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1
James, Patrick. "Energy Politics in Canada, 1980–1981: Threat Power in a Sequential Game." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 1 (March 1993): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900002432.
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AbstractOver a decade ago, the federal Liberal government announced one of the most controversial policy initiatives in Canadian history, the National Energy Program (NEP). The bargaining that followed the NEP's announcement on October 28, 1980 is easily recalled; intense disagreements focussed on economic, partisan and, ultimately, constitutional issues. While these events have stimulated a wide range of investigations, a prominent gap exists in the scholarship: very few studies adopt a game-theoretic perspective. In seeking to explain strategic interaction over energy policy, such an approach might increase understanding of the difficult political processes surrounding the NEP in a wider context.These are five stages to the game-theoretic investigation that follows. First, a brief history of the phase of confrontation is provided. Second, the game-theoretic interpretation is presented in general terms, including participants, strategies and potential outcomes. Relevant measurements are derived in the third phase. In the fourth stage, the process of a sequential game is analyzed, in both abstract and operational terms. Fifth, and finally, policy-related implications of the analysis are discussed, along with possible directions for further research.
2
KEMAN, HANS. "Cutting Back Public Investment after 1980: Collateral Damage, Policy Legacies and Political Adjustment." Journal of Public Policy 30, no. 2 (June 25, 2010): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x1000005x.
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AbstractSince the 1980s public investment expenditures have been cut back in many OECD democracies. One explanation is a priority for fiscal stringency in order to curb big government in the context of neo-liberal ideas, which is reinforced by EMU requirements in the 1990s. Another is the potential impact of left and right partisan politics on investment policies. The main finding here is that the overall decrease in public investment expenditure appears to be caused by collateral damage due to the downsizing of total government outlays. This is particularly the case where there is a policy legacy of the Left with high levels of total public spending on the welfare state prior to the 1980s. Where the Right in government has been dominant after 1980, this downward development in public investment is particularly noticeable.
3
Devlin, Carol A. "The Eucharistic Procession of 1908: The Dilemma of the Liberal Government." Church History 63, no. 3 (September 1994): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167537.
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In September 1908 the British Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, offended Roman Catholics by cancelling the procession of the Blessed Sacrament, which was to have been the climax of the 1908 international Eucharistic Congress. This incident illustrates the persistence of religious extremism as a disruptive force in British politics and the muddled manner in which Asquith's government dealt with crises. As early as 1900 social and economic issues had become the dominant focus of British politics, and Great Britain had established a reputation for religious toleration. In spite of the growing trend toward secularism, militant Protestants continued to agitate against Catholicism by resurrecting archaic laws restricting Catholic rituals.
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Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.
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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.
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Blasen, Philippe Henri. "Romanianization and Half-Hearted Concessions. The Last Four Years of German-Language Education in Southern Bessarabia (1936-1940)." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 9, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i1_4.
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The article discusses the status of German-language education in Southern Bessarabia in the last years of Romanian domination, before the Soviet takeover in June 1940 and the subsequent resettlement of the local German population in September 1940. It shows that neither the national-liberal government (1933-1938) nor the regime of King Carol II (1938-1940) complied with the 28 October 1920 treaty between the principal allied powers and Romania respecting Bessarabia, an agreement that granted the Romanian nationals of German ethnicity the right to establish and manage schools, as well as to use the German language in the educational sphere. Both the national-liberal government and the regime of King Carol II obstructed public and confessional German-language education in Southern Bessarabia.
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Lippert, Randy. "Canadian Refugee Determination and Advanced Liberal Government." Canadian journal of law and society 13, no. 2 (1998): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100005780.
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AbstractSignificant changes in the refugee determination domain during the 1980s are made intelligible by deploying the concepts of programme, rationality, and technology drawn from the recent governmentality literature. Following a crisis of governability in the mid-1980s, refugee determination continued to move farther from the reach of political authorities. By 1989 it was reassembled in a manner involving a greater reliance on law, on the regular production of medical and psychiatric knowledge in new sites outside the state and a documentation centre, all of which is consistent with the onset of advanced liberal government. Closer examination of the documentation centre shows it permits scrutiny of information destined for use in legal oral hearings; is a form of political subjectification; and serves as a panoptic device that targets non-Western nations and populations consistent with advanced liberalism. In this way the documentation centre also illustrates the overlap of Canadian and international refugee regimes.
7
Gordon, Joel. "The False Hopes of 1950: The Wafd's Last Hurrah and the Demise of Egypt's Old Order." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 2 (May 1989): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032281.
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In January 1950, in the first free election held in nearly eight years, Egyptians went to the polls to return a Wafdist government to power. After having been banished from office for five years, Egypt's majority party assumed office aware that it shouldered a heavy burden of responsibility. Between October 1944, when the King dismissed the war-time government of Mustafa al-Nahhas, and January 1950, eight minority governments governed, or tried to govern, Egypt. Escalating political violence marked a period of increasing disillusion with parliamentary rule that encompassed all sectors of Egyptian society. Indeed, it might be argued that Egypt's ancien régime survived until 1950 only because the minority governments marshaled the coercive powers of the state to control the streets, campuses, and factories, where dissidence was most manifest. At the time, many sensed that if the political establishment failed to achieve the evacuation of British troops from Egyptian soil, contain rampant inflation, and narrow the gap between rich and poor, martial law could not save the liberal order from collapse. What would follow was uncertain, but talk of revolution, fearful or hopeful, filled the air.
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Priyonggo, Armedyestu, Yety Rochwulaningsih, and Indriyanto Indriyanto. "The Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI) 1950-1959: Political Role and Progress during Liberal Democracy." Indonesian Historical Studies 2, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v2i1.2888.
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The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During the independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period.
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Gwekwerere, Gadziro. "Gospel Music as a Mirror of the Political and Socio-Economic Developments in Zimbabwe, 1980-2007." Exchange 38, no. 4 (2009): 329–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016627409x12474551163619.
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AbstractThis paper explores, analyses and discusses Zimbabwean gospel song themes from 1980 up to 2007 in relation to the Zimbabwean political and socio-economic situations in the country. The history of the socio-economic and political development of Zimbabwe during 1980-2007 would certainly be incomplete without including gospel music. Until about the mid-1980s, the general atmosphere in the newly-independent state of Zimbabwe was characterized by liberation euphoria and great optimism for the future. Equally so, local gospel music during this period was largely celebrative and conformist as far as the political and socio-economic dispensation was concerned. Socio-economic hardships crept in as a result of the government's implementation of neo-liberal economic reforms under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during the early 1990s. The ruling party soon found itself confronted by a multitude of gospel musicians criticizing its policies and malpractices. Works of various gospel artistes will be used as evidence but due to issues of space, it has not been possible to cover all Zimbabwean gospel artists.
10
Gleeson, Denis. "Life Skills Training and the Politics of Personal Effectiveness." Sociological Review 34, no. 2 (May 1986): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1986.tb02707.x.
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In recent years social and life skills curriculum has emerged to occupy an important place in new training initiatives, particularly those associated with YTS and pre-vocational courses such as TVEI, CPVE and City and Guids 365. one level the attraction of ‘life skills’ training is that it is relevant and address, in ways that traditional Liberal and General Studies could not, the practical problems likely to affect young people as adults, as parents and as employees. another, ambiguity surrounds the criteria upon which such skills for living are constructed and appraised, not least because of their close behavioural connection with altering young peoples’ attitudes toward authority, industry and society. Despite recent concern about the dangers of bias and indoctrination elsewhere in mainstream education, this controversial aspect of government intervention in vocational training (DEP 1981; MSC 1981; DEP 1984) has escaped the critical attention of those who currently express concern about standards in education (Scrution et al 1985). For this reason the paper seeks to examine the kind of ‘official’ thinking which lies behind life skills training, and the skills which are thought necessary to enhance the ‘personal effectiveness’ of young people. This would seem all the more important in view of the government's contention that technical and vocational education (14–18) now constitutes a viable alternative for those who fail to succeed in mainstream education. (DEP 1981, 1984; MSC 1981, 1982a).
11
Nadeau, Richard, and André Blais. "Explaining Election Outcomes in Canada: Economy and Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 4 (December 1993): 775–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000470.
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AbstractThe article proposes a simple model to explain election outcomes in Canadian federal elections. The model hypothesizes that the share of the vote obtained by the Liberal party depends on deviations from the average rate of unemployment, inflation and income growth, and on the presence or absence of a party leader from Quebec. The results confirm the hypotheses regarding the impact of unemployment and party leader, but inflation and income growth prove to be nonsignificant. The evidence also suggests that the model may be less satisfactory for elections involving governments that had been in place for less than a year (1958 and 1980).
12
Corner, Paul. "The Road to Fascism: an Italian Sonderweg?" Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002059.
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The article argues that many of the factors which eventually produced Italian fascism should be identified not in the divisions of the war years nor in the conflicts of the immediate postwar period but in the period 1900–15 and in the failure of Giovanni Giolitti's reformist strategy. The increasing popular disaffection with parliamentary politics before the war reflected the inability of Giolitti to widen the political base of liberalism through significant social reform. It was this failure which made the experience of the First World War especially disastrous in Italy. In particular, it is argued that liberal governments totally failed to understand the kind of social conflict which was developing in the large estates of the Po valley – the area which would provide the specific context for the explosion of Fascism in late 1920. The essay links Fascism, therefore, less to an often cited ‘working class revolutionary threat’ in 1919–20 than to unresolved long-term structural problems in certain areas of rural Italy. Alexander De Grand offers a critical commentary on Paul Corner's conclusions and the author gives his response.
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Manion, Melanie. "Government Capacity and the Hong Kong Civil Service. By John P. Burns. [Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. xvi+468 pp. ISBN 0-19-590597-0.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 453–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005350260.
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John Burns has written an exhaustively researched and highly important book for scholars with a particular interest in Chinese politics and, more broadly, for the fields of comparative politics and public management. Burns examines the contributions of the civil service to government capacity in Hong Kong. His focus is the crucial post-1997 period, which presents him with a number of interesting analytical issues. First, post-1997 Hong Kong continues to lack the political institutions linking citizen preferences to government policy outcomes. In this context, the civil service takes on enormous political importance: it identifies and proposes solutions to community problems, roles that would be performed by politicians and political parties in a liberal democracy. Secondly, although post-1997 Hong Kong has significant autonomy, it is a local government, essentially subject to the rule of Communist leaders in Beijing. This raises interesting problems of relations between centre and locality. Finally, and not least of all, the Hong Kong economy suffered a significant decline in the late 1990s. This challenged the performancebased legitimacy of the government and placed new pressures on it to reform the civil service to strengthen government capacity. Evaluation of these reforms is an important contribution of this volume.Burns examines the civil service from a public management perspective, both describing policies and analysing actual practices, the latter with the use of interviews, surveys and case studies. In the 1980s and 1990s, Hong Kong government capacity was high. Economic growth was rapid, unemployment was low, and public support for the government was strong, based on apparently successful performance.
14
Lutfiu, Skender. "Political Circumstances in Albania from 1920 to 1924." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 4 (October 6, 2017): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i4.p132-141.
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The events that marked the period 1920-1924 are undoubtedly those of an interior character such as the Congress of Lushnja and the Vlora War (1920), the parliamentary elections (1921 and 1923), the June uprising (1924), etc. while the external ones are undisputed the recognition of Albania and its borders at the London Conference (9 December 1921) and its admission to the League of Nations (1921). The democratic system imposed by the Congress of Lushnja, proved to be ineffective. That is, because it didn’t bring political and economic stability in the country, but on the contrary caused instability in large proportions, all because of the coup d’etat and the numerous uprisings that characterized the period 1920-1922. When the armed political struggle in Albania intensified, nationalist and moderate concepts were created in the Albanian politics. During this period, the Albanian political scene was divided into several political views through North-South contradictions, Muslim-Christian, Zogu-Noli, Conservative-Liberal, and so on. This diversity of religious, regional, political and conceptual character led to political rivalry within the Albanian leadership in Albania over the 1920-1924 period, in the name of democratic principles, even with non-democratic means. By thus creating not only a serious political climate, but also an attempt for radical changes in the country's government, such as the June Uprising of 1924.
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Lutfiu, Skender. "Political Circumstances in Albania from 1920 to 1924." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 1 (October 6, 2017): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v9i1.p132-141.
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The events that marked the period 1920-1924 are undoubtedly those of an interior character such as the Congress of Lushnja and the Vlora War (1920), the parliamentary elections (1921 and 1923), the June uprising (1924), etc. while the external ones are undisputed the recognition of Albania and its borders at the London Conference (9 December 1921) and its admission to the League of Nations (1921). The democratic system imposed by the Congress of Lushnja, proved to be ineffective. That is, because it didn’t bring political and economic stability in the country, but on the contrary caused instability in large proportions, all because of the coup d’etat and the numerous uprisings that characterized the period 1920-1922. When the armed political struggle in Albania intensified, nationalist and moderate concepts were created in the Albanian politics. During this period, the Albanian political scene was divided into several political views through North-South contradictions, Muslim-Christian, Zogu-Noli, Conservative-Liberal, and so on. This diversity of religious, regional, political and conceptual character led to political rivalry within the Albanian leadership in Albania over the 1920-1924 period, in the name of democratic principles, even with non-democratic means. By thus creating not only a serious political climate, but also an attempt for radical changes in the country's government, such as the June Uprising of 1924.
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Byerlee, Derek. "The Super State: The Political Economy of Phosphate Fertilizer Use in South Australia, 1880–1940." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0005.
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Abstract From 1882 to 1910 superphosphate was almost universally adopted by wheat farmers in South Australia. A supply chain perspective is used to link the mining of phosphate rock in distant Pacific islands to the final application of superphosphate in the fields of Australian wheat farmers. Farmers and private manufacturers led the adoption stage in the context of a liberal market regime and the role of the state at this stage was limited although strategic. After 1920, the role of the state in the industry sharply increased in all phases of the industry. A political economy perspective is used to analyse state-ownership of raw material supplies and protectionist policies to manufacturers that resulted in high prices in Australia by 1930. Numerous government reviews pitted the interests of farmers and manufacturers leading to a complex system of tariffs and subsidies in efforts to serve all interests. Overall, the adoption of superphosphate was a critical factor in developing productive and sustainable farming systems in Australia, although at the expense of Pacific Islanders who prior to WWII received token benefits and were ultimately left with a highly degraded landscape.
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Fiorino, Nadia, and Umberto Triacca. "Government Spending and Coalition Parties in Italy (1960–1993): A Cointegration-Based Approach." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2003): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569203x15668905422054.
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Abstract This note attempts to test the relation between the parties that take part in coalition governments and specific spending programs in Italy from 1960 to 1993. In doing so, we: 1) build a voting power index to describe the relative position of political parties in government and 2) analyze the long-term relationship between expenditure by functions and political parties. Data indicate that the Christian Democratic party was the leading party. It adopted long run policies; nevertheless, it did not refer to specific items of public expenditure. T h e three smaller parties (the Liberal, the Republican and the Social Democratic) did not have enough strength to pursue spending programs in the long run. Finally, the analysis shows that the Socialists tried to find a key role in the political framework by swinging from a long-term opposition to the policy formation in the Senate to short-term agreements on spending policies in the Chamber of Deputies.
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PALMOWSKI, JAN. "THE POLITICS OF THE ‘UNPOLITICAL GERMAN’: LIBERALISM IN GERMAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT, 1860–1880." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 675–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008602.
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Contrary to the widespread assumption that in imperial Germany urban affairs were conducted by a homogeneous ‘unpolitical’ notable elite until around 1900, a review of recently published case studies suggests that politics had entered local government by the 1870s. Frequent causes for the politicization of local affairs included confessional divisions, territorial change, or simply the wish of local elites to buttress their own positions. The ways in which liberals in particular took advantage of this emergence of political discourse at the urban level is highlighted by the case of Frankfurt am Main. The city's three liberal parties developed in competition with each other. Each managed to address and articulate the citizens' peculiar grievances with differing degrees of success. By 1880, public life inside and outside the town hall was conducted according to political ground rules, and this was accepted by every party. Against the still prevailing view of a rigid liberalism which after 1874 was in evident terminal decline, the decade after 1866 needs to be recognized as the period in which liberals took charge of municipal government across most of Germany, through the politicization of often highly individual local concerns with astonishing sophistication and flexibility.
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Grishin, I. "Sweden after Swedish Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2014): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-6-53-64.
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Since the turn of the 1980–90s the Swedish society has undergone fundamental changes. It has altered the vector of the socioeconomic development. The social democrats have lost their position as the dominant party. They changed the course of the governmental policy from social-state to liberal one that was taken over and strengthened by the government of center-right parties after their victory in the 2006 and 2010 general elections. The social democrats have found themselves in the unprecedented since 1917 long opposition. All of this means that, despite keeping predominance of the institutional-redistributive principle of social policy, the former model of societal development has in essence consigned to history.
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Mayhall, Laura E. Nym. "Defining Militancy: Radical Protest, the Constitutional Idiom, and Women's Suffrage in Britain, 1908–1909." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 3 (July 2000): 340–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386223.
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May some definition be given of the word “militant”? (Chelsea delegate Cicely Hamilton)Scholarship on the women's suffrage movement in Britain has reached a curious juncture. No longer content to chronicle the activities or document the contributions of single organizations, historians have begun to analyze the movement's strategies of self-advertisement and to disentangle its racial, imperial, and gendered ideologies. Perhaps the most striking development in recent scholarship on suffrage, however, has been the proliferating discourse on militancy among literary critics, a development with which few historians have engaged. Yet, while militancy has spawned a veritable subfield in literary studies, continually generating new articles and books, these accounts portray the phenomenon in similarly reductive terms. After 1903 the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), under the leadership of Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst, revitalized a genteel and moribund women's suffrage movement. The WSPU introduced the use of militancy, first interrupting Liberal Party meetings and heckling political speakers, then moving to the use of street theater, such as large-scale demonstrations, and ultimately to the destruction of government and private property, including smashing windows, slashing paintings in public galleries, and setting fire to buildings and pillar-boxes. Once the Liberal government introduced forcible feeding as an antidote to the suffragette hunger strike, militants created a visual activism, dependent upon the exhibition of women's tortured bodies as spectacle. By this account, the activities of the WSPU became exemplary of what critic Barbara Green has called “performative activism” and “visibility politics” in early twentieth-century feminist praxis, creating “almost entirely feminine communities where women celebrated, suffered, spoke with, and wrote for other women,” and that “allowed women to put themselves on display for other women.”
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Cipta, Samudra Eka. "Pergulatan Tradisi, Agama, Negara: Analisis Sosio-Kultural Keturunan Tionghoa dan Perkembangan Gereja Tionghoa Indonesia (1950-1999)." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v3i1.890.
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During the Dutch East Indies there were several Chinese-Christian communities characterized by the existence of the Chinese church. The Liberal Democratic period of Chinese-Christian development is experiencing rapid development. The developments are supported by government policies regarding religious identity issues for the people of descent. After the fall of democracy guided by the birth of the New Order, the development of the Chinese-Christians increased sharply. The politics that the new Order period is ' ' political assimilation ' ' by trying to remove cultural elements in a particular society. This is marked by the new Order government policy that prohibits the practice of Confucian teaching on Chinese descent as a form of propaganda in Chinese communism. During the new order Mas Chinese descent did a massive religious conversion. Another impact for the people of descent is the name change by the name of Indonesian people in general. This research gave birth to problem formulation of 1) how early social development of Chinese descent society?, 2) How the Indonesian Chinese community response to the government policy of time Sukarno and Suharto?, 3) How is the effort of reconciliation in the effort to preserve the values of culture and philosophy for the Society of Chinese descent?.
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Dapaah-Agyemang, Joshua. "Transformation of ECOWAS as a Security Apparatus and Its Implications in Ghana's Political Orientation, 1990-2000." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (2003): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903763835652.
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AbstractThe transformation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) from an economic integration scheme to a political security scheme and its implications in Ghana political orientation was born out of the unanticipated changes of the post-1990s sub-regional civil conflicts and especially after the end of the Cold War. This history gave Ghana an opportunity within ECOWAS' transformation from economic integration to politico-security organization. In this connection, Ghana's foreign policy took a new turn affecting the whole West African sub-region that was precipitated partly by the Liberian civil war. My principal argument is that despite Ghana's adoption of purposeful isolationism in the early 1980s, the followed trends of events of Ghana foreign policy, at least on the sub-regional level, is a reflection of internal and external factors such as the transformation of ECOWAS security apparatus due to conflicts in some member states, but not the leadership style of the government. Therefore, in order to apprehend the reason behind the dynamics of Ghana's foreign policy change and adjustment, in particular Ghana's strategies and perception of its interest in the sub-regional level, one has to consider a number of crucial factors such as the political and economic milieu in which ECOWAS is engaged, vis-à-vis Ghana's government actions.
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Botero-Tovar, Natalia. "A school without railings: rural backgrounds, social medicine, and the circulation of public health material in Colombia, 1930-1946." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 28, no. 3 (September 2021): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702021000300010.
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Abstract Ambitious state hygiene education projects designed during liberal governments in Colombia (1930-1946) faced not just the poverty of rural populations, but also the reluctance of local political forces. I analyze hygiene education programs during the first two liberal governments of the Liberal Republic. I argue that public health programs did not reach their audience due to local clientelism and political corruption. The sources of this article come mainly from Colombia’s Ministry of Education reports and cultural magazines. The education sector also had health-related responsibilities and developed assessments of local needs, which contributed to public health programs. Latin America’s public health historiography could be enriched by exploring failures in the implementation of projects in the history of social medicine.
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Mahoney, Joseph F., Benjamin R. Beede, and Anne Brugh. "Politics and Government of New Jersey, 1900-1980: An Annotated Bibliography." Journal of American History 77, no. 4 (March 1991): 1465. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078437.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Nambara Shigeru (1889–1974): how a Japanese liberal conceptualized eternal peace, 1918–1951." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (December 2018): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000373.
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AbstractNambara Shigeru was a rara avis of Japanese liberal academics at hard times in that he survived difficult times without being punished by the oppressive government in the pre-war Japan and the occupation authorities in the immediate post-war Japan. He specialized in Western political philosophy especially in Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottlieb Fichte, known as proponents of German idealism and nationalism. His magnum opus was published, without being punished, in 1944, arguing that the Nazi politics was totally against the Western political tradition. In 1945–46, he made clear his opposition to the draft new Constitution in which the emperor be symbolic and the armed forces be abolished. In 1949–1950, he made clear his view that Japan, once Japan admitted to the United Nations, what would become Japanese Self-Defense Forces should donate portions to what would become United Nations Peace Keeping Operations. On the basis of his writings in the war period and the occupation period, comparisons of his positions with Roger Scruton, Vladislav Surkov, Yanaihara Tadao, Akamatsu Kaname, Nitobe Inazo, and Yanagida Kunio on such concepts as democracy promotion, national self-determination, peace keeping are attempted to see the extent to which the pent-up Wilsonian moment burst in the immediate post-war period.
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Peretti, Terri. "Constructing the State Action Doctrine, 1940–1990." Law & Social Inquiry 35, no. 02 (2010): 273–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2010.01186.x.
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According to the state action doctrine, the Constitution restricts the activities of governmental but not private entities. Despite this rule's apparent simplicity, the Supreme Court has been clearly uncomfortable with precedents like Shelley v. Kraemer (1948) and has varied considerably in its receptiveness to state action claims from 1940 to 1990. The attitudinal model provides barely a beginning in accounting for both Shelley and changes in state action limitations. While liberal justices did initially relax state action requirements and conservative justices subsequently tightened them, that explanation ignores changes in the NAACP's litigation strategy, the Court's creation of doctrinal alternatives, and powerful civil rights legislation that together produced a sharp decline in state action claims involving race after 1970. These nonattitudinal “regime politics” factors enable a more complete and nuanced understanding of the state action field and help us to see the Court as collaborative rather than independent, dependent, or countermajoritarian.
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Islamoglu, Huri. "New politics of governing global capitalism: Sovereign governments and living law." Society and Economy 38, no. 4 (December 2016): 497–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.4.4.
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Since the crisis of 2007–2009, sovereignty, government and politics are on the agenda of social sciences and of international policy platforms, most recently in Davos. This is a departure from anti-statist, free-tradist visions of global market development in the 1980s and 1990s when sovereignty was simply associated with freedom of action of economic actors (most significantly, global corporations and banks) and governance simply referred to technical rules serving the ends of these actors posed in terms of dictates of the market. This paper points to societal dislocations (e.g. income discrepancies, unemployment) incumbent on global market development and to a time lag in which these made themselves felt in the developed and developing world. It argues that the developing world experienced the disillusionment with markets in the latter part of 1990s and early 2000s and sought solutions in effective governments, putting them in the service of reaping the benefits of global market expansion for individual regions. It meant non-liberal ways of governing markets, distancing from abstract formulations of individual rights, turning the ‘rule of law’ into living law deeply rooted in societal concerns not limited to commercial actors but including those of both blue-collar and white collar workers, of migrant populations, and women. At issue is an introduction of politics, of political agency and initiatives. The developed world rejected what is labeled as an ‘autocratic turn’; and is lost for a solution to market woes, except for further measures to maximize gains by major commercial actors, as in the case of the Greek crisis.
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Loriaux, Michael. "The Left's Dirty Job: The Politics of Industrial Restructuring in France and Spain By W. Rand Smith. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998. 363p. $50.00 cloth, $22.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402464337.
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W. Rand Smith compares socialist policies of industrial retrenchment in France and Spain during the 1980s and 1990s. Both governments sought to adapt their national economy to change in the global market, through investment incentives and labor policies, in a way that would avoid sectoral crisis or even collapse. They sought to achieve an “orderly exit” of labor from redundancy-plagued industrial sectors, notably steel and automobiles, through job retraining, help in establishing small businesses, relocation incentives, and improvements in the job market, not to mention such standard support mechanisms as severance payments and preretirement systems that supported the incomes of unemployed workers. There was a distinct convergence between French and Spanish policy around this kind of adaptive policy. Neither country after 1983 resisted global market trends through price controls or subsidies or trade protection, and neither government embraced market adjustment through more liberal policies of deregulation of capital or labor markets.
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Meydani, Assaf. "The role of bureaucrats in designing policy outcomes: the case of the 2002 General Security Service (GSS) Law." International Journal of Law in Context 11, no. 1 (March 2015): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552314000366.
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AbstractSince the 1980s, and mainly since the 1990s, studies in politics and law have adopted an economic attitude to explaining judicial behaviour. In contrast, this paper follows the individualistic approach by focusing on the role of individuals in bureaucracies in designing policy outcomes, using political entrepreneurship and new institutionalism as its theoretical framework. In describing a specific institutional change in Israel – the passage of the General Security Service Law in 2002 – I maintain that this institutional change is an equilibrium that resulted from the actions of empowered military bureaucrats acting as political entrepreneurs who sought to maximise their own political assets in the light of certain structural and cultural conditions, both local and international. The institutional arena was characterised by the inability of the government to function effectively (non-governability), enhanced judicialisation, the dominance of security issues in Israel, and the development of a unique shared mental model of alternative political culture. However, it was still open to changes based on new liberal attitudes about human rights. Thus, politicians influence and are influenced by a wide range of institutional norms and practices in a complex process of changes in institutional design.
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Ryu, Lanhee, M. Jae Moon, and Jae‐jin Yang. "The politics of government reorganizations: Evidence from 30 OECD countries, 1980–2014." Governance 33, no. 4 (November 12, 2019): 935–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12458.
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Eisfeld, Rainer. "Political Science in Great Britain and Germany: The Roles of LSE (The London School of Economics) and DHfP (The German Political Studies Institute)." Polish Political Science Review 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0022.
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Abstract The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (DHfP, German Political Studies Institute) in Berlin both emerged extramurally. LSE was founded in 1895 by Fabian socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb; DHfP was established in 1920 by liberal-national publicists Ernst Jäckh and Theodor Heuss. However, superficial resemblances ended there, as shown in the paper’s first part. The founders’ aims differed markedly; incorporation into London and Berlin universities occurred at different times and in different ways. The chair of political science set up at LSE in 1914 was held, until 1950, by two reform-minded Fabians, Graham Wallas and Harold Laski. DHfP, which did not win academic recognition during the 1920s, split into nationalist, “functionalist”, and democratic “schools”. Against this backdrop, the paper’s second part discusses Harold Laski’s magnum opus (1925) A Grammar of Politics as an attempt at offering a vision of the “good society”, and Theodor Heuss’ 1932 study Hitler’s Course as an example of the divided Hochschule’s inability to provide adequate analytical assessments of the Nazi movement and of the gradual infringement, by established elites, of the Weimar constitution. Laski’s work and intellectual legacy reinforced the tendency towards the predominance, in British political science, of normative political theory. West German political science, initially pursued “from a Weimar perspective”, was also conceived as a highly normative enterprise emphasising classical political theory, the institutions and processes of representative government, and the problematic ideological and institutional predispositions peculiar to German political history. Against this background, the paper’s third part looks, on the one hand, at the contribution to “New Left” thinking (1961 ff.) by Ralph Miliband, who studied under Laski and taught at LSE until 1972, and at Paul Hirst’s 1990s theory of associative democracy, which builds on Laski’s pluralism. On the other hand, the paper considers Karl Dietrich Bracher’s seminal work The Failure of the Weimar Republic (1955) and Ernst Fraenkel’s 1964 collection Germany and the Western Democracies, which originated, respectively, from the (Research) Institute for Political Science – added to Berlin’s Free University in 1950 – and DHfP, re-launched in the same year. In a brief concluding fourth part, the paper touches on the reception, both in Great Britain and West Germany, of the approaches of “modern” American political science since the mid-1960s.
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Shone, Michael C., and P. Ali Memon. "Tourism, Public Policy and Regional Development: A Turn from Neo-liberalism to the New Regionalism." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 23, no. 4 (November 2008): 290–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690940802408011.
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The use of tourism as a driver of economic development is widely acknowledged. In New Zealand and internationally, tourism is used overtly as a mechanism by which governments are able to address a variety of national, regional and local development objectives. In this paper, we present a critique of recent responses in New Zealand to the task of guiding tourism development from a strategic and collaborative sustainable development perspective. As argued in this paper, the roles and responsibilities of government in tourism were reinvented during the 1980s and 1990s. These changes, inspired by a neo-liberal political ideology to deregulate the New Zealand economy and to restructure the state sector and local government, ultimately included the tourism sector. More recently, however, public sector policy initiatives indicate a shift towards a more pro-active role for the local state (local and regional government) in managing tourism development. This shift, informed by a New Regionalism policy framework, anticipates a devolved tourism planning mandate that fosters longer-term strategic and collaborative planning of the sector in order to enhance the contribution of tourism to sustainable community wellbeing. We reflect on the likely effectiveness of a devolved tourism planning mandate and interrogate the role and potential of tourism to contribute to regional development, as framed by the political philosophies of the New Regionalism.
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Umeda, Michio. "The Liberal Democratic Party: Its adaptability and predominance in Japanese politics for 60 years." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118783270.
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This article discusses the origin and continuity of the predominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japanese politics since the party’s formation in 1955. The LDP experienced two crises in its history, the first owing to the transformation of Japanese society by rapid economic development during the 1960–1970s, and the second due to the electoral reform in 1994 and the challenge from the Democratic Party of Japan thereafter. I argue that the LDP’s continuous success is attributable to its adaptability to new environments: the party overcame the first crisis by shifting the policy focus, reorganizing its support base and the party organization to achieve intraparty consensus. It coped with the second crisis by forming a coalition with the Clean Government Party and reforming the party’s presidential election and the ministerial post-allocation system. The article concludes with a summary and a brief discussion regarding the future of the LDP.
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Muñoz, Catalina. "“A Mission of Enormous Transcendence”: The Cultural Politics of Music During Colombia’s Liberal Republic, 1930-1946." Hispanic American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 77–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2390613.
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AbstractThis article examines the cultural programs developed by reformist intellectuals and artists working for the Colombian government during the period known as the Liberal Republic (1930-1946). It explores the implementation of two music programs in particular, the orfeones obreros and the murgas populares, with attention to both the political discourses from above and the everyday music practices from below. I show that, far from being inspired by common interest or nationalist sentiment alone, the ruling elites turned to cultural politics as an arena through which to define the relationship between the rulers and the ruled in a way that naturalized the former’s place in power. I argue that while music programs asserted the unity, horizontality, and inclusiveness of the nation by glorifying popular music, they also deepened the terms of exclusion they professed to level by essentializing the pueblo. However, this official celebration of popular culture, which rendered its practitioners archaic and passive repositories of the nation’s soul, was challenged by a very dynamic, effervescent, and transnationally open music landscape driven by the activities of creative grassroots musicians. Using data from the National Folkloric Survey of 1942, I explore the everyday music practices of popular sectors in different areas of the country and the challenge that these practices posed to elite definitions of popular music.
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Hammer, Ricarda, and Alexandre I. R. White. "Toward a Sociology of Colonial Subjectivity: Political Agency in Haiti and Liberia." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218799369.
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The authors seek to connect global historical sociology with racial formation theory to examine how antislavery movements fostered novel forms of self-government and justifications for state formation. The cases of Haiti and Liberia demonstrate how enslaved and formerly enslaved actors rethought modern politics at the time, producing novel political subjects in the process. Prior to the existence of these nations, self-determination by black subjects in colonial spaces was impossible, and each sought to carve out that possibility in the face of a transatlantic structure of slavery. This work demonstrates how Haitian and Liberian American founders responded to colonial structures, though in Liberia reproducing them albeit for their own ends. The authors demonstrate the importance of colonial subjectivities to the discernment of racial structures and counter-racist action. They highlight how anticolonial actors challenged global antiblack oppression and how they legitimated their self-governance and freedom on the world stage. Theorizing from colonized subjectivities allows sociology to begin to understand the politics around global racial formations and starts to incorporate histories of black agency into the sociological canon.
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Tracy, Melissa, Margaret E. Kruk, Christine Harper, and Sandro Galea. "Neo-liberal economic practices and population health: a cross-national analysis, 1980–2004." Health Economics, Policy and Law 5, no. 2 (April 2010): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744133109990181.
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AbstractAlthough there has been substantial debate and research concerning the economic impact of neo-liberal practices, there is a paucity of research about the potential relation between neo-liberal economic practices and population health. We assessed the extent to which neo-liberal policies and practices are associated with population health at the national level. We collected data on 119 countries between 1980 and 2004. We measured neo-liberalism using the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World (EFW) Index, which gives an overall score as well as a score for each of five different aspects of neo-liberal economic practices: (1) size of government, (2) legal structure and security of property rights, (3) access to sound money, (4) freedom to exchange with foreigners and (5) regulation of credit, labor and business. Our measure of population health was under-five mortality. We controlled for potential mediators (income distribution, social capital and openness of political institutions) and confounders (female literacy, total population, rural population, fertility, gross domestic product per capita and time period). In longitudinal multivariable analyses, we found that the EFW index did not have an effect on child mortality but that two of its components: improved security of property rights and access to sound money were associated with lower under-five mortality (p = 0.017 and p = 0.024, respectively). When stratifying the countries by level of income, less regulation of credit, labor and business was associated with lower under-five mortality in high-income countries (p = 0.001). None of the EFW components were significantly associated with under-five mortality in low-income countries. This analysis suggests that the concept of ‘neo-liberalism’ is not a monolithic entity in its relation to health and that some ‘neo-liberal’ policies are consistent with improved population health. Further work is needed to corroborate or refute these findings.
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Gilmour, Julie F. "H. H. Stevens and the Chinese: The Transition to Conservative Government and the Management of Controls on Chinese Immigration to Canada, 1900-1914." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 20, no. 2-3 (2013): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02003007.
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This article uses the political life of H. H. Stevens, a Vancouver businessman, Conservative member of parliament, and anti-Asian activist to examine the nature of the relationship between the institutions of Canadian immigration control and the political and ideological context of the time. It shows how the transition from Liberal to Conservative government after the Canadian election of 1911 provides an opportunity to examine the importance of individual and party choices in the implementation of immigration regulations. It becomes clear that the policies of control were subject to a certain amount of improvisation on the part of those responsible for implementing the system and allowed those who had strong opinions to harden the line against Chinese immigration. Further, the article reveals how differences in Liberal and Conservative attitudes on Chinese immigration are clearly not merely differences in racial outlook, but rather differences in individuals’ material position at home and their political calculations in the larger context of the British Empire.
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Jefferys, Kevin. "British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1987): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021944.
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This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.
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Yoshino, Naoyuki, and Tetsuro Mizoguchi. "The Role of Public Works in the Political Business Cycle and the Instability of the Budget Deficits in Japan." Asian Economic Papers 9, no. 1 (January 2010): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2010.9.1.94.
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This paper discusses the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) ability to maintain a majority of seats in the Diet after WWII by focusing on the role of public investment. The paper discusses three periods, namely, (i) the high-growth period (1950 to 1985), (ii) the asset bubble period (1986 to 1990), and (iii) the period of economic downturn after the bubble (post 1990). During the high-growth period, government investment had a strong positive output effect and it increased the tax revenue in the medium and long run. The high rate of private capital formation boosted growth and tax revenue even further. During the asset bubble period of the late 1980s, Japanese tax revenue increased due to high asset and property prices, and growth stayed high because of strong aggregate demand. The Japanese economy experienced slower growth after the asset bubble burst. The LDP continued its high-spending policy by issuing Japanese government bonds (JGB) to finance the deficits but has not been able to revive growth to previous levels. Accumulated government debt now amounts to 180 percent of GDP and it will be difficult to issue any more JGB. Fiscal policy in post-bubble Japan no longer fulfilled the stability conditions that were identified by Blinder and Solow (1974).
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Hooghe, Marc, Ruth Dassonneville, and Jennifer Oser. "Public Opinion, Turnout and Social Policy: A Comparative Analysis of Policy Congruence in European Liberal Democracies." Political Studies 67, no. 4 (March 8, 2019): 992–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718819077.
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According to democratic theory, policy responsiveness is a key characteristic of democratic government: citizens’ preferences should affect policy outcomes. Empirically, however, the connection between public opinion and policy is not self-evident and is increasingly challenged. Using an originally constructed data set with information from 21 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries between 1980 and 2014, our research design allows for a comprehensive investigation of the linkages between ideological positions of citizens, parliaments and cabinets on one hand, and redistributive policies in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries on the other hand. We find that the role of the cabinet is more important than that of parliament. Although citizens’ left–right positions do not have an effect (directly or indirectly) on the level of social expenditure, there is a connection between mass preferences and the ideological position of parliament and government in high-turnout contexts.
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Du Boff, Richard B. "A Slippery Slope: Economists and Social Insurance in the United States." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 3 (July 1997): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1uf9-t8qc-3g3x-9ku0.
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Since the 1980s welfare state protections have been blamed for a host of economic problems. In the United States, conservatives have always disliked Social Security but could not effectively attack this popular program until the 1980s, when they devised a new tactic—warning young people that they would never get their “money's worth” from Social Security, which is on the brink of “bankruptcy.” The political climate, dominated by a drive to cut back “big government,” also became favorable for attempts to destabilize Social Security politically. Thus, negative images of Social Security have been forced onto the public agenda, and economists who consider themselves “liberal” have uncritically accepted this new set of political “givens.” It is an example of how they address “crises” as separable issues tied to no particular social context.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Jošić, Hrvoje, and Fran Maček Pandak. "Nizozemska bolest u Bolivarijanskoj Republici Venezueli." Notitia, no. 3 (November 16, 2018): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32676/n.3.10.
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Ever since its independence, Venezuela has based its economy on the manufacturing and export of a single product. In the 19th century, those products were cocoa and coffee beans, which were replaced by oil in the 20th century. This led to the Dutch disease which harmed other sectors of the economy, so the often corrupt governments bought social peace with socialist policies and government spending. During the 1980s, the first significant plunge in oil prices in the 20th century forced the Venezuelan government to conduct liberal reforms in order to receive assistance from the International Monetary Fund. These led to a significant decline in the standard of living and GDP, as well as, mass protests. Due to the popular discontent, the 1998 presidential elections were won by Hugo Chavez, a former military officer and the leader of the failed coup, who used the rebound in oil prices to start socialist reforms and economic recovery. Expropriations of privately owned assets and price controls weakened the domestic economy and led to inflation, while the rise in government spending strained the public finances. The big drop in oil price in 2014 caused the collapse of Venezuelan economy as well as social and political crisis. The data used in making this paper is from the Venezuelan government and its departments and institutes, as well as from the United Nations, the World Bank, other organisations and Venezuelan and foreign newspapers and web portals.
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Ishaqro, Alfi Hafidh, Alamsyah Alamsyah, and Dewi Yuliati. "The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959." Indonesian Historical Studies 1, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v1i1.1179.
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Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising.
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Blumler, Jay, and Mario Álvarez Fuentes. "The 1970s Chile: lessons and warnings for contemporary democracy." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 2 (November 20, 2019): 301–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719884181.
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The article analyses the communication factors that led up and contributed to General Pinochet’s coup against Salvador Allende’s Popular Unity government in Chile in September 1973. Empirically based on interviews held with Chilean politicians and journalists in autumn 1972 and a content analysis of changes in key newspapers’ political coverage between 1970 and 1973, lessons and warnings for communication roles in present-day liberal democracies are drawn from two features of this case: (1) intense political and media polarisation, and (2) challenges to and confusion over conventional journalistic norms. The possibilities and difficulties of overcoming the resulting problems are canvassed in the article’s conclusion.
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Pickup, Mark. "Globalization, Politics and Provincial Government Spending in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 883–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906050700.
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Abstract.Using time series, cross-sectional econometric modelling, an analysis is made of competing political and economic determinants of Canadian provincial government fiscal policy during the 1980s and 1990s. It is determined that provincial government spending responses to trade liberalization are dependent upon the ideology of the government and conditioned by the degree of provincial unionization. When relatively high levels of unionization prevail, those governments that typically spend the most reduce total spending to a lowest common denominator. However, when unionization is low, provincial government spending responses to increasing trade openness is primarily compensatory. This is in contradiction to the “race to the bottom” theory. The contingent nature of the provincial government spending response to trade openness means that despite overall pressures for fiscal convergence, political, economic and regional factors continue to contribute to distinct provincial spending policies.Résumé.Cet article utilise une modélisation économétrique transversale en série chronologique pour analyser les déterminants politiques et économiques en compétition au niveau de la politique fiscale du gouvernement provincial canadien durant les années 1980 et 1990. Il est établi qu'en termes de dépenses publiques, les réactions du gouvernement provincial face à la libéralisation des échanges sont tributaires de l'idéologie du gouvernement et déterminées par le niveau de syndicalisation provincial. Lorsque le niveau de syndicalisation est relativement élevé, ce sont les gouvernements provinciaux qui dépensent le plus qui réduisent leurs dépenses totales au plus bas dénominateur commun. Par contre, plus le niveau de syndicalisation est bas, plus les dépenses publiques face à la libéralisation des échanges sont principalement compensatoires. Cela vient contredire la théorie du “ nivellement par le bas ”. La nature conditionnelle de la réaction du gouvernement provincial en termes de dépenses publiques signifie qu'en dépit des pressions globales pour la convergence fiscale, des facteurs politiques, économiques et régionaux continuent de contribuer aux politiques de dépenses publiques distinctes.
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Patterson, Dennis, and Dick Beason. "Politics, Pressure, and Economic Policy: Explaining Japan's Use of Economic Stimulus Policies." World Politics 53, no. 4 (July 2001): 499–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2001.0019.
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While supplementary budgeting has long been part of the Japanese fiscal cycle, substantive and procedural aspects of the process have changed. First, since the late 1970s, supplementary budgets have been used to fund government economic stimulus efforts (keizai taisaku), and second, since the late 1980s, these budgets have been assembled several months after the announcement of the actual stimulus packages. Such stimulus policies do not fit the prevailing model of the Japanese electoral business cycle, which emphasizes the targeting of benefits by the Liberal Democratic Party (ldp) at its constituents at election time. This article addresses this anomoly by developing a theory of how governing parties use the economic policy process to serve their electoral interests, particularly through broadly gauged policies designed to improve macroeconomic conditions. The authors amend the prevailing model to allow an adequate test of their electoral theory to be conducted. The results suggest that Japanese economic stimulus policies were the result of governing parties' attempts to expand their support at election time and to satisfy U.S. pressure to usefiscalpolicy to stimulate domestic demand.
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Magazzino, Cosimo. "Fiscal variables and growth convergence in the ECOWAS." African Journal of Economic and Management Studies 7, no. 2 (June 13, 2016): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajems-03-2015-0032.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess the relationship among fiscal variables (net lending, government expenditure and revenue) and economic growth in Sub-Saharan African countries. Design/methodology/approach – Using yearly data for the period between 1980 and 2011 in 15 Economic Communities Of West African States (ECOWAS) countries, the relationship among fiscal variables, economic growth and trade is investigated, through various econometric techniques. Findings – Government expenditure and revenue show pro-cyclical effects in West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and ECOWAS countries, while fiscal balance has a pro-cyclical nature for WAEMU during the years 1999-2011. Moreover, a weak long-run relationship between government expenditure and revenue emerge, but only in the case of West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ) countries. Granger causality analysis showed mixed results for WAEMU countries, while for four out of six WAMZ countries (Gambia, Liberia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone) the “tax-and-spend” hypothesis holds, since government revenue would drive the expenditure. Finally, in the last three decades, cyclical component of economic growth has reduced its fluctuations, both for WAEMU and WAMZ member States. Originality/value – This is the first study on the effects of fiscal policies in the ECOWAS countries.
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Tietz, John. "Truth and Thickness." Dialogue 36, no. 2 (1997): 375–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300009562.
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In a blurb on the dust jacket, Hilary Putnam describes Barry Allen's Truth in Philosophy as “a good, provocative, and important book” discussing issues of “common concern to both analytic and continental philosophers.” Yet Putnam admits that Allen's views “are ones that I myself am committed to combating and … I am certain most analytic philosophers will want to combat.” All the more reason to read this book, of course: know your enemy. Since Rorty clarified recent European philosophy for us in the 1980s, we have seen the continuing political transformation of what used to be an abstract, purely academic domain. Indeed, in his last chapter, Allen connects truth with politics in his discussion of Foucault:The production and circulation of truth is as capable of complicity with tyranny, and all the more so with tutelage, as any instrument of government, and its products do not have to be false to have this effect.… Truth is inextricably situated amid all the major asymmetries of social power, (p. 173)Foucault challenges the assumption of many that in liberal democracies (of which Putnam, after his youthful excesses, must consider himself a defender) truth and freedom need each other.
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Gran, Thorvald. "Looking back: Government politics and trust in rural developments in Tanzania and Zimbabwe 1980–1990." Development Southern Africa 35, no. 4 (April 16, 2018): 450–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0376835x.2018.1461608.
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