Relevant bibliographies by topics / Liberia – Politics and government – 1980-

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Liberia – Politics and government – 1980-'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Liberia – Politics and government – 1980-"

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James, Patrick. "Energy Politics in Canada, 1980–1981: Threat Power in a Sequential Game." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 1 (March 1993): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900002432.

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AbstractOver a decade ago, the federal Liberal government announced one of the most controversial policy initiatives in Canadian history, the National Energy Program (NEP). The bargaining that followed the NEP's announcement on October 28, 1980 is easily recalled; intense disagreements focussed on economic, partisan and, ultimately, constitutional issues. While these events have stimulated a wide range of investigations, a prominent gap exists in the scholarship: very few studies adopt a game-theoretic perspective. In seeking to explain strategic interaction over energy policy, such an approach might increase understanding of the difficult political processes surrounding the NEP in a wider context.These are five stages to the game-theoretic investigation that follows. First, a brief history of the phase of confrontation is provided. Second, the game-theoretic interpretation is presented in general terms, including participants, strategies and potential outcomes. Relevant measurements are derived in the third phase. In the fourth stage, the process of a sequential game is analyzed, in both abstract and operational terms. Fifth, and finally, policy-related implications of the analysis are discussed, along with possible directions for further research.
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KEMAN, HANS. "Cutting Back Public Investment after 1980: Collateral Damage, Policy Legacies and Political Adjustment." Journal of Public Policy 30, no. 2 (June 25, 2010): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x1000005x.

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AbstractSince the 1980s public investment expenditures have been cut back in many OECD democracies. One explanation is a priority for fiscal stringency in order to curb big government in the context of neo-liberal ideas, which is reinforced by EMU requirements in the 1990s. Another is the potential impact of left and right partisan politics on investment policies. The main finding here is that the overall decrease in public investment expenditure appears to be caused by collateral damage due to the downsizing of total government outlays. This is particularly the case where there is a policy legacy of the Left with high levels of total public spending on the welfare state prior to the 1980s. Where the Right in government has been dominant after 1980, this downward development in public investment is particularly noticeable.
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Devlin, Carol A. "The Eucharistic Procession of 1908: The Dilemma of the Liberal Government." Church History 63, no. 3 (September 1994): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167537.

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In September 1908 the British Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, offended Roman Catholics by cancelling the procession of the Blessed Sacrament, which was to have been the climax of the 1908 international Eucharistic Congress. This incident illustrates the persistence of religious extremism as a disruptive force in British politics and the muddled manner in which Asquith's government dealt with crises. As early as 1900 social and economic issues had become the dominant focus of British politics, and Great Britain had established a reputation for religious toleration. In spite of the growing trend toward secularism, militant Protestants continued to agitate against Catholicism by resurrecting archaic laws restricting Catholic rituals.
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Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.

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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.
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Blasen, Philippe Henri. "Romaniani­zation and Half-Hearted Concessions. The Last Four Years of German-Language Education in Southern Bessarabia (1936-1940)." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 9, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i1_4.

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The article discusses the status of German-language education in Southern Bessarabia in the last years of Romanian domination, before the Soviet takeover in June 1940 and the subsequent resettlement of the local German population in September 1940. It shows that neither the national-liberal government (1933-1938) nor the regime of King Carol II (1938-1940) complied with the 28 October 1920 treaty between the principal allied powers and Romania respecting Bessarabia, an agreement that granted the Romanian nationals of German ethnicity the right to establish and manage schools, as well as to use the German language in the educational sphere. Both the national-liberal government and the regime of King Carol II obstructed public and confessional German-language education in Southern Bessarabia.
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Lippert, Randy. "Canadian Refugee Determination and Advanced Liberal Government." Canadian journal of law and society 13, no. 2 (1998): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100005780.

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AbstractSignificant changes in the refugee determination domain during the 1980s are made intelligible by deploying the concepts of programme, rationality, and technology drawn from the recent governmentality literature. Following a crisis of governability in the mid-1980s, refugee determination continued to move farther from the reach of political authorities. By 1989 it was reassembled in a manner involving a greater reliance on law, on the regular production of medical and psychiatric knowledge in new sites outside the state and a documentation centre, all of which is consistent with the onset of advanced liberal government. Closer examination of the documentation centre shows it permits scrutiny of information destined for use in legal oral hearings; is a form of political subjectification; and serves as a panoptic device that targets non-Western nations and populations consistent with advanced liberalism. In this way the documentation centre also illustrates the overlap of Canadian and international refugee regimes.
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Gordon, Joel. "The False Hopes of 1950: The Wafd's Last Hurrah and the Demise of Egypt's Old Order." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 2 (May 1989): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032281.

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In January 1950, in the first free election held in nearly eight years, Egyptians went to the polls to return a Wafdist government to power. After having been banished from office for five years, Egypt's majority party assumed office aware that it shouldered a heavy burden of responsibility. Between October 1944, when the King dismissed the war-time government of Mustafa al-Nahhas, and January 1950, eight minority governments governed, or tried to govern, Egypt. Escalating political violence marked a period of increasing disillusion with parliamentary rule that encompassed all sectors of Egyptian society. Indeed, it might be argued that Egypt's ancien régime survived until 1950 only because the minority governments marshaled the coercive powers of the state to control the streets, campuses, and factories, where dissidence was most manifest. At the time, many sensed that if the political establishment failed to achieve the evacuation of British troops from Egyptian soil, contain rampant inflation, and narrow the gap between rich and poor, martial law could not save the liberal order from collapse. What would follow was uncertain, but talk of revolution, fearful or hopeful, filled the air.
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Priyonggo, Armedyestu, Yety Rochwulaningsih, and Indriyanto Indriyanto. "The Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI) 1950-1959: Political Role and Progress during Liberal Democracy." Indonesian Historical Studies 2, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v2i1.2888.

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The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During the independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period.
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Gwekwerere, Gadziro. "Gospel Music as a Mirror of the Political and Socio-Economic Developments in Zimbabwe, 1980-2007." Exchange 38, no. 4 (2009): 329–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016627409x12474551163619.

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AbstractThis paper explores, analyses and discusses Zimbabwean gospel song themes from 1980 up to 2007 in relation to the Zimbabwean political and socio-economic situations in the country. The history of the socio-economic and political development of Zimbabwe during 1980-2007 would certainly be incomplete without including gospel music. Until about the mid-1980s, the general atmosphere in the newly-independent state of Zimbabwe was characterized by liberation euphoria and great optimism for the future. Equally so, local gospel music during this period was largely celebrative and conformist as far as the political and socio-economic dispensation was concerned. Socio-economic hardships crept in as a result of the government's implementation of neo-liberal economic reforms under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during the early 1990s. The ruling party soon found itself confronted by a multitude of gospel musicians criticizing its policies and malpractices. Works of various gospel artistes will be used as evidence but due to issues of space, it has not been possible to cover all Zimbabwean gospel artists.
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Gleeson, Denis. "Life Skills Training and the Politics of Personal Effectiveness." Sociological Review 34, no. 2 (May 1986): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1986.tb02707.x.

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In recent years social and life skills curriculum has emerged to occupy an important place in new training initiatives, particularly those associated with YTS and pre-vocational courses such as TVEI, CPVE and City and Guids 365. one level the attraction of ‘life skills’ training is that it is relevant and address, in ways that traditional Liberal and General Studies could not, the practical problems likely to affect young people as adults, as parents and as employees. another, ambiguity surrounds the criteria upon which such skills for living are constructed and appraised, not least because of their close behavioural connection with altering young peoples’ attitudes toward authority, industry and society. Despite recent concern about the dangers of bias and indoctrination elsewhere in mainstream education, this controversial aspect of government intervention in vocational training (DEP 1981; MSC 1981; DEP 1984) has escaped the critical attention of those who currently express concern about standards in education (Scrution et al 1985). For this reason the paper seeks to examine the kind of ‘official’ thinking which lies behind life skills training, and the skills which are thought necessary to enhance the ‘personal effectiveness’ of young people. This would seem all the more important in view of the government's contention that technical and vocational education (14–18) now constitutes a viable alternative for those who fail to succeed in mainstream education. (DEP 1981, 1984; MSC 1981, 1982a).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Liberia – Politics and government – 1980-"

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Domson-Lindsay, Albert. "Towards a broader application of decision-making paradigms: a case study of the establishment of ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981.

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The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
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Martin, De Almagro Maria. "(Un)globalizing civil society: when the boomerang rebounds :transnational advocacy networks and women groups in post-conflict Burundi and Liberia." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209092.

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To date, few scholars have addressed the internal dynamics of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and their impact on the production of international norms. The lack of research on the topic seems rather surprising at a time when constructivists produce literature on the significance of global civil society and the role networks play in processes of recruitment and collective identity construction (Crugel 1999; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Boli and Thomas 1999; Anheier et al. 2001; Taylor and Rupp 2001; Keane 2003; Bob 2005). I cover this gap by looking at how power struggles between the international and the local members of a TAN shape the implementation of international norms in post-conflict settings. The purpose of the thesis is twofold: firstly to contribute to a broader literature on global civil society and secondly, to propose a new, more dynamic account on the life-cycle of international norms. The campaign for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security presents an ideal case study. First, it is one of the most successful stories of global norm creation and diffusion thanks to the advocacy efforts of non-state actors. Second, it also shows a case of policy gridlock, where the international efforts to bettering the situation of women in non-Western settings through an implicit liberal normative teleology have shown their limits by the socializee’s formal acceptance of the framework and informal resistance to the dominant norm. Based on extensive fieldwork, my approach combines feminist research methodology (Bar On 1993; Devault 1990; Pillow 2003; Taylor 2000), with the reflexive approach advocated by qualitative researchers in post-colonial and post-structuralist studies (Said 1978; Butler 1990; Escobar 1995). I conducted 60 semi-structured interviews with women activists during 4 field visits in Bujumbura (Burundi) and Monrovia (Liberia) between 2012 and 2013. Following discourse analysis theory (Shepherd 2008; Hansen 2006) and using NViVo8, the interviews were systematically analysed with regard to the reasons they put forward to explain their engagement in the women’s movement and the type of rights they sought to accomplish. The research is conducted through a relational approach in which the interactions of agents are affected by 1) a diversity of structural opportunities through three mechanisms: brokerage, gatekeeping and diffusion and, 2) a compound of ideas forming the master-frame. Those two, in turn, modify interests and identities, both understood as outputs and not as variables determining the interactions of agents. I show how a certain discourse on gender security became accepted as the master frame of the campaign, and how other discourses were left out. That is, I show how discourses created boundaries and identities amongst actors, and how these actors used their agency to stretch those boundaries and identities in order to steer other activists to move towards certain behaviour. Building upon my empirical findings, the thesis sets out a theoretical model of identity boundaries stretching and adaptation in order to analyse the discursive construction of identity and subjectivity as political action. It develops the concept of rebound effect, that is, the point where the ideational boundaries between the thrower of the boomerang (issue entrepreneur) and the receiver (issue follower) are so impervious that the boomerang bounces back and never reaches its destination. I found out that norms based on a liberal peacebuilding approach such as UNSCR1325 are created and maintained by a failure to engage with local and grassroots movements (Richmond 2013). This, in turn, contributes to a process of de-legitimization of NGOs and local associations who form the TAN vis-à-vis the affected population. My findings have important implications for international relation theories of global governance and global activism since they provided a critique of the mainstream norm’s cascade model by introducing new temporalities and geographies in the analysis of the life-cycle of international norms.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Kok, Chantelle. "Warlords in Africa’s “New Wars” Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor compared." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4283.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study was to describe the factors that led to the creation of warlords in Angola and Sierra Leone so as to better understand the dynamics and origins of warlord politics. The two warlords that were focused on, and compared, were Jonas Savimbi (Angola) and Charles Taylor (Liberia and Sierra Leone). Authors like Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006, 2007) and Collier and Hoeffler (2004) contributed toward the base of this study. Their work captured the issues contributing toward the warlord phenomenon and generated thought surrounding the context in which these warlords arose. John Mackinlay (2000) was used to describe and analyse the origins of warlordism and how the warlord phenomenon has changed with the onset of new wars, especially in the late 20th and 21st centuries (Kaldor, 2006). Furthermore, the work of Thomas H. Greene (1984) was used in guiding this thesis into a systematic study, focusing mainly on the leadership, following, organization, techniques and external support of both Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor as examples of contemporary warlords. Through utilizing the contributions of the above authors on this topic, the similarities and differences between the two warlords were explored. The study found that while Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor emerged from different eras and contexts (Savimbi out of the Cold War and Taylor as a result of globalization), they both became typical warlords. Savimbi only became a warlord after 1992. Before, Savimbi used Maoist ideology while an insurgent against Portugal, whereafter he became a rebel in the Angolan civil war. Taylor was a warlord in diamond-rich neighbouring Sierra Leone. Both used identity politics to gather a following while Taylor used brute force and the manipulation of the youth. They both manipulated illicit criminal networking and operated internationally, smuggling diamonds. The main difference, however, is that Taylor was an insurgent in Liberia where he seized power in 1990 and became president in 1997, while a warlord in neighbouring Sierra Leone. Savimbi, on the other hand, never attained presidential power even though he participated in the 1992 Angolan elections which he lost, whereafter he ceased to be a revolutionary, and became a real warlord without the external support he previously had. Savimbi was assassinated in 2002 and Taylor abdicated in 2003, currently standing trial in the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. He stands trial for the human right atrocities committed in Sierra Leone. Their legacies live on.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was om die faktore te beskryf wat gely het tot die ontstaan van krygshere (“warlords“)in Angola en Sierra Leone, en om die dinamika van krygsheerpolitiek beter te verstaan. Die twee krygshere waarop gefokus en vergelyk was, is Jonas Savimbi (Angola) en Charles Taylor (Liberië en Sierra Leone). Die denke van skrywers soos Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006, 2007) en Collier & Hoeffler (2004) het bygedra tot die basis van hierdie studie. Hulle werk het ingesluit die aspekte wat bygedra het tot die krygsheer fenomeen, en het besinning aangemoedig oor die agtergrondsfaktore waaruit hierdie twee krygshere ontstaan het. John Mackinlay (2000) se werk is gebruik om die oorsprong van krygsheerpolitiek te beskryf, asook hoe die krygsheerfenomeen verander het met die uitbreek van “nuwe oorloë“ (Kaldor, 2006), veral aan die einde van die 20ste en 21ste eeue. Verder is die werk van Thomas H. Greene (1984) gebruik om hierdie tesis ‘n sistematiese struktuur te gee wat gefokus is op die leierskap, volgelinge, organisasie, tegnieke en eksterne ondersteuning van Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor. Hierdie twee persone is albei voorbeelde van kontemporêre krygshere in die jongste verlede. ‘n Vergelykende studie verg dat ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee krygshere verken word deur gebruik te maak van die bydraes van bogenoemde skrywers. In die studie is bevind dat alhoewel Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor uit verskillende eras en agtergrond kom (Savimbi uit die Koue Oorlog en Taylor as gevolg van globalisasie), albei tipiese krygshere geword het. Savimbi het Maoistiese ideologie gebruik terwyl hy ’n insurgent teen Portugal was. Daarná het hy ’n rebel in die Angolese burgeroorlog geword. Hy het eers na 1992 ‘n krygsheer geword nadat hy die verkiesing verloor het en sy buitelandse steun verloor het. Taylor, aan die ander kant, was ‘n krygsheer in die diamantryke buurland, Sierra Leone. Altwee krygshere het identiteitspolitiek gebruik om volgelinge te kry, terwyl Taylor ook brutale krag en die manipulasie van die jeug gebruik het. Hulle het beide internasionale diamante gesmokkel deur kriminele netwerke te gebruik. Die groot vi verskil is egter dat terwyl Taylor ‘n krygsheer in Sierra Leone was, was hy ook ‘n insurgent in Liberië, waar hy in 1990 mag gekry het en in 1997 president geword het. Savimbi, aan die ander kant, het nooit presidensiële mag verkry nie, alhoewel hy deelgeneem het aan die 1992 Angolese verkiesing. Hy het daarna opgehou om ‘n revolusionêr en ‘n rebel te wees en het ‘n ware krygsheer geword (sonder die eksterne ondersteuning wat hy voorheen gehad het). Savimbi is in 2002 vermoor en Taylor het in 2003 abdikeer. Taylor is tans onder verhoor in Den Haag waar hy tereg staan by die Internasionale Strafhof vir oorlogsmisdade en menseregteskendings in Sierra Leone. Beide hierdie krygshere se nalatenskap leef egter voort.
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Clarke, Roland Tuwea. "Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia: The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1038.

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Despite the remarkable contributions made by women to secure peace in Liberia, women's representation in politics is still low. The first female African President has been elected, as well as a few women to strategic government positions, but the vast majority of women remain invisible. The reliance on these few women in government is inadequate to produce the significant changes that will be required to bring equality for all women. This study examines the recognition of women's relative participation and recognition in postwar reconstruction in Liberia. Differences between traditional and non-traditional women's participation in Liberia were found. This study includes interviews and document review as methods for exploring how women, traditional and nontraditional, may or may not participate in Liberian political decisions.
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Mbulle-Nziege, Leonard. "Post -war recovery and development in Liberia since 2013." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12361.

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The aims and objectives of this study are notably, to provide an overall understanding of the history of Liberia, from the country’s foundation, through the civil war, up to the present day post-conflict scenario. It intends to identify the strategies and schemes put in place by Liberian officials and other stakeholders, while outlining the importance of attaining the goals attached to these various plans. The difficulties of achieving these post-conflict development goals will also be noted, and finally, It analyses whether the concepts used in Liberia might also be implemented in post-conflict societies not only in Africa, but all over the world.
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Chabal, Emile. "Republicanism, liberalism and the search for political consensus in France, c.1980-c.2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610454.

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Anyia, Albert Ethasor. "Religion and politics in Nigeria : the role of religious actors in government decision making, 1980-2009." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.590126.

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In this thesis, I examine the role of religion in Nigerian government decision-making from 1980 to 2009, providing a clear and concise account of the ways in which selected Nigerian religious actors, such as the Christian Association of Nigeria and the Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs interacted with government policy actors on two key policy issues: membership of the Organisation of Islam Conference (OIC; international policy) and the adoption of Sharia law (domestic policy). Demographically, Nigeria is equally divided between Christians and Muslims and religious belief is widespread and has no clear boundaries within the country's domestic politics and international relations. Religion and politics mix freely. playing significant roles in the individual's political and social relationships at all levels of society. Nigeria claims to have a secular constitution, but religion has become increasingly important in the public sphere and this thesis is primarily concerned with the political influence of religious actors in the Nigerian government decision-making process. Emphasis is put on investigating organizational access by religious interest groups to policy makers and their influence over policy outcome within the political process. If said groups and policymakers share religious allegiance, are these allegiances reflected in policy outcome? i.e .• when and how do specific religious actors seek to influence the political outcomes of government decision-making? The finding of this thesis suggests that religious groups have a significant role in government decision-making, especially in relation to the impact that superior Muslim religious actors have within the policy-making structure in Nigeria on both OIC policy, and on the three arms of government in Muslim-dominated Sharia states. This study argues that such influence probably enhanced and promoted favourable policy outcomes for religious interest groups, especially Muslim groups.
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Wilen, Nina. "Justifying interventions: (De)Stabilizing sovereignty? the cases of Liberia and Burundi." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210173.

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The thesis poses the question of how one can stabilize a state through external intervention without destabilizing sovereignty. The study critically examines the justifications for international and regional interventions in the cases of Liberia and Burundi through a social constructivist framework. The main objective of the thesis is to enhance the understanding of how sovereignty is interpreted during non-aggressive interventions, both from a theoretical perspective through analysis of official discourses and from a practical perspective through interviews with external and internal actors in the field. The thesis argues that it may be more fruitful for future studies to question the aim of these interventions, rather than ask how to improve them. The study finds that rather than reinforce the sovereignty, these interventions neutralize states subject to external intervention in the sense that they become dependent on external capacity to maintain their stability, thereby maintaining peace and order in the international arena. The conclusion is that these interventions remain both controversial and paradoxical and the stated aim of reinforcing the state's sovereignty is questionable at best.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Ursa, Liana. "Le paradigme Etat, nation, développement: le cas libérien." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209043.

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La manière dont le processus de construction étatique et nationale se déroule, influence le processus de développement d’un pays. Idéal type d’une construction imaginée, le Libéria et les Libériens ont été au centre de notre analyse. L’intérêt pour ce sujet découle :- de notre mécontentement vis-à-vis du postulat de l’inexistence sociologique de la nation libérienne et de la faiblesse du projet national Libéria énoncé par plusieurs auteurs mais aussi - de la méconnaissance par les élites nationales de leurs propres concitoyens, de leurs aspirations, peurs et espérances, soit des prérequis indispensables pour mettre en place un projet de construction nationale, étatique et de développement cohérent et inclusif. Nous avons voulu écouter le peuple et rapporter des sources primaires recueillies sur le terrain pour rendre compte sur ces processus tout en réalisant une analyse documentaire approfondie de la question. Au Libéria, après les années sombres des guerres civiles, la construction d'un nouveau type d'État démocratique et libéral, capable d'incorporer toutes les composantes nationales, s’appuyant sur une identité suprême partagée, a été prônée. Mais avant de reconstruire un pays, on doit solidifier la nation. L’ancienne conception d'État et de nation centralisée et limitative doit laisser place à une conception nouvelle intégrative et ouverte, basée sur l’histoire et le vécu de tous les Libériens. A travers cette étude, nous avons cherché à identifier, dans l’imaginaire individuel et collectif, qui sont les Libériens d’aujourd’hui ?Qu’est-ce être Libérien ?En observant, chez eux, l’absence ou la présence d’une adhésion au projet national libérien et ses facteurs explicatifs. Les réponses fournies par nos interlocuteurs seront utiles à tous ceux qui veulent travailler pour la réinvention du Libéria après l’époque du nationalisme ethnocentrique, de la destructrice et meurtrière guerre civile et du difficile démarrage national en après-conflit. La démocratisation du pays a été aussi porteuse d’un projet citoyen qui suppose des droits et des obligations. L’existence d’un fort sentiment d’identification et d’appartenance à un espace donné contribue au renforcement de la démocratie, avec une influence forte sur le développement du pays. L’expérience a montré que les nations se fortifient surtout dans un cadre démocratique et constitutionnel. L’analyse du contenu de la littérature géopolitique et sociale du pays nous a révélé comment l’identité nationale (que nous nommons ici « la libérianité ») s’était construite à

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travers les étapes historiques du pays et le résultat de notre enquête de terrain nous indique comment elle a évolué. Ensuite, nous avons établi le contour de la « libérianité » telle qu’elle est vécue et définie, aujourd’hui, par ceux qui s’identifient comme Libériens. Nous avons aussi constaté l’existence d’une adhésion à l’identité nationale libérienne et au projet national libérien, assumée par - et dont s’est appropriée - une majorité écrasante des individus, indépendamment de leurs identifications assumées ou assignées. Cette adhésion est moins due au facteur ethnique qu’à de facteurs historiques, culturels, linguistiques, sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles, d’inclusion et exclusion. L’identité nationale libérienne est définie à partir des référents historiques, culturels (traditions, danses, fêtes, chants, coutumes), linguistiques et sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles. L’adhésion au projet national libérien est soutenue par les éléments constitutifs de l’identité nationale libérienne. Pour les Libériens-mêmes, l’identité nationale libérienne est une identité légitimante, une identité duale, se basant sur une culture mixte (indigène et moderne), une langue commune (l’anglais libérien) et des éléments identitaires propres qui les distinguent des autres peuples (noms, coutumes, nourriture, danses, chants, vêtements, célébrations etc.). Cette identité est une identité projet, en réinvention continue. L’attachement à la terre commune, « maman Libéria », est sentimental et instrumental. Le projet national libérien est aujourd’hui - intégré parce qu’il exprime la symbiose entre l’âme indigène et des éléments allogènes, entre la tradition africaine propre à la Côte du Poivre (Côte du Poivre) et la modernité :il se base sur l’expérience historique commune. Viennent ensuite, les facteurs sécuritaires (valorisation et protection de leurs vies, propriétés), économiques et psychologiques qui sont mobilisés pour soutenir le projet politique. Nos interlocuteurs sont réalistes, le projet national et étatique actuel présente d’innombrables limites politiques, institutionnelles, culturelles, sociales et économiques mais y adhérer leur procure la seule possibilité de se mettre à l’abri de l’arbitraire de l’homme, d’écarter le spectre d’une nouvelle guerre civile, d’accéder à la citoyenneté porteuse de valorisation personnelle et collective et à une vie épanouissante et prospère. Notre étude, par la recherche documentaire, met aussi en évidence l’évolution du caractère et du contenu de l’idée nationale libérienne, les moments et les personnages y ayant travaillé pour façonner le Libéria et les Libériens depuis 1822 à nos jours. Le Libéria, le premier État indépendant d’Afrique, a toujours eu les caractéristiques de l’étatisme, il a existé sans cesse depuis sa création, en dépit de sa nature patrimoniale et prébende. État failli durant les deux guerres civiles, le Libéria d’après 2003 est en plein processus de

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reconstruction physique et symbolique. Par cette recherche, nous avons étudié l’État, la Nation et le développement du Libéria :plus précisément, la manière dont la mise en place de l’État libérien a influencé le développement de cet espace et le contenu de la nation libérienne, mais aussi la façon dont elle a été instrumentalisée, comment elle a évolué et influencé les processus étatique et de développement national.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Drews, Ronald C. "Electoral manipulation and the influence of polling on politicians : a study of political organization in the Liberal Party of Canada up to the 1984 election campaign." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59613.

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This study examines the influence of polls and pollsters on politicians. The analysis reviews the American literature, which suggests that electoral technology is used by private political consultants to assist the politician in manipulating the voter. Six hypotheses are identified from the electoral manipulation literature, focusing specifically on the influence of political consultants on politicians. These hypotheses are tested with an historical analysis of the use of polls in the political organization of the Liberal Party of Canada from 1943 to 1984. Secondly, in-depth interviews were conducted with prominent Liberals, and are reviewed to further test the hypotheses as they relate to the influence of polling on politicians. The study concludes by examining the rise of electoral technocracy in the party, and by assessing the pollsters' influence on political decision-making.
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Books on the topic "Liberia – Politics and government – 1980-"

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Sawyer, Amos. Effective immediately, dictatorship in Liberia, 1980-1986: A personal perspective. Bremen: Liberia Working Group, 1987.

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Gershoni, Yekutiel. Liberia 1980-85: Derailing the democratization process. Jerusalem: Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2004.

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Andrews, G. Henry. Cry, Liberia, cry! New York: Vantage Press, 1993.

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The diplomacy of prejudice: Liberia in international politics, 1945-1970. New York: Vantage Press, 1985.

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Liberia: The path to war. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, 2007.

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Liberia: The violence of democracy. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006.

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Conference, Liberia Working Group. Papers of the First Liberia Working Group Conference, 1986. Bremen: The Group, 1986.

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Lyons, Terrence. Voting for peace: Postconflict elections in Liberia. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 1999.

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Burrowes, Carl Patrick. Modernization and the decline of press freedom: Liberia, 1847 to 1970. Columbia, SC: Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, 1996.

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Unoke, Ewa. The untold story of the Liberian war. Enugu, Nigeria: ABIC Publishers, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Liberia – Politics and government – 1980-"

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"IX MODERNIZING THE LIBERAL TRADITION: CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT." In The Political Thought of Woodrow Wilson, 1875-1910, 182–213. Princeton University Press, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400859313.182.

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Dunne, Tim. "6. Liberal internationalism." In The Globalization of World Politics, 103–14. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198825548.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the core assumptions of liberalism regarding world politics. It explores why liberals believe in progress, what explains the ascendancy of liberal ideas in world politics since 1945, and whether liberal solutions to global problems are hard to achieve and difficult to sustain. The chapter also considers central ideas in liberal thinking on international relations, including internationalism, idealism, and institutionalism. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges confronting liberalism. Two case studies are presented: one dealing with imperialism and internationalism in nineteenth-century Britain, and the other with the 1990–1991 Gulf War and its implications for collective security. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether liberal internationalist governments have a responsibility to protect other people from atrocity crimes.
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"6. Transforming a Symbol: Democratic Party Government, 1933-1980." In Balanced Budgets and American Politics, 161–97. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501746222-008.

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Davis, Jonathan, and Rohan McWilliam. "Introduction: new histories of Labour and the left in the 1980s." In Labour and the Left in the 1980s. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526106438.003.0001.

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In 1980, notwithstanding the defeat of the Labour government the year before, the political left in its various forms remained a major presence in British life. Local government, the media, trade unions, pressure groups, the arts and academia: all were often dominated by left-of-centre voices that created networks of opposition to the recently elected Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher. Since the reforming Labour government of 1945, the liberal left had some reason to believe that it had shaped the orthodoxies of modern Britain with the welfare state, Keynesian economic policy and the liberal reforms that abolished censorship and challenged gender and racial discrimination. It was still possible, in 1980, for some to believe that a socialist future beckoned....
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Dunne, Tim. "7. Liberalism." In The Globalization of World Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198739852.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the core assumptions of liberalism regarding world politics. It explores why liberals believe in progress, what explains the ascendancy of liberal ideas in world politics since 1945, and whether liberal solutions to global problems are hard to achieve and difficult to sustain. The chapter also considers central ideas in liberal thinking on international relations, including internationalism, idealism, and institutionalism. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges confronting liberalism. Two case studies are presented: one dealing with imperialism and internationalism in nineteenth-century Britain, and the other with the 1990–1991 Gulf War and its implications for collective security. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether democracy is a better system of government and whether it should be promoted by peaceful and forceful means.
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Perkins, John H. "Plant Breeding in Its Institutional and Political Economic Setting, 1900-1940." In Geopolitics and the Green Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195110135.003.0007.

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Geneticists such as Liberty Hyde Bailey and Rowland Harry Biffen were prominent leaders in the new science of plant breeding. By 1940 they and their successors had constructed an elaborate body of theory and methods and had acquired a working collection of plant germ plasm. Plant breeding was an ongoing enterprise in a few countries, and production of such crops as wheat and maize already showed the commercial importance of the science. As noted in chapter 3, the promotion of plant breeding and other agricultural science was part of the industrial revolution and stemmed from (1) the repeal of the Corn Laws in Britain, (2) the development of international markets for wheat and other grains, (3) the population growth and emigration of European peoples to many other parts of earth, (4) the subsequent expansion of land in agriculture, and (5) the increasing mechanization of agriculture. Each of these interlinked factors reflected that the growing of wheat and other grains was increasingly a commercial matter and enhanced the role of science. Conditions conducive to the use of plant breeding also spawned organizations to train plant breeders, support their research, and provide easy access to their results. Agriculture, in turn, came increasingly to depend on a steady stream of new varieties from plant-breeding research. Institutional development in plant breeding did not occur in neat synchrony with the conceptual and methodological breakthroughs outlined in chapter 3. Instead, the growth of organizations depended upon (1) the promotion of the science by scientists, (2) the stresses imposed on farmers by market competition in agricultural products, (3) the perils nations faced in war, and (4) in the case of India, efforts by the British to alleviate famine so that India would remain profitable and governable. Both the organizational infrastructure created by 1940 and the conceptual developments were critically important to the subsequent transformation of wheat yields that occurred between 1940 and 1970. This chapter explores the institutional developments to 1940. Britain, America, and India each started to organize agricultural science before 1900 by forming scientific societies, agricultural improvement associations, private and public experiment stations, educational institutions, and government ministries to promote science.
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Reuss, Martin. "The Development of American Water Resources: Planners, Politicians, and Constitutional Interpretation." In Managing Water Resources, Past and Present. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199267644.003.0010.

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To understand the development of American water resources, one must first look at American political and social values and American governmental institutions. Even a cursory examination shows the lasting influence of decisions and attitudes moulded as the country took its first hesitant steps as a republic. Historian Joyce Appleby (2000: 249) has argued that the first generation of Americans bequeathed ‘open opportunity, an unfettered spirit of inquiry, [and] personal liberty’ to future generations—qualities, we might note, that often introduce an element of uncertainty into public administration. But if we extend the analysis a bit, we might not only gain an appreciation of the many challenges facing water resource developers, but also illuminate a fundamental question facing democratic nations: to what extent should human liberty be constrained in order to provide and manage a human necessity—water. Beyond Appleby’s observations, one notes at least two pervasive elements woven into American political behaviour. The first, the inescapable, element is distrust of powerful governments. Power corrupts, the first Americans agreed without much hesitation, and the challenge was how to minimize that corruption, how to ensure that good men will not be enticed to do evil, and how to disperse power to minimize oppression. Loudly over the years, Americans continue to proclaim their distrust of big government; even popular presidents generate scepticism when they appear to reach for increased power and authority. Only as a last resort, and then with resignation, not enthusiasm, as during the Great Depression, do Americans turn to the national government to solve their problems (Kelley 1989: 30-1; Wills 1999). The result can be truly impressive: Grand Coulee and Bonneville dams, locks and dams on the Upper Mississippi, the California Central Valley Project, and the Los Angeles flood control system all came out of depression era politics, but, as I will argue, all are aberrations in the story of American water resources. The second element, almost as pervasive as the first, is that power and liberty are fundamental antagonists. The dispersion of power among the three branches of government purposely sets power at war with itself rather than with ‘life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness’.
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Rindzevičiūtė, Eglė. "The Avant-Garde of System-Cybernetic Governmentality." In The Power of Systems. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501703188.003.0009.

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This epilogue addresses the complex question of the link between system-cybernetic governmentality and the neoliberal transformation of post-Soviet Russia. Although the system-cybernetic governmentality and economic neoliberalism did not share institutional origins, they were linked during the post-Soviet transformation as a result of historical momentum: the members of the Soviet systems approach community were best positioned to conduct the transfer of the models of the market economy from the West at a time when neoliberal ideas on the free market economy were gaining popularity. However, this should not mean that the pre-1980 history of system-cybernetic governmentality should be tainted as neoliberal; rather, this reveals the extent to which scientific governance can be appropriated by different economic and political regimes. If anything, the pre-1980 history of system-cybernetic governmentality is a history of a rather liberal governmental technology, underscoring the conditions of autonomy, self-regulation, and government at a distance.
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"A difficult readjustment: the political economy of the Orlando and Nitti governments, November 1918–June 1920." In The Crisis of Liberal Italy, 195–235. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511523281.008.

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"Breaching the Wall." In Thunder from the Right, edited by Matthew L. Harris, 1–20. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042256.003.0001.

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Ezra Taft Benson’s fierce political views were often indistinguishable from his religious ones. During his five decades as an LDS general authority, including forty-two years in the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles (1943-1985) and nine years as LDS church president (1985-1994), he promoted a conservative constitutionalism that breached the wall between church and state. This introduction explores Benson’s conservativism, particularly his views on church and state, and most prominently his indefatigable efforts to align the Mormon Church with his right-wing views. He envisioned a world of free markets, limited government, personal choice, and liberty under law. At the same time, he condemned labor unions, liberalism, and government welfare programs, notably federal aid to education, Medicaid and Medicare, and Social Security
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Conference papers on the topic "Liberia – Politics and government – 1980-"

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Geambazu, Serin. ""Yeni Instanbul": the expansion of a global city." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/mwhr1573.

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The spread of neo-liberal political and economic ideology and the proliferation of global capital have created new opportunities and challenges for cities everywhere (Sassen 2012). Within the urban planning discourse, it is generally assumed that globalization leads to the same type of transformations and urban development trends everywhere in the world. However, it cannot create a certain prototype for spatial development or a new spatial order for cities. Rather, it gives a variety of spatial patterns, also called "global urban forms". Recently, these forms have identified themselves spatially within a series of "mega-projects", their intensity being felt in today's global cities, North-American and West-European, but with a domino effect, especially in the cities situated at the periphery of these capitalist economies. Total global megaproject spending is assessed at USD 6-9 trillion annually, or 8 percent of total global GDP, which denotes the biggest investment boom in human history. Never has systematic and valid knowledge about mega projects therefore been more important to inform policy, practice, and public debate in this highly costly area of business and government. It is argued that the conventional way of managing mega projects has reached a "tension point," where tradition is challenged and reform is emerging (Flyvbjerg, 2011). These kind of projects often take place within fragmented and entrepreneurial forms of governance (Harvey 1989; Healey 1997; Gordon 1997a, 1997b; Feldman 1999; Feinstein 2001; Granath 2005; Butler 2007) represented by public-private partnerships, in a societal environment of increased capital mobility and inter-urban competition (Malone 1996). Hence, it is argued, that mega projects have been examples of new governance styles and policy targets, but also object of intensive local planning debates and conflicts based on different actors (authorities, planners, residents, environmental groups, developers, etc.) holding an equal number of views (Hoyle, 2002) which are often difficult to reconcile. Strongly linked to the 2023 Vision of Turkey, the 3rd airport, Istanbul Airport is one of the mega projects that will bring Turkey among top 10 economically powerful countries. Istanbul Airport distinguishes itself from a myriad of other build-operate-transfer projects by its governance dynamics and planning process. The study employs discourse analysis through which extracts lesson from the decision-making process that will inform planners in Istanbul and beyond.
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