Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Liberia'

The Liberia Baptist Theological Seminary (LBTS), opened on March 4, 1976, exists to train men and women for Christian ministry. It offers four-year degree programs leading to bachelor of arts in theology, bachelor of arts in religious education, and bachelor of divinity. Three major periods characterized its growth and development. the first, from 1976 to 1989, was a period of growth and prosperity. the second, from 1990-2003, was a time of immense challenge for the seminary because of the Liberian Civil War. the final period, from 2003 to the present, shows the seminary attempting to re-position itself for the future as a premier Christian higher education institution in Liberia. One of the challenges remaining, however, is the lack of historical documentation on factors impacting the growth of the seminary. This historical case study research sought to provide a comprehensive overview of the LBTS within the context of theological higher education in Liberia and the Liberian Civil War. the four major purposes guiding this research were: 1. Historical—to document and evaluate the rise, survival, developments and achievements of LBTS; 2. Institutional—to gain insight into how the seminary operates; 3. to document the effects of the 13-year civil war on the seminary; and 4. to identify the perceived challenges and needs of the seminary. Study participants included administrators, faculty, staff, students, graduates, and trustees, both past and present. Data were gathered through semi-structured interviews and document analysis. with thorough analysis of all data, seven major themes surfaced: 1.The lack of funding and qualified national faculty; 2.The relationship between missionaries and nationals; 3. the need for partnership development nationally and internationally; 4. the strong impact of the civil war on the seminary; 5. Realignment of seminary mission; and 6. the need for Bible training center and seminary perseverance during the war. As the seminary positions itself for the future, it continues to experience need in the areas of financial and educational resources, Internet technology, and the acquisition of qualified national faculty.

Despite the remarkable contributions made by women to secure peace in Liberia, women's representation in politics is still low. The first female African President has been elected, as well as a few women to strategic government positions, but the vast majority of women remain invisible. The reliance on these few women in government is inadequate to produce the significant changes that will be required to bring equality for all women. This study examines the recognition of women's relative participation and recognition in postwar reconstruction in Liberia. Differences between traditional and non-traditional women's participation in Liberia were found. This study includes interviews and document review as methods for exploring how women, traditional and nontraditional, may or may not participate in Liberian political decisions.

Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.

This paper discusses earth as a building material and the extent to which earth building technology has evolved over the years. In particular it addresses the adobe, compressed and rammed earth techniques of earth building as suitable techniques for Liberia consumption. In addition, the paper investigates the suitability of the Latosols soils of Liberia for earth building construction purposes using standardized earth building principles and requirements. A local Johnson City, Tennessee, earth sample found to have the same physical characteristics of the Latosols of Liberia was used to simulate Liberia soils to produce specimen blocks at different configurations of moisture content and stabilizers (Bentonite and cement). Following 14 days of cure, the blocks were tested for compressive strength. It was found that blocks produced from the natural soil with no stabilizer added were structurally adequate for building construction purposes. A cost-benefit analysis involving blocks with and without stabilizer (cement) added was also performed.

La manière dont le processus de construction étatique et nationale se déroule, influence le processus de développement d’un pays. Idéal type d’une construction imaginée, le Libéria et les Libériens ont été au centre de notre analyse. L’intérêt pour ce sujet découle :- de notre mécontentement vis-à-vis du postulat de l’inexistence sociologique de la nation libérienne et de la faiblesse du projet national Libéria énoncé par plusieurs auteurs mais aussi - de la méconnaissance par les élites nationales de leurs propres concitoyens, de leurs aspirations, peurs et espérances, soit des prérequis indispensables pour mettre en place un projet de construction nationale, étatique et de développement cohérent et inclusif. Nous avons voulu écouter le peuple et rapporter des sources primaires recueillies sur le terrain pour rendre compte sur ces processus tout en réalisant une analyse documentaire approfondie de la question. Au Libéria, après les années sombres des guerres civiles, la construction d'un nouveau type d'État démocratique et libéral, capable d'incorporer toutes les composantes nationales, s’appuyant sur une identité suprême partagée, a été prônée. Mais avant de reconstruire un pays, on doit solidifier la nation. L’ancienne conception d'État et de nation centralisée et limitative doit laisser place à une conception nouvelle intégrative et ouverte, basée sur l’histoire et le vécu de tous les Libériens. A travers cette étude, nous avons cherché à identifier, dans l’imaginaire individuel et collectif, qui sont les Libériens d’aujourd’hui ?Qu’est-ce être Libérien ?En observant, chez eux, l’absence ou la présence d’une adhésion au projet national libérien et ses facteurs explicatifs. Les réponses fournies par nos interlocuteurs seront utiles à tous ceux qui veulent travailler pour la réinvention du Libéria après l’époque du nationalisme ethnocentrique, de la destructrice et meurtrière guerre civile et du difficile démarrage national en après-conflit. La démocratisation du pays a été aussi porteuse d’un projet citoyen qui suppose des droits et des obligations. L’existence d’un fort sentiment d’identification et d’appartenance à un espace donné contribue au renforcement de la démocratie, avec une influence forte sur le développement du pays. L’expérience a montré que les nations se fortifient surtout dans un cadre démocratique et constitutionnel. L’analyse du contenu de la littérature géopolitique et sociale du pays nous a révélé comment l’identité nationale (que nous nommons ici « la libérianité ») s’était construite à

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travers les étapes historiques du pays et le résultat de notre enquête de terrain nous indique comment elle a évolué. Ensuite, nous avons établi le contour de la « libérianité » telle qu’elle est vécue et définie, aujourd’hui, par ceux qui s’identifient comme Libériens. Nous avons aussi constaté l’existence d’une adhésion à l’identité nationale libérienne et au projet national libérien, assumée par - et dont s’est appropriée - une majorité écrasante des individus, indépendamment de leurs identifications assumées ou assignées. Cette adhésion est moins due au facteur ethnique qu’à de facteurs historiques, culturels, linguistiques, sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles, d’inclusion et exclusion. L’identité nationale libérienne est définie à partir des référents historiques, culturels (traditions, danses, fêtes, chants, coutumes), linguistiques et sécuritaires, de reconnaissance et valorisation personnelles. L’adhésion au projet national libérien est soutenue par les éléments constitutifs de l’identité nationale libérienne. Pour les Libériens-mêmes, l’identité nationale libérienne est une identité légitimante, une identité duale, se basant sur une culture mixte (indigène et moderne), une langue commune (l’anglais libérien) et des éléments identitaires propres qui les distinguent des autres peuples (noms, coutumes, nourriture, danses, chants, vêtements, célébrations etc.). Cette identité est une identité projet, en réinvention continue. L’attachement à la terre commune, « maman Libéria », est sentimental et instrumental. Le projet national libérien est aujourd’hui - intégré parce qu’il exprime la symbiose entre l’âme indigène et des éléments allogènes, entre la tradition africaine propre à la Côte du Poivre (Côte du Poivre) et la modernité :il se base sur l’expérience historique commune. Viennent ensuite, les facteurs sécuritaires (valorisation et protection de leurs vies, propriétés), économiques et psychologiques qui sont mobilisés pour soutenir le projet politique. Nos interlocuteurs sont réalistes, le projet national et étatique actuel présente d’innombrables limites politiques, institutionnelles, culturelles, sociales et économiques mais y adhérer leur procure la seule possibilité de se mettre à l’abri de l’arbitraire de l’homme, d’écarter le spectre d’une nouvelle guerre civile, d’accéder à la citoyenneté porteuse de valorisation personnelle et collective et à une vie épanouissante et prospère. Notre étude, par la recherche documentaire, met aussi en évidence l’évolution du caractère et du contenu de l’idée nationale libérienne, les moments et les personnages y ayant travaillé pour façonner le Libéria et les Libériens depuis 1822 à nos jours. Le Libéria, le premier État indépendant d’Afrique, a toujours eu les caractéristiques de l’étatisme, il a existé sans cesse depuis sa création, en dépit de sa nature patrimoniale et prébende. État failli durant les deux guerres civiles, le Libéria d’après 2003 est en plein processus de

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reconstruction physique et symbolique. Par cette recherche, nous avons étudié l’État, la Nation et le développement du Libéria :plus précisément, la manière dont la mise en place de l’État libérien a influencé le développement de cet espace et le contenu de la nation libérienne, mais aussi la façon dont elle a été instrumentalisée, comment elle a évolué et influencé les processus étatique et de développement national.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The central question guiding this study is, how can Liberia's historical context of colonial state formation and reformation help explain public discourses surrounding gender violence in the postwar decade, 2003-2013? This question is addressed using original data from mixed qualitative methods including participant observation, visual methods, and semi-structured interviews. The research identifies narratives and meta-narratives produced by liberal institutions (including the Government of Liberia and international agencies), as well as informal discourses from adult Liberians of different backgrounds living in Greater Monrovia. Using critical discourse analysis, the argument identifies connections between the narratives that recur, the social realities they recall, and the power dynamics they perpetuate. These discourses are best understood in reference to liberal and colonial/imperial dynamics from Liberia's settlement period. Liberal institutions addressing gender violence in the postwar period face dilemmas in which universalist humanitarian ideals work in tandem with, and provide justification for, imperialism as a set of discursive and material relations. Nonelite Liberians instrumentalise and subvert both privileged donor discourses as well as long-standing colonial hierarchies of 'civilised' and 'country'. Additionally, the thesis examines how liberal institutions, traditional institutions, and Liberian citizens interact as agents of discursive construction. It will be shown that this pattern of discourse production is at times harmonious, as in the interactions around promoting male head-of-household responsibilities, and at other times adversarial, as in conflicts surrounding excision as an initiation practice for girls. Liberal institutions, non-elite Liberians, and traditional authorities both collude and compete in this era of dynamic normative contestation. Both the major discourses and the interactions that produce them can be explained in part by the liberal imperialism and its specific form of settler colonialism that propelled the founding and subsequent stages of state formation in Liberia. The consequences of that residual history indicate inherent - though, not irredeemable - structural limitations to a robust institutional response to gender violence. In this manner the study demonstrates the utility of historicising Liberia's contemporary gender violence discourses, and how doing so can address the longstanding bifurcation between rights and culture in international development and transnational feminist geography.

Critics of the liberal peace point out that the imposition of liberal democratic structures of governance through United Nations Peacekeeping Operations has not led to a sustainable peace being built. In reply, supporters of the liberal peace argue that even though the liberal peace is imperfect, there are no better alternatives. The objective of this thesis is to examine the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and explore the possibility that it may be a potential alternative to the liberal peace. The thesis examines the Chinese understanding of the causes of insecurity in Africa, what the Chinese position is with regards to United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions in Africa; and what role China see itself playing vis-à-vis United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The Chinese approach to peacebuilding recognises poverty alleviation as the foundation upon which sustainable peace can be built in post-conflict countries. Beijing does not believe the external imposition of a political ruling superstructure can succeed, and sees the liberal peace as neo-colonialism and liberal hubris. However, there is no set Chinese model of peacebuilding which can replace the liberal peace, or which African countries might follow. This is because the Chinese developmental model respects the local context, is based on pragmatism, and relies on trial and error to find the way forward. The Chinese have been keeping a low profile in the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and have focused on providing transportation and logistical support to UNMIL. The Chinese focus on infrastructure rehabilitation is appreciated by Liberians and is making a positive contribution to the life of ordinary people. On the deep societal divide that lies at the heart of the Liberian civil war and continues to cause instability, both the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and the liberal peace remain silent.

Why a state is perpetually fragile despite being subjected to extensive international state-building efforts is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations and development studies. In the literature the Liberian conflict presents an example of how natural resources can play a central role in civil wars. Post-conflict Liberia has been subjected to extensive international state-building, at some point hosting the largest and one of the longest UN peace keeping forces in the world, and inflow of aid that exceeds in multiples the GDP. In order to understand the international state-building efforts in Liberia, it is pertinent to reflect them against the extractive and predatory nature of the Liberian republic, and the central role natural resources exploitation and plantations have played in accommodating transnational interest in the country’s abundant natural resources and fertile land. Benefit sharing of rents from natural resources exploitation is inseparable from the internal legitimatization of the Liberian state. Excessive lending, reforms led by international experts, semi-sovereignty and weak internal legitimacy originate from the inception of the Liberian state. This thesis focuses on the political economy aspect of Liberian state-building, and in particular the question of the governance of natural resources. By combining a historical perspective and ethnographic knowledge the thesis seeks to answer a number of interrelated questions: How was access to the state distributed in Liberian state-building? How are those to be governed and their representation included in political economic decision making and more particularly in decisions over natural resources governance? The thesis describes the empirical state-building practices in Liberia during the first two terms of the post-conflict elected government. The analysis is theoretically grounded on the empirical definition of a state in terms of Mitchell (1991) and the underlying social rules of the Liberian governance systems. The thesis argues that securitisation, debt servicing and revenue collection from extractive industries, were prioritized to create an enabling environment to advance concessionary economic policy. While state-building is apparently technocratic, it is, in fact, inherently political. The identification of domestic actors suggests that access to state institutions, information and thus to decision making was unevenly distributed with preference being given to those proclaimed to be reformist partners in neoliberal state-building. This set of elites has appropriated state-building projects to shape institutional arrangements to its own advantage. Historically, Liberia has been characterized as a ‘quasi-apartheid’ state with a perpetual lack of social development. Through concession agreements the state outsources public service provision to concessionaires. The Liberian state has never extended its institutions, public service provision and rule of law to its entire territory, yet maintains a monopoly over the country’s natural resources. After a decade of international state-building, the constitutional reform process revealed that Liberians value economic rights over political rights. The thesis concludes that low confidence in the state’s authority, including in its right to resources, perpetuates the fragile security situation.

This dissertation examines the performance of the Liberian iron ore industry from 1950-1985 and its viability in global markets, assuming stagnation (World Bank) and expansionist (Leontief et al.) expectations. It examines past trends in trade and investment patterns in the light of equilibrium allocations which imply the existence of efficient transportation links. This model assumes that given world sources and sinks as constrained by the supply and demand structure of the ore industry, each individual region acts as a basing point to maximize net social payoff from its ore trade. The model is validated on recent (1984) industry data and "explains" 91% of actual demands and 79% of actual trade flows. Price discrimination is evidenced in the form both of monopsony power exercised by some buyers in the Pacific Basin over intra-regional (e.g., Australian) and extra-regional (e.g., Brazilian, Liberian) producers and monopoly power permitting modest rents to be collected by some producers in Africa, including Liberia, from the European markets. In North America, rents appear for some domestic producers in some simulations. These results confirm quantitatively the descriptive results of others while postulating a much more competitive environment for producers. The model assumes world trade doubles through year 2000 or stagnates. Liberia fares poorly in either case, losing significant portions of its U.S. and of its EEC markets to Canada and Brazil respectively despite the maintenance of some resource rents globally. This analysis quantifies for the first time the claims of earlier studies that price discrimination exists, but indicates actual prices may be closer to long-run competitive prices than has generally been assumed by others. Thus, realistic ways for Liberia to increase its market shares require not only an expansion of the industrialized countries' steel industries but an aggressive willingness to absorb transport and other costs by foregoing rents and lowering costs. Removing diseconomies of small transport scale, absorbing freight, and lower U.S. exchange rates combined with world steel expansion could increase Liberian annual shipments by as much as 50 million tonnes per year or $1 billion annually.

This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.

Over 500,000 maternal deaths occur globally each year. Over half of these deaths take place in sub-Saharan Africa. The purpose of this study was to understand the sociopolitical and cultural context of childbirth in Liberia including practices, beliefs and traditions that influence maternal health, illness and death. The concepts of vulnerability, human rights related to reproductive health, gender-based violence and war trauma within the theoretical perspectives of global feminism provide the framework for this study. Critical ethnography was used to study 10 cases of severe maternal morbidity and eight cases of maternal mortality. Data collection included participant observation, field notes and semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 54 women, family members and community members. Three major themes derived from the data were Secrecy Surrounding Pregnancy and Childbirth; Power and Authority; and Distrust of the Healthcare System. The interpretive theory, Behind the House, generated from data analysis provides an effective way of understanding the larger social and cultural context of childbirth and childbirth related practices, beliefs and traditions in Liberia. It defines the complexity and challenges women in Liberia face in their reproductive health. This interpretive theory moves beyond the biomedical understanding of birth by contextualizing childbirth as a social as well as a biological process. This study provides a starting point for more relevant, sensitive and culturally congruent public health programs and policies to address maternal morbidity and mortality in this population.

Education has proven to be a powerful tool. Higher education in particular has been and continues to be utilized in various ways around the world and has been instrumental in the rise of societies including Americo-Liberian society in Liberia, West Africa. This study investigates how education has been instrumental in the formation of identity for Americo-Liberians (descendants of historically oppressed groups), demonstrates the relationship that existed between education attainment and social stratification within their system, and uncovers the socialization process that existed within the Americo-Liberian system of education. A critical analysis of social structure and history was undertaken to demonstrate how a mythical norm and cultural capital were key in both the identity formation and destruction of the Americo-Liberian population in Liberia, West Africa. Other theoretical frameworks, in particular "othering" were utilized throughout this dissertation to further demonstrate the rise of Americo-Liberians through their employment of a mythical norm and cultural capital, which ultimately led to their demise. A historical case study method was utilized to uncover the cultural capital of the preferred upper class and political elite, known as Americo-Liberians, which was deeply embedded within their system of education. In all, the system that was set up to ensure their privilege led to their demise and the complete destruction of the country as a whole.

Olika frågor och problematik kring reglerna för intervention samt samspelet mellan regionala organisationer och FN utgör stommen i denna uppsats. Syftet är att utreda om ECOWAS fredsinsats i Liberia (1990-1997) var en folkrättsenlig intervention. Då insatsen hade dels fredsbevarande, dels tvingande inslag samt möjligen kunde ses som en humanitär intervention är huvuduppgiften att utreda om ECOWAS hade ett sådant samtycke som krävs för fredsbevarande insatser, om ECOWAS hade fått ett bemyndigande av säkerhetsrådet enligt art 53 i FN-stadgan för den tvingande delen av insatsen samt om insatsen kunde karaktäriseras som en humanitär intervention.

Det framkommer att det som är viktigast i utredningen i förhållande till dessa frågor är huruvida ECOWAS kunde grunda sitt ingripande på Liberias regerings samtycke allena, om retroaktiva bemyndigande av säkerhetsrådet är giltiga samt om det har utvecklats tillräcklig praxis och opinio juris för att rättfärdiga humanitära interventioner av regionala organisationer som sedvanerätt.

Analysen visar att samtliga dessa frågor måste besvaras nekande, i varje fall i ett inledande skede. ECOWAS insats i Liberia var således till en början en folkrättsstridig intervention. Det utesluter dock inte att den kan ses som en föregångare för humanitära interventioner. Bland annat positiva reaktioner från omvärlden tyder även på att den kan komma att spela en viss roll i utvecklingen för det framtida samarbetet mellan regionala organisationer och FN.

The aims and objectives of this study are notably, to provide an overall understanding of the history of Liberia, from the country’s foundation, through the civil war, up to the present day post-conflict scenario. It intends to identify the strategies and schemes put in place by Liberian officials and other stakeholders, while outlining the importance of attaining the goals attached to these various plans. The difficulties of achieving these post-conflict development goals will also be noted, and finally, It analyses whether the concepts used in Liberia might also be implemented in post-conflict societies not only in Africa, but all over the world.

This thesis explores the notion of "black modernity" in the context of the Liberia at the turn of the twentieth century. Despite Liberia's recognition by the international community as a sovereign nation, Liberia fell subject to the imperial ploys of the European powers in the Scramble for Africa. Americo-Liberians, the governing elite of Liberia, toiled to preserve Liberia's status as an autonomous nation and the only self-governed black republic in Africa. This thesis examines the complexities of Liberia's sovereignty crisis, highlighting the ways in which Americo-Liberians used methods of "modernity" for their own purposes. Using Liberia as a case study, this thesis argues that the concept of "black modernity" hinges on contextual factors such as the plight of the people, pending circumstances, power structures, and understanding of self in relation to these variables. Americo-Liberians, unlike most black people at this time, were protected from race-based oppression by the state. Thus, when Liberia's sovereignty was in jeopardy, Americo-Liberians diligently fought to ensure that the Republic of Liberia maintained its sovereignty by using methods of colonialism and diplomacy. While these methods mirrored those of the European imperialists, Americo-Liberians employed these methods to preserve Liberia and, accordingly, challenge the prevailing notions of black inferiority.
Master of Arts

In the aftermath of World War Two, the International Community has shown a renewed commitment towards the protection of human rights. However, whether during wars or under dictatorial regimes, numerous human rights abuses occurred everywhere in the world, from Latin America to Eastern Europe and from Southern Europe to Africa. Countries which experienced oppressive governance or outrageous atrocities has to address the legacies of their past on the return of democratic rule or peace. In other words, they had to emerge from the darkness of dictatorship or civil war in order to establish a democracy. Today, after 14 years of civil war, Liberia is faced with the challenge of achieving a successful transition where the imperatives of truth, justice and reconciliation need to be met. The purpose of this research paper was to make some recommendations on the way the accountability process in Liberia should be shaped as far as prosecution is concerned.

Years of conflict, political instability, and national emergencies have left behind very little information on water resources in Liberia, West Africa. This research leverages major ion and trace element analysis, Escherichia coli (E. coli) field tests, and high-throughput sequencing of microbial 16S rRNA genes to address these gaps and develop a comprehensive snapshot of groundwater quality in the region surrounding Monrovia, the capital city. A novel protocol to collect and preserve microbial DNA from groundwater under tropical field conditions lacking a constant source of electricity was employed and yielded high quality DNA sequences of bacterial and archaeal phylogenetic marker genes.

Multivariate compositional data analysis methods were used to investigate geochemical processes impacting groundwater quality throughout the study area. Low conductivity, low pH groundwaters were found to dominate the system with the majority of geochemical variability in the water samples attributed to surficial inputs both natural and anthropogenic. The implicated low buffering capacity of the groundwater system suggests a high risk associated with mining operations in Liberia. From a public health perspective, nitrate contamination, attributed to widespread but localized infiltration of human and or animal waste/fertilizer(s), was identified as the most important chemical water quality issue. Sulfate was found to be indicative of urban water cycling processes.

Although nitrate, arsenic, and lead concentrations exceeded WHO guidelines in several wells, E. coli was identified in 39% of all groundwaters analyzed, suggesting fecal contamination as the most significant regional water quality risk to human health. Deeper wells had significantly (p < 0.05) lower probability of E. coli contamination, with no E. coli encountered in any well greater than 22 meters deep. Sequencing of 16S rRNA genes revealed highly variable microbial community compositions. Surficial inputs are suggested as the major drivers of microbial diversity and community composition. Groundwaters that tested positive for E. coli in the field were found to have significantly higher estimates of microbial alpha diversity (p < 0.05) than groundwaters that tested negative. Additionally, nitrate, silica, pH, and several other geochemical constituents were found to be strongly correlated with shifts in microbial community structure.

The identification of a wide diversity of pathogen-associated bacteria to the genus and species level suggests that microbial contamination is more widespread than indicated by the E. coli field test alone. Results highlight the vulnerability of aquifers in Liberia to contamination and call for an increased investment in the water supply infrastructure and enhanced monitoring of chemical and microbial constituents throughout the country. This work will help the government of Liberia establish baseline water-quality conditions and provides an initial set of water resource databases to improve water-quality monitoring capacity.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
Over the past ten years, the demand for UN Information Operations (IO) has grown, with the UN initiating or strengthening seventeen peacekeeping operations and increasing the number of deployed UN personnel. Given the growing demand for UN peacekeeping, we will examine, assess, and make recommendations for increasing UN Information operations during peacekeeping (IODP) effectiveness. This thesis will focus on UN information operations from a tactical methodology of peacekeeping operations utilizing the information hierarchy of needs in a post conflict situation. To determine whether the United Nations has established IODP, the following questions are addressed What is more important the IO message or the information system (IS) Is a successful system sufficient for IO success What is the information hierarchy What impact does the information hierarchy have on peacekeeping operations Who should deliver the message How should the message be delivered What is the structure for evaluating UN IODP When, where, and how has the UN succeeded in utilizing IODP in missions Where has it failed and what were the IO issues it faced How can the United Nations and member countries better utilize information operations How can the United Nations utilize the information hierarchy to garner public support in post-conflict environments How can the United Nations counter competing information How do you manage expectations in a post conflict situation Are the tools used by the United Nations for managing expectations during peacekeeping operations effective Specifically, in this thesis, we examine(1) the evolution of UN IODP over the past decade; (2) the characteristics of ongoing IODP in case studies from Kosovo, Liberia, and Eritrea-Ethiopia; (3) the current structure for evaluating the UN IODP and the challenges, if any, the current structure poses, specifically in the previously mentioned case; and (4) countering disinformation efforts in IODP case studies.

Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 126-134).
Liberia seems an ostensible 'poster child' in light of the call by women's rights advocates to insert women in all aspects of the political, social, and economic transition in post-conflict countries. Liberia has elected the first female African President and women head the strategic government ministries of Finance, Justice, Commerce, Gender, Youth and Sports and National Police. Women also helped to secure an end to fourteen years of civil war. Pressured by women, the National Legislature has.passed a revised law against rape and a Devolution of Estate Act granting women in customary marriages the rights to own property and to take custody of their children. While acknowledging these remarkable contributions, I argue that reliance on these successes of the women's movement in the last several years is not enough to produce the kinds of changes that will bring economic benefits to ordinary women. I argue that the women's movement plurality neither ensures an automatic and equal representation for all women nor is it an all-encompassing movement for sudden empowerment for all or for equalizing life chances and opportunities. I then argue that what is needed is a developmental state that ensures a rights-based approach to state building. Without a social policy that protects at the least those whose subsistence have been decimated by the civil war, condition for sustained peace may be eroded. Assuring poor women a modicum of economic welfare is a legitimate goal. And a rights-based approach to state building gives poor women control over all areas of their daily existence and put pressure on the state to be accountable for such obligations.
by William N. Massaquoi.
M.C.P.

This study focused on presenting an analysis of the concept of marginalisation of former fighters after the Liberian civil conflict and how the web of connections such as status, identity and networks were central to any proposed establishment of a debate. The study had two aims. The first aim was to give a voice to the ex-soldiers who became neglected after the war, allowing them to tell their own stories of marginalisation before, during and after the conflict. The second aim was to help establish a debate on the notion of marginalisation that existed before the war and impacted the soldiers after the war. Within this, the study aimed to assess how the evolution of identity of individuals from youth to neglected veterans had occurred and to further the knowledge of the empirical literature in this regard. A secondary aim was to evaluate the success of reintegration of the ex-soldiers into Liberian society post-conflict and how far marginalisation hindered this attempt. To achieve these aims, the study focused on the use of a qualitative research methodology as the central research component. As well as considering the view of the empirical literature, the researcher wished to provide an account of marginalisation from those that had experienced it first-hand. Therefore, the study dispensed with the use of quantitative surveys and instead carried out personal conversations face to face that would reveal the former fighters’ feelings and attitudes in a more rounded and richer way. This methodological approach aimed to give a voice to the ex-soldiers and whether or not they perceive themselves as part of society. Using these interviews, the thesis aimed to analyse the influence of internal and external factors that caused the former fighters to perceive themselves as being either included, excluded or marginalised within Liberian society. The interviews, combined with the results of the review of the empirical literature, enabled the researcher to draw a number of salient points regarding the concept of marginalisation. The study found that the creation of the feeling of marginalisation for former fighters was composed of a variety of psycho-social factors. These included detachment from family, marginalised primary identities, the development of war-connected networks and a resilient sense of belonging, all of which combined to create a distinct group identity of the neglected veteran that currently exists in Liberian society. This has been because the former fighters have been unable to homogenise their status and identity with the rest of the population. This has stemmed from their perception of the failure of the reintegration process to eliminate the gap between former fighters and civilians and has led to serious problems within Liberian society. The study concludes that Liberian youth developed a war-family identity (collective group identity) and gained a strong sense of belonging. The actions of DDR led to this disintegration of the war family and triggered a series of reactions psychologically and socially. Moreover, reintegration attempts have proved unsuccessful due to the lack of education and skills held by the former fighters. Attempts to be accepted into society has not led to real integration. This has increased the perception of former fighters that they are now neglected veterans. Recommendations for further study are also provided in this work.

Previous research on empowerment of women has tried to show a correlation between empowerment and a reduction of gender-based violence. Some studies confirm that correlation and it is argued that especially economic empowerment is key to such a correlation. However, the correlation based on economic empowerment is disputed, and some scholars argue that economic empowerment is not sufficient to tackle structural issues based on power inequalities, such as gender-based violence. This study will build on the latter argument in the debate of empowerment, and will use the case of post-conflict Liberia to support this discussion. In post-conflict Liberia, significant efforts to empower women have been made and yet, high levels of gender-based violence remain. By examining two official policy documents directed toward reduction of gender-based violence and enhancement of women’s empowerment, this thesis concludes that there is a lack of recognition of gender relations structured around an unequal distribution of power, in the two documents. The study will therefore end with the argument that in order to create empowerment of women that reduce issues such as gender-based violence, strategies to enhance women’s empowerment need to account for gender relations based on power dynamics.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2007.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The primary purpose of the research study is to establish whether the supervisory regime of the Central Bank of Liberia (hereinafter referred to as CBL) is adequate to provide effective and efficient bank supervision that will ensure stability in the financial system. Stability in the financial sector and safety and soundness of the banking industry are of paramount importance due to its linkages with all other sectors of the economy. Adequate supervision and prudential regulations are central in ensuring financial sector stability. This research focuses on the prudential regulations and other supervisory directives used in the supervision of licensed bank-financial institutions, in terms of capital adequacy, asset quality, management, earnings, liquidity and sensitivity to market risk, the supervisory approach and the legal framework. The adequacy of the prudential regulations and other supervisory directives are determined by comparing with international standards. The results revealed that the prudential regulations largely meet international standards. Thus, the supervisory regime is adequate and capable of providing stability in the banking industry. Banks are exposed to various kinds of risks in the conduct of their trading operations; therefore, management is required to maintain a capital position that will cover the nature and extent of risks to the bank:. The capital consists of two tiers; Tier I (primary) capital and Tier 2 (secondary) capital. Banks are required to permanently maintain a capital adequacy ratio that matches their total exposure to risk at the level of at least 8%. The prudential regulations of the Central Bank of Liberia places assets into two risk baskets while international organizations like the Bank for International Settlement has four or five risk baskets based on the category of borrower, sovereigns, banks or corporates. Earning assets reflect the bank's quality and existing potential of exposure to counter-party associated with loan and investment portfolios, as well as off-balance sheet transactions. Banks are required to make adequate provisioning against deteriorating loan portfolios and general provisions for performing loans. Sound and competent management is the most significant requirement for the strength, potency and growth of any financial institution. Indicators of the quality of management's competence are primarily specific to individual institutions. Moreover, it is not easy to draw any conclusion vis-à-vis management soundness on the basis of monetary indicators, as characteristics of a good management are rather qualitative in nature. Strong earnings and profitability profiles of a financial institution reflect its capacity to absorb losses, fund expansion, be competitive in the banking industry, replenish and/or increase capital base and pay dividends to shareholders. Good earnings quality is relied upon by banking institutions as their first line of defense against capital reduction due to credit losses, interest rate risk, operational risk and decline in asset value. Liquidity is often considered as an attestation of solvency for banking institutions. Banks must maintain a minimum level of liquidity to settle obligations such withdrawals and for giving out loans. Liquidity is a strong early warning signal, the shortage and/or the lack of which erodes public confidence in a bank. Banks must guide against structural maturity mismatch. Imprudent lending practice increases a bank's exposure to liquidity risk. All licensed banks are statutorily required to maintain a minimum daily liquidity ratio of 15%, which is a measure of the banks' liquid assets vis-à-vis deposits. Each commercial bank is required to maintain reserve requirements representing 18% of average deposits. A suitable legal framework is a prerequisite for effective banking supervision. Supervisors can be expected to act, free from political pressures, only if they cannot be dismissed for doing their job. The New Financial Institutions Act 1999 and the Central Bank Act 1999 give the Central Bank powers to grant and revoke bank. licenses, supervise commercial banks and have unlimited access to privileged information. There is a need to further strengthen the supervisory capacity in terms of providing continuous short-term training and long-term or post-graduate studies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofdoel van hierdie navorsingsverslag is om te bepaal of die toesighoudende stelsel van die Sentrale Bank van Liberie (hierna verwys na CBL) toereikend is om doeltreffende en doelmatige banksupervisie te verskaf wat stabiliteit in die finansiële stelsel sal verseker. Stabiliteit in die finansieie sektor, en die veiligheid en betroubaarheid van die bankbedryf is uiters belangrik as gevolg van die verwantskap met alle ander sektore van die ekonomie. Voldoende supervisie en verstandige regulasies vorm die kern van stabiliteit in die finansiële sektor. Hierdie navorsing is gerig op die verstandige regulasies en ander toesighoudende bepalings wat gebruik word in die supervisie van gelisensieerde bank-finansiële instellings ten opsige van kapitaaltoereikendheid, bategehalte, bestuur, verdienste, likiditeit en sensitiwiteit ten opsigte van markrisiko, die benadering tot toesighouding en die regsraamwerk. Die toereikendheid van die verstandige regulasies en ander toesighoudende bepalings word bepaal deur dit met internasionale standaarde te vergelyk. Die resultale toon aan dat die verstandige regulasies grootliks aan internasionale standaarde voldoen. Die toesigboudende stelsel is dus toereikend en daartoe in staat om stabiliteit aan die bankbedryf te verskaf. Banke word blootgestel aan verskeie soorte risiko in die uitvoer van hul handelsbedrywighede. Daar word dus van die bestuur verwag om 'n kapitaalbasis te handhaaf wat die aard en omvang van die risiko vir die bank sal dek. Die kapitaal bestaan uit twee vlakke: Vlak I (primêre) kapitaal en Vlak 2 (sekondêre) kapitaal. Daar word van banke verwag om permanent 'n kapitaaltoereikendheidsverhouding te handhaaf wat ooreenkom met hul totale blootstelling aan risiko op 'n vlak van ten minsle 8%. Die verstandige regulasies van die Sentrale Bank van Liberie plaas bates in twee risiko-mandjies terwyl internasionale organisasies soos die Bank for International Settlement vier tot vyf risiko-mandjies het wat op die kategorie van die lener, selfbesturende entiteit, bank of korporasie gegrond is. Opbrengsgewende bates dui op die bank se gehalte en bestaande potensiaal vir blootstelling aan teenpartye wat verband hou met lenings- en beleggingsportefeuljes sowel as buitebalanstransaksies. Daar word van banke verwag om toereikende voorsiening teen verslegtende leningsportefeuljes te maak en om algemene voorwaardes vir presterende lenings te stel. Betroubare en bevoegde bestuur is die heel belangrikste vereiste vir die krag, vermoë en groei van enige finansiële instelling. Aanwysers van die gehalte van die bestuur se bevoegdheid is hoofsaaklik op individuele instellings van toepassing. Verder is dit nie maklik om enige gevolgtrekking ten opsigte van 'n bestuur se betroubaarheid te maak op grond van monetêre aanwysers nie, omdat die kenmerke van 'n goeie bestuur eerder kwalitatief van aard is. Sterk opbrengste en winsgewendheidsprofiele van 'n finansiële instelling dui op sy kapasiteit om verliese te absorbeer, fondse uit te brei, mededingend in die bankbedryf te wees, sy kapitaalbasis aan te vul en/of te vergroot, en dividende aan aandeelhouers te betaal. Bankinstellings maak staat op goeie opbrengsgehalte as hul eerste verdedigingslyn teen kapitaalvermindering as gevolg van kredietverliese, rentekoersrisiko's, bedryfsrisiko's en 'n afname in batewaarde. Likiditeit word dikwels beskou as 'n bevestiging van solvensie vir bankinstellings. Banke moet 'n minimum vlak van likiditeit handhaaf om verpligtinge soos onttrekkings na te kom en om lenings toe te staan. Likiditeit is 'n sterk vroeë waarskuwingsteken, en die tekort en/of gebrek daaraan knou openbare vertroue in die bank. Banke moet waak teen 'n strukturele wanafstemming van looptye. Onverstandige uitleenpraktyk verhoog 'n bank se blootstelling aan likiditeitsrisiko. Alle gelisensieerde banke word statutêr verplig om 'n minimum daaglikse likiditeitsverhouding van 15% te handhaaf, wat 'n maatstaf is van 'n bank se likiede bates teenoor deposito's. 'n Toepaslike regsraamwerk is 'n voorvereiste vir doeltreffende banksupervisie. Daar kan van toesighouers verwag word om sonder enige politieke druk op te tree slegs indien hulle nie afgedank kan word omdat hulle hul plig doen nie. Die New Financial Institutions Act van 1999 en die Central Bank Act van 1999 gee aan die Sentrale Bank die mag om banklisensies toe te staan en herroep, om toesig oor kommersiële banke te hou en om onbeperkte toegang tot beskermde inligting te kry. Daar is 'n behoefte om die toesighoudende kapasiteit deur die verskaffing van deurlopende korttermynopleiding en langtermyn- of nagraadse studie uit te bou.

This study argues that the formation of Americo-Liberian identity overwhelmingly relied on White American middle class cultural values despite the founders' criticisms and rejection of racial oppression and slavery. Americo-Liberians' previous participation in a culture that downgrades African heritage fostered the internalization of Western notions of civilization and African inferiority that led them to establish an oppressive regime similar to the one they had escaped from, and even enslaved the indigenous population, which they considered "uncivilized." The study thus investigates how formerly oppressed and enslaved blacks became oppressors and enslavers of other black people in the name of a "civilizing mission." The relationship that developed between Americo-Liberians and indigenous Liberians provides a case study to explore the impact of White supremacy ideology on enslaved Africans and racial uplift ideology. Building on contributions of social theory and conflict theory my analysis of Americo-Liberians demonstrates how social class and ideology interacted to produce socio-economic developments that led to the Liberian Civil War. This study covers the founding of Liberia as a republic during the 1840's through the League of Nation's intervention in 1928. It is during this time period that Americo-Liberians fostered an exploitative and colonizing relationship with the indigenous Liberian population. Previous scholarship regarding Liberia engages in descriptive analysis this study is the first to employ the theoretical framework of double-consciousness to further illuminate the ambivalent positions of the Americo-Liberians vis-a-vis indigenous Liberians
B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History

Uppsatsen behandlar olika definitioner av korruption utifrån internationella regelverk. The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) ger en mer specifik definition till korruption än the African Convention on Combating and Preventing Corruption and Related Offences (AUCPCC). Då det finns flera olika definitioner av korruption kan diskuteras huruvida en enhetlig definition är nödvändig. Korruption påverkar även rätten till att bli prövad av en självständig och oberoende domstol. De internationella regelverk som behandlar denna rättighet är the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) och the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). När Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf blev president i Liberia uttryckte hon vikten av ett anti-korruptions program för att lyckas bekämpa den breda korruptionen i landet. För att framgångsrikt bekämpa korruption krävs en stark ledning i landet och ett medhåll från medborgarna att vilja bekämpa korruption. Det är även viktigt att vidta åtgärder för att bekämpa korruptionen inom rättsväsendet då det är domstolarna som skall tillämpa de lagar mot korruption som regeringen stiftar. Reformerna inom rättsväsendet innebär att fler effektiva och kvalificerade domare och personal utbildas och en höjning av deras löner. Trots dessa initiativ har Liberia inte stiftat någon anti-korruptions lag eller grundat en anti-korruptions kommission. Dock är en sådan lag under utveckling och kommer att grunda en anti-korruptions kommission. Grannlandet Sierra Leone har liknande historia av inbördeskrig som Liberia och har även haft stora problem med korruption. Landet har stiftat en anti-korruptions lag som grundar en anti-korruptions kommission. Dock har dessa positiva initiativ visat sig vara svaga och landet har inte lyckats kuva korruptionen genom dessa åtgärder. Detta innebär att fler åtgärder krävs än lagstiftning och anti-korruptions kommissioner för att lyckas bekämpa korruption.

The thesis poses the question of how one can stabilize a state through external intervention without destabilizing sovereignty. The study critically examines the justifications for international and regional interventions in the cases of Liberia and Burundi through a social constructivist framework. The main objective of the thesis is to enhance the understanding of how sovereignty is interpreted during non-aggressive interventions, both from a theoretical perspective through analysis of official discourses and from a practical perspective through interviews with external and internal actors in the field. The thesis argues that it may be more fruitful for future studies to question the aim of these interventions, rather than ask how to improve them. The study finds that rather than reinforce the sovereignty, these interventions neutralize states subject to external intervention in the sense that they become dependent on external capacity to maintain their stability, thereby maintaining peace and order in the international arena. The conclusion is that these interventions remain both controversial and paradoxical and the stated aim of reinforcing the state's sovereignty is questionable at best.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization And Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-79). Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2000.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iv, 60 p. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-59).

Abstract Flood disasters have been a challenge in Liberia for the past 15 years. The result has been hardship for residents, which has created major disruptions to social and economic services. Global warming, poor environmental conditions and weak disaster management policies among other factors are largely blamed for the floods. The conceptual framework for this study was Barton's collective stress theory and Edwards' varied response theory, which guided this exploration of how flood victims perceive the effectiveness of the Liberian government's flood disaster management strategies. A total of 25 participants were recruited for this grounded theory study. Twenty participants were victims of flooding and 5 participants were managers from government and non-governmental organizations (NGO) entities. Data were collected from open-ended semistructured interviews with the participants. Multiple sources such as individuals and group interviews, field notes were used to support the study. Data analysis utilized descriptive coding. Results suggest community and government needs include: (a) policies on zonal regulations to reduce the problem of flooded drainages, (b) funding and other support for disaster emergency management institutions, (c) decentralizing and empowering local government agencies for disaster emergency management, and (d) empowering communities themselves through funding and training to become the first line of defense when floods occur. This dissertation may support positive social change by highlighting the need for government to strengthen disaster management policies to include zoning and building permit regulations, funding for disaster emergency management institutions, and flood control.

Malaria is a vector-borne disease that presents the most persistent and serious public health burden in Liberia. Numerous studies have examined the relationship between ITN use and malaria prevalence. However, little research has explored the effectiveness of ITNs in controlling malaria among children in postwar Liberia. The aim of this study was to examine the association between ITN ownership, parental economic status, ITN installation support, and malaria prevalence among children. This was a quantitative cross-sectional study guided by the health belief model. The study used secondary data from the 2011 Liberia Malaria Indicator Survey. Chi-square for association and Logistic regression were used to analyze the data. The results revealed a significant association between parental education and malaria prevalence. There was also a significant association between parental economic status and malaria prevalence. However, there was no significant association between ITN ownership and malaria prevalence after controlling for parental education and ownership of structure. These findings may foster social change by helping public health authorities in Liberia integrate ITN use with other strategies like mosquito larvae elimination and indoor/outdoor insecticide spraying as part of a comprehensive approach to malaria control. Additionally, massive awareness and economic capacity building should be undertaken to empower malaria endemic communities with the understanding that malaria can be rapidly reduced with other robust strategies in combination with ITN use. These strategies, if implemented, may effectively control malaria prevalence among children and the emotional and financial burdens endure by their families.

Political decentralization has been advanced in the 21st century as a prescription for enabling citizens' participation in politics and increasing good governance. However, empirical investigations have offered limited knowledge about decentralization efforts in Liberia. This study explored if decentralization could serve as a catalyst for citizens' participation and good governance in Liberia. The polarity of participation and representation - one of the pairs in the polarities of democracy model developed by Benet - was used to establish the theoretical foundation for this study. The study employed a case study research design. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 20 participants recruited through snowball sampling and subjected to a thematic content procedure for analysis. The main theme indicated that decentralization was perceived as Liberia's best policy option to repair 171 years of political, social, and economic challenges. Establishment of service centers at the county level to manage social development funds and the passage of the local government act were acknowledged as achievements of the decentralization policy in Liberia. On the other hand, the country's long history of centralized governance, corruption, inequality, constitution violations, and misused of public resources were identified as major obstacles to successful implementation of decentralization policy measures. The social change implication of the study involves identifying a potential avenue for the government and citizens of Liberia to build a stronger relationship through reform which will ultimately enhance citizens' ability to be involved in governmental decision making at both national and local levels.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2007.
The interaction between central bank role and fiscal policy is so crucial to the macroeconomic outcome of any economy. The role of fiscal policy is so strong in detennining central bank policies. This is why central bank behaviour is usually analyzed using a model, which incorporates an effect of fiscal pressure on monetary policy fonnulation. With primary deficit pressure by the fiscal authorities, the response to such government budget deficit plays an interactive role in affecting the tradewoff weights applied to the competing goals of monetary policy. The intenningling of these two policies creates a counter-cyclical reaction, which finds roots in the Central Bank of Liberia Act of 1999 that establishes the principal-agent relationship between the Central Bank of Liberia and the government. Liberia's emergence from intennittent periods of civil tunnoil and unrest has created the dire need for an upswing of its ravaged economy. This is especially explained by the high unemployment and illiteracy rate looming in the country. Additionally, there have been the successive failures of national government to put in place the requisite mechanisms for management and equitable distribution of the country's resources to its citizens. This study gives a diagnosis and the symptoms of Liberia's economic state. According to the World Bank, Liberia is listed in the category of Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC). Poverty traces a vicious cycle from low income to low saving and investment to low output so back to low income. This study identifies the role the Central Bank of Liberia can play in the economic recovery process of Liberia. This study project will further examine and draw lessons from other developing economies, which are applicable to Liberia. In this direction, countries that are perfonning well in achieving moderate to high economic growth will be looked at in an attempt to draw meaningful lessons for Liberia's drive for the attairunent of economic growth. It is expected that there is no quick fix to economic recovery especially so for a third world country that has been plagued by numerous calamities resulting in the looting and pillaging of the country's resources. The recovery of Liberia from its economic woes will involve other stakeholders besides the Central Bank. This may include the sovereign government through its line ministries and sector-specific agencies as well as the multilateral and bilateral partners of Liberia making up the donor community. This study also reveals the shape of Liberia's economy with regards to the structure of the economy. The controlling of public debt and an encouragement of private debt for investment purposes is a right step in the right direction along the path of economic recovery. This study will also examine monetary policy instruments and their limitations as far as the implementation is concerned. Monetary policy can be implemented by changing the size of the monetary base. This directly changes the total amount of money circulating in the economy. A central bank can use open market operations to change the monetary base.

To date, few scholars have addressed the internal dynamics of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and their impact on the production of international norms. The lack of research on the topic seems rather surprising at a time when constructivists produce literature on the significance of global civil society and the role networks play in processes of recruitment and collective identity construction (Crugel 1999; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Boli and Thomas 1999; Anheier et al. 2001; Taylor and Rupp 2001; Keane 2003; Bob 2005). I cover this gap by looking at how power struggles between the international and the local members of a TAN shape the implementation of international norms in post-conflict settings. The purpose of the thesis is twofold: firstly to contribute to a broader literature on global civil society and secondly, to propose a new, more dynamic account on the life-cycle of international norms. The campaign for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security presents an ideal case study. First, it is one of the most successful stories of global norm creation and diffusion thanks to the advocacy efforts of non-state actors. Second, it also shows a case of policy gridlock, where the international efforts to bettering the situation of women in non-Western settings through an implicit liberal normative teleology have shown their limits by the socializee’s formal acceptance of the framework and informal resistance to the dominant norm. Based on extensive fieldwork, my approach combines feminist research methodology (Bar On 1993; Devault 1990; Pillow 2003; Taylor 2000), with the reflexive approach advocated by qualitative researchers in post-colonial and post-structuralist studies (Said 1978; Butler 1990; Escobar 1995). I conducted 60 semi-structured interviews with women activists during 4 field visits in Bujumbura (Burundi) and Monrovia (Liberia) between 2012 and 2013. Following discourse analysis theory (Shepherd 2008; Hansen 2006) and using NViVo8, the interviews were systematically analysed with regard to the reasons they put forward to explain their engagement in the women’s movement and the type of rights they sought to accomplish. The research is conducted through a relational approach in which the interactions of agents are affected by 1) a diversity of structural opportunities through three mechanisms: brokerage, gatekeeping and diffusion and, 2) a compound of ideas forming the master-frame. Those two, in turn, modify interests and identities, both understood as outputs and not as variables determining the interactions of agents. I show how a certain discourse on gender security became accepted as the master frame of the campaign, and how other discourses were left out. That is, I show how discourses created boundaries and identities amongst actors, and how these actors used their agency to stretch those boundaries and identities in order to steer other activists to move towards certain behaviour. Building upon my empirical findings, the thesis sets out a theoretical model of identity boundaries stretching and adaptation in order to analyse the discursive construction of identity and subjectivity as political action. It develops the concept of rebound effect, that is, the point where the ideational boundaries between the thrower of the boomerang (issue entrepreneur) and the receiver (issue follower) are so impervious that the boomerang bounces back and never reaches its destination. I found out that norms based on a liberal peacebuilding approach such as UNSCR1325 are created and maintained by a failure to engage with local and grassroots movements (Richmond 2013). This, in turn, contributes to a process of de-legitimization of NGOs and local associations who form the TAN vis-à-vis the affected population. My findings have important implications for international relation theories of global governance and global activism since they provided a critique of the mainstream norm’s cascade model by introducing new temporalities and geographies in the analysis of the life-cycle of international norms.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Trots att medvetenheten om väpnade konflikters påverkan på kvinnor har ökat under de senaste åren är kvinnor fortfarande underrepresenterade i fredsprocesser, i vilka DDR-program är en viktig del av. Problemet idag är att många kvinnosoldater inte får delta i DDR-processer och lämnas utan återintegreringsstöd efter konflikt, vilket hindrar länders fredsbyggande. Denna studie syftar till att studera anledningar till lågt kvinnligt deltagande i DDR-processer i två konfliktdrabbade länder som genomgått DDR-processer under 2000-talet. Studien har utförts genom att bygga upp en egen analysram utifrån det teoretiska antagandet om att DDR-processer misslyckas att ta hänsyn till kvinnosoldaters olika behov och erfarenheter, vilket begränsar deras möjligheter att delta. Studien kommer fram till att den främsta anledningen till lågt kvinnligt deltagande i dessa DDR-processer var kvinnosoldaters rädsla för stigma att associeras med den väpnade konflikten. Rädslan för stigma grundar sig i samhällets konservativa syn på de traditionella könsrollerna. Eftersom att kvinnosoldaters roll i konflikten avviker sig från de könsrollerna kan de utsättas för stigmatisering.

The American Colonization of Liberia is a unique example of statecraft, reflecting the domestic political concerns of free blacks and colonizationists in the United States. The founding of Liberia reflects the objectives of these two factions.

Current approaches to post-war state reconstruction are primarily dominated by the liberal peace thesis. These approaches tend to ignore the indigenous institutions, societal resources and cultural agencies of post-conflict societies, although such entities are rooted in the sociological, historical, political and environmental realities of these societies. Such universalised and 'best practice' approaches, more often than not, tend to reproduce artificial states. The Poro and Sande are the largest indigenous sodality institutions in the 'hinterlands' - a pejorative term attributed to rural Liberia and Sierra Leone. Both the Poro and Sande exercise spiritual, political, economic and social authority. In this thesis, I use critical realism and the case study approach to investigate: a) the extent to which the liberal peace practitioners who are leading state reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone recognised the role and potential utility of the Poro and Sande institutions; b) the extent to which the Poro and Sande were engaged; and c) the implications for the quality and viability of the reconstructed states. This evidence-based research suggests that the liberal peace project sidelined indigenous institutions, including the Poro and Sande, in the post-war recovery and rebuilding exercises. The disregard for indigenous and emerging resources in the context of state reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone has contributed to the resurgence of 19th century counter-hegemonic resistance from the sodality-governed interior of both countries. At the same time, the reconstructed states are drifting back towards their pre-war status quo. Authority structures remain fragmented, kleptocracy is being restored, webs of militarised patronage networks are being emboldened, and spaces for constructive dialogues are shrinking. This thesis underscores the need for indigenisation as a complementary strategy to help reverse the deterioration, and to maximise gains from massive investments in peacebuilding.

In the post-Cold War world, a multi-party election is now almost always seen as the crucial culmination of a peace process after a protracted but inconclusive civil war. The inputs and outcomes of post-conflict elections in Africa, however, are far from homogenous. The breadth and relative strengths of candidates and the range of results that have emerged from four national polls in Sierra Leone and Liberia after similar highly destructive civil conflicts are testament to this conclusion. The varying degrees of stability and instability that have ensued are further evidence which has had enormous impacts on the countries concerned. Although in essence a domestic procedure to select a new political dispensation, outside forces also hold considerable influence. While the political capacity of nascent parties, often transformed from former military rebel groups, varies considerably and has huge repercussions on the elections, the shift to a more liberal international discourse has also had its effects, particularly in the criminalisation of former combatants and the arbitrary application of post-conflict 'justice'. Both factors intertwine to shape the candidates, results and outcomes of the polls. The post-conflict election serves to select a new government and leader, but its other important role must be to avoid a return to conflict. There is then an underlying need for political solutions and inclusivity in the peace process. Equally, the election has an important role in reconciliation, whether by starting the process of addressing grievances pent up over decades which played a considerable part in the outbreak of conflict, or conversely by frustrating any potential for positive political change that has emerged from the violence.

Postconflict governments and counterparts have collaborated to provide skills training to communities as a critical postconflict development strategy. In these undertakings, the role of community members remains largely undefined. The purpose of this qualitative descriptive case study was to understand the perceptions held by rural community members regarding the role they played in influencing government's policy priority for technical and vocational education and training (TVET) as a local human development strategy in postconflict Liberia. The conceptual framework was based on human capital theory and concepts of motivation and achievement. Fourteen participants were purposefully selected for the study. Data were collected from interviews, focus group discussion, and documents and analyzed using constant comparison. Results indicated that increasing human capital, restoring self-esteem, encouraging civic participation, and building peace were among the community members' motivations for establishing a skills training institution. Leadership, advocacy, and ownership were major roles community stakeholders played in establishing their local skill training institution; voluntarism and collaboration were found to be strategies for support to the local TVET initiatives. Findings have positive social change implications for facilitating community-initiated TVET programs for youth employment as well as informing TVET policies in countries transitioning from conflict to development.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as intervenções humanitárias ocorridas na Somália, em Ruanda e na Libéria a partir do entendimento que cada um desses países se caracteriza como um quase-Estado e que essa condição foi uma das principais responsáveis pelo colapso das instituições estatais em cada um deles. Este trabalho inicia apresentando e discutindo os conceitos de intervenção humanitária, quase-Estado e colapso do Estado e segue numa análise dos antecedentes históricos que levaram cada país ao colapso e às respectivas intervenções internacionais (ONU na Somália; França em Ruanda; e Ecowas na Libéria). Por fim, descreve os equívocos cometidos em cada uma das três intervenções e suas conseqüências para a resolução ou prolongamento dos conflitos.
The aim of this work is to describe the humanitarian interventions in Somalia, Rwanda and Liberia from the understandings of each country as quase- State and this condition as one of the major causes for the collapse of each state`s institutions. This work begins describing and discussing the concepts of humanitarian intervention, quasi- State and State collapse and analyses the historic facts that precedes the collapse of each country and the respective interventions (the UN`s in Somalia; the French`s in Rwanda; and the Ecowas` in Liberia). The final part describes the equivocals done in each one and the consequences for the resolution or the extending of the conflicts.

Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Materials Science and Engineering, 2009.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 200-202).
The aim of this thesis is to make a contribution to the study of West African iron monies through examination and analysis of a group of these objects in the collection of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University. The selection of objects from the collection includes five distinct types, representing different sizes and shapes that have been identified as monies/exchange mediums. All of these object types were originally part of a bundle or remain in bundled form; all share a provenience in West Africa, four groups in present day Cameroon and one in Liberia. The research corpus of material has dates ranging from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century. My metallurgical studies of West African iron monies are the first such investigations to have been carried out. The results will contribute to the appreciation of the ways in which iron 'monies' functioned within late nineteenth - early twentieth century West African societies.
by Ismini Papakirillou.
S.M.