na Afrika onderneem het (4). Die toenemende belangstelling in vroue se reisbeskrywings as deel van koloniale diskoers val saam met die verskyning van gender-studies en verwante vakgebiede. Die ontstaan van hierdie akademiese vakgebiede kan toegeskryf word aan die stelselmatige aftakeling van die paternalistiese strukture wat sosiale en akademiese arenas voorheen oorheers het. Die doel van hierdie studie is om Europese vroue se reisbeskrywings te ondersoek as ‘n ondermynende diskoers wat, hoewel dit sekere eienskappe van tradisionele reisbeskrywings deur manlike skrywers uit die koloniale tydperk toon, gegrond is in die beperkende diskoers van vroulikheid. Hierdie tekste verskil dus van tekste deur manlike skrywers in die opsig dat dit, as gevolg van die verskillende diskoersbeperkinge waarin dit gegrond is, kommentaar lewer op aspekte van Afrika en sy bevolking wat mans in hul reisbeskrywings uitgelaat het. Drie spesifieke tekste deur Britse vroue wat hul reise beskryf het vorm die grondslag van hierdie verhandeling; dit is die reisbeskrywings van Lady Anne Barnard (Suid-Afrikaanse Kaapkolonie, 1797 – 1801), Mary Kingsley (Wes- Afrika: Gaboen en die Kongo, 1896 – 1900) en Barbara Greene (Liberië, 1935). Mills voer aan: “Feminist textual theory has restricted itself to the analysis of literary texts and has been concerned with analysis of the text itself” (12). Dít beperk die mate waartoe interessante, skerpsinnige en toepaslike kommentaar oor vroue se reisbeskrywings gelewer kan word; dus is die interpretasie van hierdie tekste nie beperk tot feministiese teorie met betrekking tot vrouereisbeskrywings nie. Tot so onlangs as die vroeë twintigste eeu het die samelewing se verwagtinge vroue streng tot die huishoudelike sfeer beperk. Afgesien van die tradisionele Grand Tour was dit bykans ondenkbaar vir vroue om te reis. As ‘n vrou inbreuk sou probeer maak op die tradisioneel manlike gebied van die skryfkuns sou sy haarself blootstel aan skerp kritiek en onwenslike etikettering as eksentriek en onvroulik. Dus moes vroue ‘n manier vind om sowel hul reise as hul skryfwerk sosiaal aanvaarbaar te maak en terselfdertyd so ‘n egte beeld as moontlik van Afrika te skets in hul skryfwerk. Die beperkinge wat die diskoers van vroulikheid op hul tekste plaas, lei noodwendig daartoe dat vroue se skryfwerk as byna geheel en al beperk tot sake van vroulike belang voorkom. Mills skryf dít toe aan vroue-reisbeskrywers se “problematic status, caught between the conflicting demands of the discourse of femininity and that of imperialism.” (Mills, Discourses of Difference 22)
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Phillips, Rebecca E. "Almost history American colonial revival furniture and the career of Enrico Liberti (1894-1979) /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 89 p, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1338866251&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Monette, Barbara. "The Anabaptist Contributions to the Idea of Religious Liberty." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5060.

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The relationship between ideas and history is important in order to understand the past and the present. The idea of religious liberty and the realization of that ideal in sixteenth-century Europe by the Anabaptists in Switzerland and South Germany in the 1520s was considered to be revolutionary in a society characterized by the union of church and state. The main impetus of the idea of religious liberty for the Anabaptists was the application of the New Testament standard of the Christian church, which was an independent congregation of believers marked only by adult baptism. The purpose of the present study is to demonstrate the contributions of the Swiss Anabaptists to the idea of religious liberty by looking at the ministries and activities of three major leaders of the early Swiss movement: Conrad Grebel, Michael Sattler, and Balthasar Hubmaier. This thesis takes up the modern form of religious liberty as analyzed by twentieth-century authorities, as a framework for better understanding the contributions of the Anabaptists. My research then explores the establishment of the first Anabaptist church in history, the Zollikon church outside of Zurich, and examines its organization membership, motives, and strategies for evangelizing Switzerland. In all areas influenced by the Anabaptists, there was considerable acceptance of their doctrine of a separated church. Their teaching on liberty of conscience also influenced people in towns such as Zollikon and Waldshut. Possible historical links between the Anabaptist doctrines and establishment of later Baptist denominations are shown.
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Billinge, Richard. "Nature, grace and religious liberty in Restoration England." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18c8815b-4e57-45f5-b2c1-e31314a09d4f.

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This thesis demonstrates the importance of scholastic philosophy and natural law to the theory of religious uniformity and toleration in Seventeenth-Century England. Some of the most influential apologetic tracts produced by the Church of England, including Richard Hooker's Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, Robert Sanderson's Ten lectures on humane conscience and Samuel Parker A discourse of ecclesiastical politie are examined and are shown to belong to a common Anglican tradition which emphasized aspects of scholastic natural law theory in order to refute pleas for ceremonial diversity and liberty of conscience. The relationship of these ideas to those of Hobbes and Locke are also explored. Studies of Seventeenth-Century ideas about conformity and toleration have often stressed the reverence people showed the individual conscience, and the weight they attributed to the examples of the magistrates of Israel and Judah. Yet arguments for and against uniformity and toleration might instead resolve themselves into disputes about the role of natural law within society, or the power of human laws over the conscience. In this the debate about religious uniformity could acquire a very philosophical and sometimes theological tone. Important but technical questions about moral obligation, metaphysics and theology are demonstrated to have played an important role in shaping perceptions of magisterial power over religion. These ideas are traced back to their roots in scholastic philosophy and the Summa of Aquinas. Scholastic theories about conscience, law, the virtues, human action and the distinction between nature and grace are shown to have animated certain of the Church's more influential apologists and their dissenting opponents. The kind of discourse surrounding toleration and liberty of conscience is thus shown to be very different than sometimes supposed. Perceptions of civil and ecclesiastical power were governed by a set of ideas and concerns that have hitherto not featured prominently in the literature about the development of religious toleration.
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Tregidga, Garry Harcourt. "The Liberal Party in south-west England, 1929-59." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296238.

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Romin, Johan. "Sverige och antisemiterna : Hur liberal och konservativnyhetsmedia skildradejudefientlighet 1879 – 1882." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187117.

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This Master’s (60 credits) dissertation paper examines how three Swedish newspapers describe the political ideology called anti–Semitism in Germany, from the day it was born in end of October 1879 until January 1882 after the campaigns of persecution of Jews in Russia and Germany.Politically, the 1880s were formative years in Swedish history. A party system emerged slowly andseveral new political ideologies found their way into Swedish political life. Many of those wereinfluences from Germany: socialism, nationalism, political conservatism. But also anti–Semitism.This paper is a comparative study between the newspapers Dagens Nyheter (liberal), Nya DagligtAllehanda (conservative) and Stockholms Dagblad (conservative) and describe how the anti–Semitic political movement in Germany, and the ongoing atrocities against Jews in Russia andGermany, were being portrayed in the Swedish media. The survey in the essay shows that the newspapers describe the political ideology anti-Semitismvery differently. Liberal Dagens Nyheter was highly critical against the political form of hatredagainst the Jews, but so was also conservative Stockholms Dagblad, although the latter had a higherdegree of a neutral type of reporting than the former. Stockholms Dagblad leaned towards supportof a Bismarckian type of conservatism, (which at this time had not yet embraced hatred againstJews as an official policy). The newspaper of the three with the strongest support of the anti-Semitic political movement inGermany was the daily Nya Dagligt Allehanda, which very often expressed and reproduced anti-Semitic constructions and derogatory and racist views on Jews.However, the newspaper Nya Dagligt Allehanda did not embrace the most extreme and violent formof anti-Semitism which were being advocated by some German politicians in the 1880s, whichincluded the deportation or even mass murder of Jews.
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Dahlqvist, Hans. "Fri att konkurrera, skyldig att producera : En ideologikritisk granskning av SAF 1902-1948." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-387.

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The object of my investigation is Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen (SAF) (The Swedish Employer’s Association) and the concrete questions I wish to raise are: (i) How did SAF articulate their ideal of liberty during the period 1902-1948? (ii) How did they combine this ideal with the demands of an ascetic work ethic among the workers? My ambition with this investigation has been to spread some light on how SAF, one of the market’s most important actors in Sweden during the twentieth century, has combined an alleged strong belief in personal freedom with the demands of adjustment to specific virtues and how the proclaimed freedom has, in fact, been subject to a number of conditions. It would be fair to say that the survival of a market economy depends on a broad foundation of workers that in practice are not allowed to make use of the freedom that they are proclaimed to have in theory. The workers must not only be convinced to go to work but also to work efficiently. If this were not the case, then capitalism, built on competition, would collapse. This is congruent with the conclusions made in my investigation. SAF’s proclamations of freedom were indeed a freedom for the believers; for those who could take advantage of the competition. But for those who did not believe in the system or who did not feel that they could find themselves justice in it, SAF demanded a high moral standard. As a consequence of this we are confronted with the following paradox: Freedom for the rich, morality to the poor.
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Caldwell, Margaret Ashley. "Antonio Fogazzaro and the Development of Liberal Catholicism in Modern Italy." The University of Montana, 2009. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-12182008-142030/.

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This thesis examines the cultural and political development of Liberal Catholicism in modern Italy. The events of the Risorgimento had deprived the Catholic Church of her temporal power in 1860 after the Second War of Italian Unification. Pius IX then promulgated Non expedit. The encyclical refused to recognize the Kingdom of Italy and forbade Italian Catholics from participating in local or national elections in the new liberal regime. In fin de siècle Italy, the Church consistently pursued anti-nationalist, reactionary policies, but there were many Catholic laymen who believed that the survival of the Catholic Church in the modern world depended on her capacity to adapt to modern civilization. An analysis of the life and works of Antonio Fogazzaro illustrates one of the many possibilities for political Catholicism in fin de siècle Italy. Fogazzaro came of age during this revolutionary period in the Catholic Church, and through his most important novels, Daniele Cortis, Il piccolo mondo antico, and Il Santo, he offered Italian Catholics a way of thinking about political Catholicism in an ostensibly apolitical Church. After the publication of Il Santo in 1905, Fogazzaro received condemnation from the Congregation of the Index. In his ninety-three-page encyclical Pascendi di dominici gregis of 8 September 1907, Pius X then denounced him in the modernist controversy. Ultimately, Fogazzaro accepted the judgments of the Holy Tribunal and remained attached the Catholic tradition he revered. His works represent a departure from religious traditionalism and literalism as well as a move toward the development of liberal Catholicism in modern Italy.
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Guzmán, Soto Betzabeth. "Autonomía, libertad e historia en la Filosofía de la historia de Immanuel Kant." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2015. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/129766.

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35

Breidenbach, Michael David. "Conciliarism and American religious liberty, 1632-1835." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648152.

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36

Chiorean, Victor Emanuel. "A History of Roma in the Public Sphere : The social construction of Roma in press and history textbooks after Ceausescu." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-130820.

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This study addresses the post-revolutionary history of Roma in the Romanian public sphere by examining the social construction of this minority in press and history textbooks. The objective is to illuminate synchronic and diachronic structural patterns in public texts debating Roma in order to offer a deeper understanding of the Romanian xenophobia assuming that the public debate affects the status quo of Roma. Public texts represent fruitful channels of communication through which selective social realities par excellence, stocks of knowledge and typifications are proclaimed by different societal actors. The press possess a critical function whilst history textbooks a manipulative function advocating normative historical realties par excellence. The modi operandi utilized are quantitative, qualitative content- and critical discourse analysis, which are applied in the monitoring of approximately 6000 newspapers, 197 articles (1991-2012) and 6 textbooks (2008-2014). The results indicate that the media history of Roma resembled police investigations rather than conventional journalism. Manifest and latent stereotypifications have synchronically and diachronically formed uncritical and demonizing stocks of knowledge, whose societal truths sustained the othering of Roma in press and were depicted as a force behind the destruction of [“our”] national self-image. History textbooks have offered an inexistent stock of historical knowledge omitting, e.g. the slavery and deportations of Roma but highlighting ethnocentric perspectives, patriotism and other minorities.
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Allman, Anne. "The Lost Legacy of Liberal Feminism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1600441468583534.

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38

Kaye, Deborah Allison. "Between ghetto and state: Religious policy, liberal reformand Jewish corporate politics in Piedmont, 1821-1831." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280712.

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This dissertation considers the relationship between religious policy and liberal reform in Italy after the Congress of Vienna in 1815 by examining how the royal and civic administrations in the newly restored kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont grappled with the enforcement of religious policies governing the Jewish corporate community in the 1820s. It argues that modern state formation in Restoration Piedmont was the product of struggles between the state and various corporate interests over the direction and enforcement of Jewish policies designed to expropriate Jewish-owned properties. The failure to implement Jewish policies, including among other laws, prohibitions against property ownership and enforced ghettoization, resulted in as series of legislative debates that eventually culminated in Jewish emancipation by 1848. First, this study considers negotiations between the papacy and the Savoyard state over the forced sale of Jewish-owned property and the secularization of formerly ecclesiastical properties. Related issues discussed include debates surrounding the forced baptism and kidnapping of Jewish children in Genoa, revealing ways in which the church attempted to assert its power in the neo-absolutist state. Second, this dissertation examines processes involved in state-directed ghettoization, demonstrating that "ghetto" policies served as a means to expand Jewish real estate investment in Piedmont rather than confine and restrict Jewish business activities. Jewish family firms emerge as allies of the state as revealed in a case study of the Jewish silk manufacturing firm of David Levi e figli. Evidence relating to the study Jewish-Christian relations in Piedmont include debates over the hiring of female Christian servants in the ghetto and Christian tenants leasing from Jewish landlords suggest that the revival of ancien regime Jewish laws were inapplicable. In the end, by exploring specific patterns within the Jewish legal appeal process and debates that ensued, these research findings provide a new way of modelling the constitutional and institutional transformations that emerged in the Savoyard state as it struggled to establish hegemony in the decades following French Imperial rule.
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Nason, Erick W. "Assessing the Impact of Mandated Standards for Teaching on United States History Achievement Scores in Public Schools." ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/855.

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The purpose of this study was to demonstrate how a well developed and validated national standard for United States history can affect public school achievement levels. Currently, there is no mandated national standard for United States history; rather it has been left to the respective states to create their own. This study focused on the state of Virginia, which has been able to meet both the nationally mandated adequate yearly progress (AYP) level, and achieve high proficiency levels in United States history achievement. This comparative case study examined two neighboring states of similar demographics: Virginia which made both the AYP and high history achievement, and a southern U.S. state which did not meet either the AYP or acceptable history scores. Archival data included achievement levels as assessed by the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) test scores in U.S. history for both states, and State of the State (SOS) national assessments of state history standards. It was hypothesized that there would be a correlation between well established and vetted standards and achievement levels. Sequential analyses employing Pearson correlations and Somers' D tests of association demonstrated significant correlations between SOS standards and NAEP achievement scores. These results can contribute to positive social change by informing research based decision making related to best practice standards for U.S. history curricula that will increase student achievement levels, and provide a more common curricular foundation from which supporting resources can be developed and shared to offset reductions in education budgets.
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Gootenberg, Paul. "Fishing for Leviathans? Shifting Views on the Liberal State and Development in Peruvian History." Economía, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116809.

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This essay examines the shifting conceptions of the state and development through recent waves of Peruvian historiography. The broad structuralist-dependency interpretations of the 1970s and 1980s gave way to a more diffuse and creative ‘political turn’ during and after the 1990s. These changing historical ideas, which still defy synthesis, relate to distinctive global conceptions and phases of economic liberalism, the changing perceived role of states in development, and the integration and social disciplining of a vastly unequal Peruvian nation. Aspects of these Peruvian historical debates may help to shed light on similar controversies through much of the region.
Este ensayo examina las concepciones cambiantes del Estado y el desarrollo dentro de los recientes materiales de la historiografía peruana. Las amplias interpretaciones de una dependencia estructural de las décadas de 1970 y 1980 dieron paso a un «giro político» más difuso y creativo durante la de 1990 y después. Estas cambiantes ideas históricas, que todavía no se logran sintetizar del todo, se relacionan con diferentes concepciones globales y fases de liberalismo económico; el cambiante papel que se percibe de los Estados sobre el desarrollo; y la integración y disciplinamiento social de una nación peruana enormemente desigual. Algunos aspectos de estos debates históricos peruanos pueden ayudar a esclarecer controversias similares en gran parte de la región.
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41

Larkin, Clare. "Becoming liberal : a history of the National Union of South African students : 1945-1955." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7892.

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Includes bibliographical references.
The National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was established in 1924 as a forum for white South African students. The rise of Afrikaner Nationalism in the 1930s and the establishment of the ultra-nationalist Afrikaanse Studentebond (ANS) led to the disaffiliation from NUSAS of the student bodies of the Afrikaans-medium universities. Until the end of the Second World War, two groups of students jostled for control of NUSAS. The first championed the ideal of a broad white South African national feeling and worked for the return of the Afikaans-speaking centres, while the second group, predominantly left-wing radicals based at Wits, called for NUSAS to become a racially more inclusive organisation and admit Fort Hare to membership.
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42

Ouattara, Gnimbin Albert. "Africans, Cherokees, and the ABCFM Missionaries in the Nineteenth Century: An Unusual Story of Redemption." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07302007-160102/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Charles G. Steffen, committee chair; Mohammed Hassen Ali, Wayne J. Urban, committee members. Electronic text (322 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from file title page. Description based on contents viewed Dec. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 284-318).
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43

Watson, Katrina. "Liberty, loyalty, and locality : the discourses of loyalism in England, 1790-1815." Thesis, Open University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295296.

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44

Hodes, Jeremy Martin, and hodes@tpg com au. "John Douglas 1828-1904: The Uncompromising Liberal." Central Queensland University. Humanities, 2006. http://library-resources.cqu.edu.au./thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20070228.145456.

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Douglas was born in London in 1828 and migrated to New South Wales in 1851 where he represented both the Darling Downs and Camden districts in the New South Wales parliament before embarking on a lengthy parliamentary career in Queensland, one that culminated in the premiership from 1877 to 1879. He was subsequently appointed government resident for Thursday Island in 1885, a position he held until his death, nearly 20 years later, aged 76, in 1904. During this period he also served as special commissioner for the protectorate of British New Guinea, administering the territory prior to it being formally proclaimed a crown colony. Douglas’s involvement in Queensland public life was significant and encompassed the entire period from the colony’s formation in 1859 to the federation of the Australian colonies in 1901. In this respect, his career allows, through a study of his long, eventful and varied life, for this thesis to examine aspects of the development and progression of Queensland’s political system as a nascent yet robust, representative democracy, through most of the second half of the nineteenth century until the colony’s incorporation in the newly formed Commonwealth of Australia. This thesis argues that John Douglas was an uncompromising Liberal in an age of Liberalism, a principled politician in an era of pragmatic factionalism and shifting political allegiances. Perhapsbecause of this he was more popular with his electorate than with his parliamentary colleagues. Douglas’s contribution to Queensland life was in large measure shaped by his character and the formative influences on it. This included his aristocratic upbringing, his public school and university education, his abiding religious faith, a profound sense of fair play, and a desire to participate fully and selflessly in the life of the community he lived in, despite the vicissitudes of his personal life. As this thesis further demonstrates, an examination of Douglas’s life affords us an insight into an energetic, accomplished, erudite, and compassionate man. Yet while his intellectual curiosity, thirst for knowledge and wide-ranging interests marked him as a Renaissance man, he also had many failings, most noticeably that of extreme obstinacy. Therefore, this thesis will analyse Douglas’s convictions and beliefs while examining the strengths and flaws inherent in his character. It is because Douglas lived a life characterised by complexity and contradiction, leavened by a mixture of accomplishment and failure, that his life, and the times he lived in, are worthy of examination.
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45

Zebley, Kathleen Rosa. "God and Liberty: the Life of Charles Wesley Slack." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1603362324341883.

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46

Barker, Gordon S. "Anthony Burns and the north-south dialogue on slavery, liberty, race, and the American Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623339.

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Revisiting the Anthony Burns drama in 1854, the last fugitive slave crisis in Boston, I argue that traditional historical interpretations emphasizing an antislavery groundswell in the North mask the confusion, chaos, ethnic and class tensions, and racial division in the Bay city and also treat Virginia's most famous fugitive slave as an object rather than the Revolutionary and advocate for equal rights that he was. I contend that it was far from clear that antislavery beliefs were on the rise in midcentury Boston. I show that antislavery views had to compete with other less noble, sometimes racist, sentiments and with white Bostonians' concerns about law and order. Many white Bostonians sought to conserve the Union as it was; they did not seek to extend the fruits of the Revolution to a fugitive slave or to their black neighbors. The message that many black Bostonians took from the drama was that they could not depend on their white neighbors, including supposedly friendly abolitionists; they had to unite and look out for their own interests. Reexamining the link between Anthony Burns and the coming of the Civil War suggests that the most significant impact of the crisis was on the white South, not the North. Events in Boston seemed to confirm white Southerners' suspicions that antislavery feelings were on the rise in the North, which fueled their anxiety about the future protection of their interests in the Union. The crisis also accentuated differences between Northern and Southern societies, and white Southerners saw their society, with slavery at its center, as distinctly good. The Burns crisis thus encouraged their defense of slavery as a positive good. Finally, I demonstrate that when Anthony Burns moved to Canada West and joined St. Catharines' vibrant black community, he did not relinquish his fight against slavery; he fled America but not the fight against human bondage.
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47

Sliwka, Anne. "Transplanting liberal education : higher education in 19th century Bombay Presidency, India (1821-1904)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267493.

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48

Gassenschmidt, Christoph. "Jewish liberal politics in Tsarist Russia, 1900-1914 : the modernization of Russian Jewry." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356991.

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49

Langton, Daniel Robert. "An Englishman of the Jewish persuasion : Claude Montefiore, Christianity and Liberal Jewish thought." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242675.

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50

Lim, Paul Chang-Ha. "In pursuit of unity, purity, and liberty : Richard Baxter's Puritan ecclesiology in context." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272318.

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