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Journal articles on the topic 'Liberia National Assembly'

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1

Fernandes, Tiago. "The liberal wing of the National Assembly (1969–73) a sociological profile." Portugese Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (2003): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pjss.2.2.105/0.

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KRUTIKOV, Anton. "“Let us Live in Peace”. The Ukrainian Constituent Assembly 1917-1918." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2 (22) (2020): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-2-55-70.

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In the era of revolutionary turmoil in 1917, the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly turned out to be one of many attempts to resolve the national question in accordance with the ideals of revolutionary democracy so popular in post-February Russia. Contrary to the hopes of their organizers, the elections to the Constituent Assembly did not lead to parliamentary discussion and political compromise, giving way to other, more radical methods of struggle. The history of this institution illustrated the defeat of Russian liberal messianism, which proved its inconsistency under the conditions of the Russ
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Nwajiaku, Kathryn. "The National Conferences in Benin and Togo Revisited." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 3 (1994): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015172.

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As many as seven Conférences nationales (CNs) took place in French-speaking Africa between February 1990 and January 1993, all against the background of the apparent ‘wind of change’ which is sweeping across the continent where democratic governance is eventually to replace authoritarian rule. In Benin, the assembly of delegates that met during 19–28 February 1990 was supposed to be representative of all social, religious, professional, and political interest groups whose aim was to introduce a constitutional liberal democracy. This CN managed to gain acceptance of the sovereignty which it had
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Palmer, Steven. "Central American Union or Guatemalan Republic? The National Question in Liberal Guatemala, 1871-1885." Americas 49, no. 4 (1993): 513–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007411.

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In his 1884 address to the National Assembly, President Justo Rufino Barrios gave a glowing report of a polity fired by the torch of Liberal progress. “When I see the movement and the animation in everything and everywhere, in our streets, in our plazas, in our roads and in our ports, I cannot repress a feeling of vanity.” He extolled not only commerce and new technology, but model prisons, a disciplined professional army, and “a school in the most miserable town and in the most hidden corner.” This is a world of flowing capital, technological linkages, and the ceaseless penetration of enlight
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Rees, Kristoffer Michael, and Nora Webb Williams. "Explaining Kazakhstani identity: supraethnic identity, ethnicity, language, and citizenship." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 5 (2017): 815–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1288204.

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The demographic composition of Kazakhstan after the fall of the Soviet Union presented a dilemma to the new Kazakhstani government: Should it advance a Kazakh identity as paramount, possibly alienating the large non-Kazakh population? Or should it advocate for a non-ethnicized national identity? How would those decisions be made in light of global norms of liberal multiculturalism? And, critically, would citizens respond to new frames of identity? This paper provides an empirical look at supraethnic identity-building in Kazakhstan – that is, at the development of a national identity that indiv
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Saktaganova, Z., B. Omarova, K. Ilyassova, et al. "The Alash Party: Historiography of the Movement." Space and Culture, India 7, no. 4 (2020): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v7i4.791.

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This research presents a short historiographical review of the Alash movement. It reflects the researchers’ own version of periodisation of the history of the first Kazakh national party Alash that belonged to the liberal democratic wing. The researchers identify four stages in the history of the movement connected with the main landmarks of its short, yet significant existence. The periods of Alash history are determined based on changes in strategy and tactics, as well as the evolution of its organisational forms (a movement— a party during elections to the Constituent Assembly — the ruling
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Gjuričová, Adéla. "Coming to (a Short) Life: The Czechoslovak Parliament 1989-1992." Contributions to Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (2015): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.3.01.

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The Czechoslovak federal parliament was designed in 1968 to replace the National Assembly of a unitary state and thus formally express equality between Czechs and Slovaks in the newly established federation. After the crash of the Prague Spring reforms, the socialist parliament lost most of its sovereignty, while preserving its federal character and formal procedures, thus providing a sort of “backup” legislature. The Velvet Revolution of 1989, with its proclaimed respect to peace and legality, logically found the ancient régime’s parliament in the centre of new politics. In the revolutionary
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Lipp, Carola, and Lothar Krempel. "Petitions and the Social Context of Political Mobilization in the Revolution of 1848/49: A Microhistorical Actor-Centred Network Analysis." International Review of Social History 46, S9 (2001): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000281.

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A great part of the political movement in the Revolution of 1848 took place in the form of group and mass petitions. The National Assembly in Frankfurt, the first national German parliament, received 17,000 petitions from more than three million people. A great number of petitions, analysed by German scholars such as Best, dealt with the question of a liberal market economy, with problems resulting out of the developing process of industrialization, and with protective duties. The petitions expressed different group interests, articulated by craftsmen, merchants, entrepreneurs, and workers, wh
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Jeong, Young-Cheol K. "Impending Amendments to Korean Corporate Laws in 2009: A Mystic Mix." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 4 (2009): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000405.

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AbstractThe corporate law reform initiatives proposed by the Korean government in 2008 are still pending before the National Assembly. While the Korean government was sympathetic to the arguments by business interests for liberal rules conducive to business organization, these demands have to be weighed against the desire for good corporate governance norms that promote accountability and transparency. Such a tension has unfortunately resulted in internal contradictions and uncertainties in the context of Korea. This article points out the uncertainties that the reform initiatives have left un
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Yi, Hye-young. "The Activity of the Ruling Party Formation in the First Half of the 2nd National Assembly and the ‘Inside’ Liberal Party." Sahak Yonku : The Review of Korean History 132 (December 31, 2018): 471–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.31218/trkh.2018.12.132.471.

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Jung, Hoyong. "A different choice, a different outcome: budgetary effects of a conservative legislator in liberal local regions of South Korea." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (2021): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000062.

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AbstractIn Korean society, regionalism has deep historical roots and has had a great influence on elections. A historic event occurred in 2014 when a conservative party candidate, Lee Jung-hyun, was elected as a member of the National Assembly in Suncheon-si, Jeollanam-do, where liberal parties have been in the midst of powerful political influence. This was possible because voters responded to the candidate's appeal to vote based on benefits to the local economy, that is, securing greater funding from the central government. Exploiting the synthetic control method, this article identifies how
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Baghdasaryan, Vardan, Pavel Baldin, and Sergey Resnyansky. "Messages of the President of the Russian Federation to federal assembly as source for studying historical policy of Russia." E3S Web of Conferences 210 (2020): 18114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021018114.

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The purpose of this study is to reconstruct the historical representation of the highest state power in today's Russia (President's level) by considering the texts of presidential messages to the Federal Assembly. Content analysis, both semantic and quantitative, has been applied as a key research method. There were investigated the fragments of messages containing an appeal to events, phenomena, personalities of the past and the historical process as a whole. The results of the study make it possible to confirm the fact that there has been a paradigm shift in the perception of history at the
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Kahn, Mitchell, and Susan Scher. "Infusing Content on the Physical Environment into the BSW Curriculum." Journal of Baccalaureate Social Work 7, no. 2 (2002): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18084/1084-7219.7.2.1.

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In August 1999, the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) delegate assembly passed a major platform on environmental policy. The NASW now mandates that social workers take a proactive stand on environmental exploitation and environmental justice issues in all facets of their professional activities. This requires social work education to provide a more comprehensive view of the environment to include the physical as well as the social. The authors are faculty members of the Ramapo College Social Work Program, which has infused environmental content into all aspects of its BSW Curriculu
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Manca, Anna Gianna. "Die Verwaltungsgliederung Preußens zwischen historisch-ständischen, administrativ-staatlichen und liberal-politischen Interessen (1815–1867)." Administory 2, no. 1 (2018): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/adhi-2018-0021.

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Abstract The paper deals with the question of the administrative districts in an overall Prussian perspective and emphasizes, above all, the central political role played by the provincial districts and their main authorities within the spaces of the state and of administrative activity. On this basis, it will be possible to adequately appreciate the revolutionary but unsuccessful attempt to abolish them in 1848 by the liberaldemocratic wing of the Constitutional Commission of the Prussian National Assembly, as has not yet been accomplished within the existing historiography. First, the origin
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15

Obushnyi, Mykola. "SEPARATISM IN THE CONFLICTIZATION OF PUBLIC LIFE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.22.

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The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of th
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McCulloch, Allison. "The Use and Abuse of Veto Rights in Power-Sharing Systems: Northern Ireland’s Petition of Concern in Comparative Perspective." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (2017): 735–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.6.

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This article assesses the articulation of vital ethno-national interests and the use and abuse of veto rights in deeply divided societies. In consociational theory, veto rights represent the primary means by which ethnic groups defend their ‘vital interests’, though they are often criticized for rewarding extremism and producing institutional instability. Situating a case study of Northern Ireland in a comparative perspective, I consider two lines of veto practice: liberal vs corporate (i.e. who has veto rights?) and permissive vs restrictive (i.e. to what issue areas do vetoes apply?), to ass
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17

Kydd, Jonathan. "Coffee After Copper? Structural Adjustment, Liberalisation, and Agriculture in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (1988): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010454.

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In contrast to its policies in the economic sphere, Zambia has one of Africa's most liberal approaches to press freedom. To convey the flavour of public debate during, or immediately after, the 19-month experiment with a market-determined exchange rate, 10 quotations are presented below:Large scale mining will continue for 12 to 20 years, but small-working may go on for 50–60 years.– Francis Kaunda, Chairman, Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines, June 1987.Coffe after copper.– Campaign slogan of the Coffee Growers Committee of the Commercial Farmers' Bureau.Even real socialist countries have to fi
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18

Gárdos-Orosz, Fruzsina. "The reference to constitutional traditions in populist constitutionalism – The case of Hungary." Hungarian Journal of Legal Studies 61, no. 1 (2021): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2052.2021.00298.

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AbstractThe paper aims to highlight the nature and the relevance of the reference to constitutional traditions in the building of populist constitutionalism, with special regard to the Hungarian case. In Hungary the goals and effects of this reference – especially the references to the achievements of the historical constitution – must be discussed at the level of the constitutional text and with regard to the formation of the new constitutional jurisprudence and, furthermore, to the creation of the constitutional identity. Outstanding political theories have been built about the elements of n
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19

Beke, Dirk. "La Constitution Algerienne De 1989: Une Passerelle Entre le Socialisme Et L’islamisme?" Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (1991): 241–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-00703004.

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The Algerian Constitution of 1989: A Bridge Between Socialism and Islamism? The riots of october 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted
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20

Batakovic, Dusan. "The road to democracy: The development of constitutionalism in Serbia 1869-1903." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738133b.

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After the swiftly abolished liberal Constitution of 1835 and the imposed 'Turkish' one of 1838 (imposed by the Russians and Ottomans, guarantors of Serbia's autonomy granted in 1830, to limit the princely power), the development of constitutionalism in modern Serbia went through several phases. As elsewhere in the Balkans, constitutions usually resulted from a compromise between the ruler and the elites rather than from the will of the people. The 1868 Constitution drew to an extent upon the early nineteenth-century German constitutional monarchies, but, under pressure from the politically mob
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21

Bagdasaryan, Vardan E., Pavel P. Baldin, and Sergey I. Resnyansky. "Messages of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly as a Source of Studying the Historical Policy of Russia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 2 (2021): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.206.

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The purpose of this study is to reconstruct the historical representation of the highest state power in modern Russia (the level of the president) by examining the texts of the presidential messages to the Federal Assembly from 1994 to 2020. As a key research method, content analysis, both semantic and quantitative, was applied. Fragments of messages containing an appeal to events, phenomena, personalities of the past and the historical process as a whole have been examined. The quantitative analysis has revealed the number of usages of the word “history” and the total textual quantity of hist
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22

Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. "The Shaping of Party Preferences in Turkey: Coping with the Post-Cold War Era." New Perspectives on Turkey 20 (1999): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003137.

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An overview of general elections and the party system from the beginning of multi-party politics in Turkey would indicate a proclivity towards an increasing number of major parties coupled with fragmentation of the party system. The predominant party system of the 1950s favored stability over representativeness (see Table 1). The 1961 Constitution established new electoral rules and a liberal political regime, which provided for more opportunity for representativeness. The 1965 and 1969 elections produced party governments, with a proportional representation formula that wasted almost no votes
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23

Pelletier, Réjean, and Manon Tremblay. "Les femmes sont-elles candidates dans des circonscriptions perdues d'avance? De l'examen d'une croyance." Canadian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 2 (1992): 249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900003978.

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AbstractWe can read in the literature that women more often than men are candidates in constituencies where defeat is expected. This study examines whether this belief is accurate. The population examined includes male and female candidates for the Québec Liberal party and the Parti Québécois during the 1976, 1981, 1985 and 1989 elections. Three different formulas were applied to the 958 electoral situations, from which one global difficulty index was devised. Using a log-linear model, the relation between the variables “sex of candidate” and “constituency's level of difficulty” (high, average
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Gołębiowska, Anna. "Gwarancje wolności sumienia i religii w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r." Prawo Kanoniczne 54, no. 3-4 (2011): 333–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2011.54.3-4.13.

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The systemic transformation initiated by the Roundtable talks of 1989 made it necessary for Poland to amend its constitution, including the regulations concerning the freedom of conscience and religion. Reflecting only the Catholic Church’s official positions, presents issues concerning the Catholic Church’s position on religious freedom in the individual dimension, that is, the freedom of conscience and religion. The Conference of the Polish Episcopate’s 1990-1997 positions on religious freedom in the individual dimensions contained some of the most important aspects of the teaching of the Se
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Williams, Paul D. "Back from the brink: Labor's re-election at the 2017 Queensland state election." Queensland Review 25, no. 1 (2018): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2018.3.

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AbstractHistory will record the 2017 Queensland state election not only for its series of firsts — Annastacia Palaszczuk is the first woman state premier to win two successive elections — but also because it defied expectations. Despite its own lack-lustre campaign, an inauspicious economic climate and the revival of Pauline Hanson's One Nation (PHON), Palaszczuk's Labor Government enjoyed a small after-preference swing to it (despite a small primary swing against it) to win four additional seats and, with it, its first majority in the Legislative Assembly. Conversely, the Liberal-National Par
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MULLIGAN, WILLIAM. "CIVIL–MILITARY RELATIONS IN THE EARLY WEIMAR REPUBLIC." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (2002): 819–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002698.

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The historiography on civil–military relations in the early years of the Weimar Republic has concentrated on issues such as the soldiers' councils, the threat of a radical left-wing uprising and the difficulties of demobilization. This article broadens the perspective on co-operation between the officer corps and the government, arguing that the collapse of the Kaiserreich provided an opportunity to remake the state. For very different reasons, liberal and socialist politicians and officers shared a community of interests in centralizing the Reich. Officers believed that a more centralized sta
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Murray, Colin RG, and Aoife O'Donoghue. "TOWARDS UNILATERALISM? HOUSE OF COMMONS OVERSIGHT OF THE USE OF FORCE." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2016): 305–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589316000154.

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AbstractEngaging democratically elected assemblies in national decision-making over the extraterritorial use of force seemingly provides a secure check on executive abuses of power. Many liberal democracies therefore maintain constitutional requirements that their elected national assembly must authorize decisions to use military force. By comparison, the UK Parliament has historically played a limited and often indirect role in authorizing the use of force. From the vote on the Iraq War in 2003 onwards, however, the UK Parliament's role has increased to the point where, in August 2013, the de
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Pešić, Miroslav. "Party struggles in the Kingdom of Serbia from 1884 to 1887." Зборник радова Филозофског факултета у Приштини 50, no. 4 (2020): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp50-26092.

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Garašanin's Progressive Government proposed to the National Assembly, which was held in Niš in May 1884, to adopt amendments to several laws of a political nature after the demise of the Timok rebellion. These were the bills amending the law: on the press, on the associations and choirs, on the municipality, and on the gendarmerie. By adopting these repressive laws, the progressives practically prevented the work of political parties, reinforced police surveillance over the municipalities, and increased the gendarmerie forces further. The lost war with Bulgaria in 1885 marked the beginning of
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Denysov, Volodymyr. "V.M.Koretsky at the United Nations. Codification and Progressive Development of International Law (To the 130th Anniversary of his Birth)." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 32 (2021): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2021-32-13-40.

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On the occasion of the 130th anniversary of the birth of Academician V. M.Koretsky his activity at the United Nations is highlighted, which covers the period 1946–1970 in its structures of the codification and progressive development of international law. These are bodies like the General Assembly, the Committee on Progressive Development of International Law and Its Codification, the International Law Commission, the Human Rights Commission and its Editorial committee for the preparation of the draft of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. His participation in a number of international
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.

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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the All
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Bebeji, Umar Sani, Hussaini Bala, and Hassan Bala. "THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ISLAMIC BANKING AND THE QUEST FOR FINANCIAL INCLUSION IN NIGERIA." Jurnal Syariah 28, no. 3 (2020): 501–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/js.vol28no3.6.

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The banking sector is the backbone of every economy. It determines not only the pace of growth of modern economic systems, but also the prosperity of nations. But its reliance on interest, liberal prudential guidelines and its very capitalist foundation make it incompatible with Islamic law – the faith practiced predominantly in some regions of Nigeria. Securing loans for investments comes with cut-throat conditions, riddled with cases of fraudulent and unfair practices. As a way around this, scholars began to think of how to expurgate those elements considered incompatible with the Shariah. S
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Ozohu-Suleiman, Ph.D., Abdulhamid. "State, Market and Citizens’ Sector in Post-Transition Societies: Towards an Inclusive Framework of Governance in Nigeria." Advances in Social Science and Culture 1, no. 2 (2019): p211. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/assc.v1n2p211.

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The crisis of governance being experienced by states in the continent of Africa since the fourth quarter of the last century has provoked widespread debates on good governance and its requirements. These debates revolve around the premises of welfarism aimed at evaluating the capacity of the state to deliver existential requirements of citizens. The point at issues is that the most significant ends of good governance are citizens and their quality of life. Thus, in connecting government with the society as a whole (to secure this mandate), scholarly preoccupation has been on the changing tripa
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Aston, Nigel. "Reviews : R. R. Palmer, ed. and trans., From Jacobin to Liberal. Marc-Antoine Jullien, 1775-1848, Princeton, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-03299-8, 1993; xi + 243 pp.; £30.00 Harriet B. Applewhite, Political Alignment in the French National Assembly 1789-1791, Louisiana, Louisiana University Press, ISBN 0-9071-1751-X, 1993; xxxii + 279 pp.; £42.75." European History Quarterly 25, no. 3 (1995): 468–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149502500318.

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Saunders, John. "Editorial." International Sports Studies 42, no. 1 (2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/iss.42-1.01.

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Covid 19 – living the experience As I sit at my desk at home in suburban Brisbane, following the dictates on self-isolation shared with so many around the world, I am forced to contemplate the limits of human prediction. I look out on a world which few could have predicted six months ago. My thoughts at that time were all about 2020 as a metaphor for perfect vision and a plea for it to herald a new period of clarity which would arm us in resolving the whole host of false divisions that surrounded us. False, because so many appear to be generated by the use of polarised labelling strategies whi
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"Sudan Opens New National Assembly and Appoints Cabinet Members; Liberia Elects Ellen Johnson as President." Foreign Policy Bulletin 16, no. 03 (2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703606000311.

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Power, Séamus A. "Revisiting the crowd: Peaceful assembly in Irish water protests." Culture & Psychology, April 17, 2021, 1354067X2110054. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x211005414.

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The enactment of the Water Services Bill into Irish law on December 28, 2014, was met with strong opposition from the Irish public, manifesting in local and national demonstrations. This social movement provided an ideal case to examine interactions between protesters and police in different contexts. Ethnographic observations and randomly sampled interviews took place before, and during, seven national demonstrations in Dublin, Ireland. Simultaneously, urban ethnographic research yielded in-depth observational and interview data at local protests in another Irish city. Data from both national
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Beke, Dirk. "The Algerian Constitution of 1989: a Bridge between Socialism and Islamism?" Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (1991). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v7i3.6120.

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The riots of October 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted directly to a popular referendum. In contradiction with the procedure fixed
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Retter, Hein. "After the German November Revolution 1918: The Compromise on Religious Instruction in Elementary Schools in the Weimar Constitution." International Dialogues on Education Journal 5, no. 2 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.53308/ide.v5i2.71.

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A tiny section on the agenda of the National Assembly of the Weimar Republic from February to July, 1919 was entitled ‟Religious instruction and the public elementary school”, part of the preparation for the new Constitution of the German Reich, the so-called Weimar Constitution [Weimarer Reichsverfassung; abbr. WRV], of August 11th, 1919. The three democratic parties, the moderate-socialist SPD, the Catholic Zentrum Party and the liberal-democrat DDP, were the political mainstays of the Weimar Republic, which existed from 1919 to 1933. But these three parties had absolutely different ideologi
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"Ideological foundations of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists Abroad (1950s – early 1990s)." V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Bulletin "History of Ukraine. Ukrainian Studies: Historical and Philosophical Sciences", no. 31 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-6505-2020-31-06.

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The article is devoted to the study of transformation of the nationalist ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists Abroad in the 1950s – early 1990s. The article describes how members of the radical movement, revolutionary underground armed groups carried out the actualization of ideological doctrine under the influence of activities in Western democracies. On the basis of analysis of ideological publications of members of the organization and program documents, the integration of the principles of liberal and social democracy into the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism is investig
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Кацис, Л. Ф. "Vasiliy V. Shulgin and V. E. Zhabotinsky in Kyivanin and Kyiv Mysl, 1917–1918: from the English intelligence to Alphabet (on the problem of building network information structures before and after the revolution)." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 37(2021) (June 2, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2021.2021.37.001.

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В статье рассматривается политическая ситуация в Киеве в 1917-1918 гг., как она отразилась в газетной полемике между «Киевской мыслью» и «Киевлянином». Особое внимание уделено полемике между В.В. Шульгиным, открыто печатавшим свои статьи, посвященные наиболее актуальным вопросам политической жизни России и Украины под своим именем в правом и националистическом «Киевлянине», и текстам «В. Рудина» из «Киевской мысли», подписанных псевдонимом. В работе показывается, что авторы обеих газет держали тексты и позиции друг друга в поле своего зрения, судя по всему, зная друг друга. На основании анализ
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Redden, Guy. "Packaging the Gifts of Nation." M/C Journal 2, no. 7 (1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1800.

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The contemporary supermarket is a work of classification and cataloguing as marvellous as any museum. Barcodes are hallmarks by which its computer systems could know, in their own electronic language, every possible product of a certain kind afoot in the nation. It is a rather special institution in this respect -- a huge fund of contemporary synchronic cultural memory, a database and storehouse of collected human tastes to which individuals turn to seek out their own. However, this means that just as Wittgenstein demonstrated the impossibility of a purely private language, there can be no suc
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Fineman, Daniel. "The Anomaly of Anomaly of Anomaly." M/C Journal 23, no. 5 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1649.

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‘Bitzer,’ said Thomas Gradgrind. ‘Your definition of a horse.’‘Quadruped. Graminivorous. Forty teeth, namely twenty-four grinders, four eye-teeth, and twelve incisive. Sheds coat in the spring; in marshy countries, sheds hoofs, too. Hoofs hard, but requiring to be shod with iron. Age known by marks in mouth.’ Thus (and much more) Bitzer.‘Now girl number twenty,’ said Mr. Gradgrind. ‘You know what a horse is.’— Charles Dickens, Hard Times (1854)Dickens’s famous pedant, Thomas Gradgrind, was not an anomaly. He is the pedagogical manifestation of the rise of quantification in modernism that was t
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Potts, Graham. "For God and Gaga: Comparing the Same-Sex Marriage Discourse and Homonationalism in Canada and the United States." M/C Journal 15, no. 6 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.564.

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We Break Up, I Publish: Theorising and Emotional Processing like Taylor Swift In 2007 after the rather painful end of my first long-term same-sex relationship I asked myself two questions (and like a good graduate student wrote a paper about it that was subsequently published): (1) what is love; (2) and if love exists, are queer and straight love somehow different. I asked myself the second question because, unlike my previous “straight” breakups (back when I honestly thought I was straight), this one was different, was far more messy, and seemed to have a lot to do with the fact that my then
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Seale, Kirsten, and Emily Potter. "Wandering and Placemaking in London: Iain Sinclair’s Literary Methodology." M/C Journal 22, no. 4 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1554.

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Iain Sinclair is a writer who is synonymous with a city. Sinclair’s sustained literary engagement with London from the mid 1960s has produced a singular account of place in that city (Bond; Baker; Seale “Iain Sinclair”). Sinclair is a leading figure in a resurgent and rebranded psychogeographic literature of the 1990s (Coverley) where on-foot wandering through the city brings forth narrative. Sinclair’s wandering, materialised as walking, is central to the claim of intimacy with the city that underpins his authority as a London writer. Furthermore, embodied encounters with the urban landscape
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Humphry, Justine, and César Albarrán Torres. "A Tap on the Shoulder: The Disciplinary Techniques and Logics of Anti-Pokie Apps." M/C Journal 18, no. 2 (2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.962.

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In this paper we explore the rise of anti-gambling apps in the context of the massive expansion of gambling in new spheres of life (online and offline) and an acceleration in strategies of anticipatory and individualised management of harm caused by gambling. These apps, and the techniques and forms of labour they demand, are examples of and a mechanism through which a mode of governance premised on ‘self-care’ and ‘self-control’ is articulated and put into practice. To support this argument, we explore two government initiatives in the Australian context. Quit Pokies, a mobile app project bet
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Hudson, Kirsten. "For My Own Pleasure and Delight." M/C Journal 15, no. 4 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.529.

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IntroductionThis paper addresses two separate notions of embodiment – western maternal embodiment and art making as a form of embodied critical resistance. It takes as its subject breeder; my unpublished five minute video installation from 2012, which synthesises these two separate conceptual framings of embodiment as a means to visually and conceptually rupture dominant ideologies surrounding Australian motherhood. Emerging from a paradoxical landscape of fear, loathing and desire, breeder is my dark satirical take on ambivalent myths surrounding suburban Australian motherhood. Portraying my
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