Dissertations / Theses: 'Libertarians'

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Jacobson, Martin. "Power, Paternalism and Libertarianism : Libertarian Paternalism – More than a Nudge." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-377435.

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It is commonly believed that paternalism is at odds with libertarianism. Recent literature has suggested that there are forms of paternalism which are acceptable to libertarians: namely “nudging”, sometimes even referred to as “libertarian paternalism”. The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, to investigate the taxonomical question of how libertarianism, paternalism and nudging relate to each other. Secondly, to investigate whether, and if so when, paternalism is compatible with libertarianism. I argue that any action which is not coercive is compatible with libertarianism. Thus, any non-coercive paternalist action is compatible with libertarianism. I also argue that there are several paternalist action types, such as nudges, informing and incentivizing, which are not coercive, and thus are compatible with libertarianism.

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Andersson, Anna-Karin. "Libertarianism and Potential Agents : A Libertarian View of the Moral Rights of Foetuses and Children." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6997.

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This essay advances a libertarian theory of moral rights, which responds effectively to some serious objections that have been raised against libertarianism. I show how libertarianism can explain children’s rights to certain physical integrity and aid. I defend strong moral rights of human, pre-natal organisms, infants and children against all agents to certain non-interference with their physical integrity. I also argue that parents’ moral obligation to aid their offspring follows from a moral principle that prohibits agents to actively harm rights-bearers. Since this is the core principle of all versions of libertarianism, we gain simplicity and coherence. In chapter two, I explain my theory’s similarities and differences to a libertarian theory of moral rights advanced by Robert Nozick in his 1974 book Anarchy, State, and Utopia. I explain the structure and coherence of negative moral rights as advanced by Nozick. Then, I discuss what these negative rights are rights to, and the criteria for being a rights-bearer. In chapter three, I formulate a clear distinction between active and passive behaviour, and discuss the moral importance of foreseeing consequences of one’s active interventions. In chapter four, I claim that some pre-natal human organisms, human infants, and children, are rights-bearers. I formulate a morally relevant characterization of potentiality, and argue that possession of such potentiality is sufficient to have negative rights against all agents. In chapter five, I discuss whether potential moral subjects, in addition, have positive moral rights against all agents to means sufficient to develop into actual moral subjects. I argue that this suggestion brings some difficulties when applied to rights-conflicts. In chapter six, I argue that potential moral subjects’ rights to means necessary to develop into actual moral subjects can be defended in terms of merely negative rights. By adopting the view advanced in this chapter, we get a simple, coherent theory. It avoids the difficulties in the view advanced in chapter five, while keeping its intuitively plausible features. In chapter seven, I discuss whether the entitlement theory is contradictory and morally repugnant. I argue that my version of the entitlement theory is not.

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Myers, Eric C. D. "Self-Ownership, Equality, and Socialism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2006.

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In this paper, I have examined the political philosophy of a left-libertarian, Michael Otsuka from his book Libertarianism Without Inequality, and a libertarian socialist, Nicholas Vrousalis from his article Libertarian Socialism: A Better Reconciliation between Equality and Self-Ownership. The goal of this examination is partially to explore and present a variety of positions on distributive justice within libertarian theory as well as defend libertarian socialism as a plausible form of libertarianism. The main question motivating this defense is “Can libertarian socialism be truly libertarian in its conception of self-ownership and autonomy?”. In this examination of both left-libertarianism and libertarian socialism I compared both theories to the works of prominent right-libertarian philosophers, primarily John Locke and Robert Nozick, to determine if the theories meet the standards set by traditional libertarianism in promoting individual autonomy as well as to determine if these standards can be reconciled with substantial material equality, either in terms of opportunity or welfare. The results of this examination showed that not only are left-libertarianism and libertarian socialism plausible theories of libertarianism, even exceeding potential for individual autonomy found in right-libertarian theory, but that they both successfully reconcile this autonomy with equality. In defending libertarian socialism, it was determined that it is a successful reconciliation of self-ownership and equality, though this comes at the expense of the potential for minor decreases in self-ownership among individuals when compared to Otsuka’s left-libertarianism. This was defended, however, as libertarian socialism seems more promising a theory for those who hold stronger commitments to equality as well as additional commitments, namely a commitment to democracy.

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Brown, Grant A. "Functional libertarianism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670242.

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Hederstedt, Axel. "The Libertarian Vision of LazarusLong : A Libertarian Reading of Robert A. Heinlein’s Time Enough for Love." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för språk, litteratur och interkultur, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-47883.

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Writers tend to exude political views and ideas in their works. Robert A. Heinlein and his works havebeen interpreted from multiple political standpoints, yet almost no such interpretation has beenapplied to his later works. In this paper Lazarus Long, the protagonist in Heinlein’s Time Enough forLove, is interpreted through a libertarian looking glass, focusing on the novel’s societal critique andideas regarding liberty, power, government and economy. This paper is written with the goal ofshowing that the protagonist in Time Enough for Love can be said to be libertarian in perspective andattitude. This is done by using libertarian concepts divided into five categories, these categories beinginterpreted from David Boaz´s primer on libertarianism: societal criticism, governmental criticism,economic criticism, flourishing and observations. Conclusively this paper states that Robert A.Heinlein’s protagonist in the novel Time Enough for Love seems to have many influences by libertarianideals and can be said to be libertarian in perspective and attitude.

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Millett, Fisher Arabella Marie Amy. "Left-libertarian theory of rights." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6407.

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The human rights that are defended in libertarian literature tend to be limited in scope, which entails that the duties that people can be compelled to fulfil are similarly minimal. For this reason a commitment to libertarianism tends to be seen as incompatible with support for subsistence rights, enforceable positive duties, and redistributive taxation, since each one of these issues may require the infringement of libertarian property rights. In this thesis I aim to challenge these assumptions about libertarianism and to show that if a more plausible reading of libertarianism is adopted – what has come to be known as left-libertarianism – then this will generate a more substantial range of rights and correlative duties which are not only compatible with redistributive taxation, but in fact entail it. I show that libertarianism, despite its contention that human rights are exclusively negative, does not rule out subsistence rights provided that these are understood as negative rights, for example: a right not to be deprived of the means of subsistence, or deprived of a clean living environment. Negative rights can be violated not only by individuals or by institutions, but also by individuals supporting institutions. In order to respect the negative rights of others it is necessary to refrain from supporting or contributing to institutions that violate these rights. Moreover, failure to respect these rights brings about a positive duty of rectification, demonstrating the potential for positive libertarian duties even in the absence of positive rights. Since the manner in which rights can be violated is extensive, so is the scope of those individuals that owe rectification. The fundamental libertarian rights of self-ownership, which I characterise as three property rights – over the body, over the faculties (including talents, abilities and labour) and over what one can produce through exercising those faculties in conjunction with the body – demonstrate how we can come to have property rights over external objects, but self-ownership does not confer permanent private property rights over unlimited external worldly resources. In fact, a robust right of self-ownership is incompatible with the radically inegalitarian appropriation with which libertarianism is ordinarily associated. Given the equal rights of selfownership of every individual, it is far more plausible to conceive of the world as held in some egalitarian manner, rather than as unowned and available for appropriation in such a way that would disadvantage latecomers. I propose an egalitarian understanding of world ownership which comprises common ownership of land, and joint ownership of other external worldly resources such as oil and minerals. Taking the injustice of radically inegalitarian appropriation in conjunction with a duty to rectify past injustices, there follows a libertarian argument for redistribution, but crucially this redistributive taxation is collected not on income but on natural resource use. On a left-libertarian theory of rights, then, there is no right to appropriate unlimited resources, but there is a right to redistribution in the event of past injustices, including the misappropriation of worldly resources.

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Walshe, Garvan David. "Libertarianism after legitimacy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/libertarianism-after-legitimacy(8c587d90-db47-4ceb-8b1c-674340049f2d).html.

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This thesis rejects the position, dominant in political philosophy since Plato that the authority of states may be explained by means of a moral theory of legitimacy. It denies that it is possible even in principle to determine a principle that can endow a state with the moral entitlement to rule and create for its citizens a moral obligation of obedience which thereby authorises it to coerce them. The thesis argues that a Lockean understanding of the state leads more naturally to the position that the state is properly understood as a necessary evil granted qualified justification to coerce in order to protect people from each other. It locates this ambiguity in the moral psychology of the individuals from which a Lockean state must derive its powers and through whom it acts. It further claims that, Government officials being no different in character than the individuals over whom they rule, further coercion may be justified to raise funds by taxation to set up political institutions such as a separation of powers, and to ensure that citizens may equip themselves with the skills needed to avoid being financially dependent on the state. This justification is nonetheless provisional, and the responsibility to weigh the necessity of public coercion against the evil that it involves falls upon individual voters as much as parliamentarians and prime ministers.

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Faccio, Luiza. "Libertarios no teatro." [s.n.], 1991. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269913.

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Orientador : Antonio Arnoni Prado
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Não tem resumo na obra impressa
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Mestre em Teoria e História Literária

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Williams, Robert. "Libertarian politics : a socio-cultural investigation." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26952/.

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This thesis is a case study of Libertarian Party (LP) electioneering in the American bellwether State of Ohio. Officially established in 1972, America's growing LP currently ranks first amongst third parties in their electoral challenge to Democrats and Republicans. Nonetheless, growing duopolist hegemony in the form of the U.S. two-party system has greatly diminished a long and lively history of third party resistance. A survey of American cultural logics and political economy from colonial forms to garrison state constructions together reveal an ideology of party duopoly to serve elite hegemony. The thesis then moves to examine the manner in which Old Right proto-libertarians coalesced into a Libertarian movement. As a socio-cultural investigation of unwanted segments formerly with the Republican Party and their struggles with one another to socially construct the LP, this study is rare. Whilst highlighting interactionist complexities amongst Libertarian segments, the employment of a Rothbardian conflict perspective serves to illuminate a formerly prominent segment within the Libertarian movement. Non-Rothbardian conflict perspectives in synthesis with theories of culture are also drawn upon to broadly interrogate three major segments in their collective social constructions of Libertarian electioneering: classical liberal proponents of small involuntary government, Randian advocates of limited involuntary government, and Rothbardian purists for voluntary government. How the rationalisation of corporative cultural logics impacts upon shared meanings, social constructions, and practices of LP electioneering is also explored. The central argument in this thesis is that segments vie for power to define libertarianism and the LP, but do so within culturally determined codes and parameters. The resulting interpretation in this thesis demonstrates how seemingly paradoxical social constructions of electioneering as Libertarian emerge from corporative ationalisation. Nonetheless, corporative organisational reforms have overcome a range of differentiating factors to achieve greater cooperation between remaining segments after a recent exodus of purists. The result of the corporative turn in Libertarian politics led to rising prominence for an ideology of electability that invariably reinforces the status quo.

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Tupy, Marian L. "Globalisation and equality : a libertarian perspective." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14009.

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Why are some people rich and others poor. Why are some states more prosperous than others. In answering these questions, the public and scholars alike often take the rarely challenged position that economic inequalities result from past or present discrimination or other forms of injustice. Evidently, few believe that all economic inequality is produced by injustice; slackers are despised for their unwillingness to help themselves; countries with failing economic policies do not go uncriticised. Nevertheless, the belief that economic disparities arise because of calculated injustice is deeply ingrained. Underlying this conviction is the assumption that "given equal opportunity, all people would perform equally well". In fact, this assertion ignores instances of economic success achieved despite vigorous negative discrimination. There are many examples of poor, migrant minorities, who, despite transplantation into alien, discriminating environments, succeeded in out-performing the indigenous population and so incurred envy, resentment, and worse. What remains inescapably evident is that people differ in their ability to utilise opportunities presented by a free market system. Defensively, under-performing groups therefore invest energy in securing state interference to change market outcomes in their favour, and demonise the free market system as inherently unjust. In fact, it can be shown that the only economic arrangement compatible with the equality of all individuals and groups before the law is the free market. Globalisation facilitates the spread of this free market system. It should, therefore, be welcomed as the path to greater economic prosperity and greater equality before the law for everyone.

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11

Soepboer, Mick. "Libertarian views on intellectual property law." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/4557.

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During the elections for the European Parliament in June 2009, an unknown party in Sweden turned out to be very successful. The Pirate Party, campaigning for patents to be scrapped and copyright to last just five years instead of 70, received 7% of the votes in the Scandinavian country, giving the party the right to a seat in the Parliament in Brussels. These modern day pirates are most successful in Sweden, but similar parties exist in the United States and a number of European countries as well. In modern society, copyrights, patents, and other forms of intellectual property play a bigger role in normal life than they did one or two decades ago. This development makes people more aware of all the effects of intellectual property theory and policy cause. It also brings up the discussion concerning whether the original goals of the policies are still being pursued properly. Is the chosen path in IP law still a valid one in this digital age or is it time to rethink the structure?

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12

McKercher, William Russell. "Libertarian thought in nineteenth century Britain /." New York ; London : Garland publ, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37411818r.

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13

Torpman, Olle. "Libertarianism and Climate Change." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-128935.

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In this dissertation, I investigate the implications of libertarian morality in relation to the problem of climate change. This problem is explicated in the first chapter, where preliminary clarifications are also made. In the second chapter, I briefly explain the characteristics of libertarianism relevant to the subsequent study, including the central non-aggression principle. In chapter three, I examine whether our individual emissions of greenhouse gases, which together give rise to climate change, meet this principle. I do this based on the assumption that we are the legitimate owners of the resources we use in those activities. In the fourth chapter, I question this assumption and scrutinize libertarianism’s restrictions on appropriations of climate-relevant resources, which leads me to distinguish between some different versions of the libertarian view. Toward the end of the chapter, I also examine libertarianism’s answer to the political question regarding how emission rights should be distributed. The fifth chapter investigates libertarianism’s verdicts for mere risks of infringement, as stemming from people’s emissions and acts of appropriations. In chapter six, I investigate the libertarian right to self-defense against both the effects of climate change and other people’s climate-relevant activities. In chapter seven, I discuss two intergenerational issues related to climate change: what libertarianism says concerning future generations and how libertarianism might deal with the problem of historical emissions. The eighth chapter explores the implications of libertarianism regarding collective moral wrongdoing in connection to climate change. In chapter nine, I take a look at the libertarian room for governmental responses for tackling climate change. The tenth and final chapter is a summary. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that libertarianism recommends that we reduce our emissions and decrease our extraction of natural resources such as forests and fossil fuels. Furthermore, governments are permitted to undertake some quite substantial actions in order to fight the causes of climate change. I end with some bottom-up reflections on what these conclusions might say about the plausibility of libertarianism. I claim that although libertarianism after all manages to explain some of our moral intuitions regarding climate change, it is questionable whether libertarianism’s explanation is better than those offered by alternative moral theories.

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Levey, Ann Victoria. "The limits of libertarianism." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185730.

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Libertarianism is the political theory that the legitimate role of the state is limited to the protection of negative rights to life, liberty and property. The most important of these rights is the rights to property; the libertarian argument for a minimal state requires the claim that individuals have ownership rights in external goods which as sufficiently extensive to preclude the possibility of enforceable moral demands over and above those duties entailed by libertarian negative rights. I argue that these ownership rights are not supported by libertarian principles against aggression, and hence the libertarian cannot explain why anyone should be thought to have ownership rights. Without these ownership rights a libertarian political thesis cannot be sustained. The most plausible motivation for libertarianism is the conception of a person that underlies libertarian objections to consequentialism. This is the conception of a person as having the capacity to choose her own ends, and to constrain her behaviour in accord with those ends. I identify this capacity with a capacity for autonomous choice. This conception of a person gives prima facie support for a libertarian principle against aggression. The main contenders for a principle against aggression are a right not to be harmed, a right to liberty, and a right of self-ownership, which entails in others a duty to refrain from coercive interference. I argue that none of these principles can support any substantive conception of ownership rights. Hence libertarian attempts to link ownership rights with a principle against aggression fail. This is not surprising, since property rights themselves can be thought of as licensing aggression others. Although libertarian arguments for ownership fail, there is nonetheless an important connection between individual ownership rights and the conception of a person that I take to provide the most plausible support for libertarianism. An institution of private property is better able than alternative social arrangements to protect people's interest in choosing autonomously. However, the considerations that support private property also support restrictions on ownership, especially restrictions entailed by individual positive rights. Hence the concept of ownership that emerges is considerably weaker than the libertarian conception.

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Romera, Valverde Antonio José. "Pedagogia libertaria e autodidatismo." [s.n.], 1996. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253891.

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Orientador: Mauricio Tragtenberg
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Análise histórico-política-filosófica dos fundamentos da Pedagogia Libertária, enraízada e desenvolvida entre os operários espanhóis, do século passado e começo deste, sobremaneira em Barcelona. Destaque para o ideárío da educação integral de Paul Robin e da adaptação espanhola de Trinidad Soriano, acrescido da pedagogia "racional e científica" de Francisco Ferrer. Análise histórico-filosófica do fenômeno do autodidatismo dos militantessocialismo libertário no Brasil. Destacando as idéias fundantes de William Godwin e de Joseph Jacotot, relacionadas ao auto-ensino. Entre as análises encontram-se os apontamentos e notas acerca dos princípios da filosofia de C. Krause e sua expansão em solo espanhol, no século passado. E por fim a entrevista-depoimento de Jaime Cubero sobre o autodidatismo
Doutorado
Filosofia e História da Educação
Doutor em Educação

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16

Hopper, Zachary. "Thomas Pogge And The Two Types Of Libertarian." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/133.

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Thomas Pogge proposes the Health Impact Fund (HIF) as a realistic, feasible reform to the pharmaceutical patent regime that would incentivize pharmaceutical research and reward innovation for medicines based on their impact on the global burden of disease. Pogge advances a human rights-based argument to show that the HIF is a morally required addition to the current pharmaceutical patent regime. One objection to his human rights argument comes from a libertarian appeal to property rights. Pogge’s response to the libertarian leads to the counterintuitive conclusion that libertarianism is incompatible with any system of intellectual property rights. This paper will show how Pogge fails to distinguish between what I call status quo and revisionist libertarian positions on intellectual property. Making this distinction, I maintain, would strengthen the human rights argument and allow Pogge to avoid the counterintuitive conclusion of his response to the libertarian.

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17

Lindqvist, Emil. "Libertarianism and Georgism on Private Property." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-115282.

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18

Bornschein, Peter. "Right-Libertarianism and the Destitution Objection." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1462900713.

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19

Koepke, Cami. "Libertarian Paternalism and the Authority Of The Autonomous Person." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/134.

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Cass Sunstein and Richard Thaler (2003, 2006, 2009) contend that the government is justified in shaping certain choices of individuals to advance their well-being. In this paper, I argue that those who are committed to a robust notion of autonomy, which I call autonomy as authority, have good reason to reject the Sunstein-Thaler (S/T) argument for libertarian paternalism. I draw from Joseph Raz’s (1990) idea of exclusionary reasons and Daniel Groll’s (2012) conception of autonomy to argue that the S/T argument for libertarian paternalism fails to respect autonomy. I consider if soft paternalism could be called upon as a foundation for libertarian paternalism, but argue against this possibility. I conclude that an adequate defense of libertarian paternalism would need to directly attack the notion of autonomy as authority, but such an attack has yet to be mounted by the defenders of libertarian paternalism.

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Paynter, Alastair. "The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2018. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/422137/.

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This thesis considers conservatism’s response to Collectivism during a period of crucial political and social change in the United Kingdom and the Anglosphere. The familiar political equipoise was disturbed by the widening of the franchise and the emergence of radical new threats in the form of New Liberalism and Socialism. Some conservatives responded to these changes by emphasising the importance of individual liberty and the preservation of the existing social structure and institutions. In fighting against Collectivism they were brought into an alliance with both disillusioned Old Liberals, and the more radical Individualist followers of Herbert Spencer. This thesis will engage with an existing historiographical debate which questions how authentically conservative this form of libertarian politics actually was. William Gladstone’s open support of Irish Home Rule in 1886 was ‘the straw that broke the camel’s back’ for many Old Liberals who had grown increasingly disillusioned with the direction of their party since at least the start of Gladstone’s second ministry in 1880. Naturally many of these émigrés brought much of their Old Liberal principles into the Unionist fold. But was libertarian conservatism merely classical liberalism repackaged? In examining the interaction between political thought and practical politics this thesis will attempt to go beyond the limited scope of politics as ideology, and assess the underlying frame of mind, from and through which political ideas are formed and filtered. It is structured around various lenses—ethics, empiricism, laissez-faire and aristocracy—all of which formed important aspects of the libertarian conservative frame of mind. The final chapter will use Australia as a case study to assess the existence and applicability of libertarian conservatism in an Anglo-Saxon settler colony. The thesis concludes by arguing that while it was certainly bolstered by classical liberal rhetoric and argument, a clear traditionalist conservative mindset formed the basis of libertarian conservatism.

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Monico, Francesco. "Outline of a subversive technopoetic : for a libertarian pedartgogy." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/3078.

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The thesis explores the relationships between knowledge and knowing in contemporary 21st century information society, using the foundation of the Faculty of Media Design & New Media Art at the Nuova Accademia di Belle Arti in Milano as a research apparatus. This Faculty was established between 2003 and 2012, in Milano, Italy. The starting point of the research was established in the hypothesis that technics have tertiarised memory (Stiegler B., 1994), that knowledge is always founded on an ontological pessimism (Queneau R., 1933, Lyotard F., 1979) and on a perpetual process of the generation of meaning (Gadda C., 1923-29, Foucault M., 1966). Knowledge is always and inevitably linked to the technics with which it is passed on. Pedagogy becomes a questioning of the object of knowledge, which transmutes into a definition of the ways it can be visualised. This research then, setting out from a pessimistic position in relation to knowledge and truth, amplifies them to infinite possible forms and therefore causes a dual shift of philosophy towards art and of pedagogy towards hermeneutics. The methodology consisted of a textual and visual description of a territory in a cartography of meaning, seen as the relation between intuition and the way in which practices as knowledges, arts, form remnants.

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Iler, Sarah M. "The Libertarian Sage: The Conservatism of George S. Schuyler." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1289585457.

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23

Wolsing, Jennifer. "Free at last a libertarian defense of free will /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162290.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Philosophy, 2005.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed April 15, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-01, Section: A, page: 0207. Chair: Timothy O'Connor.

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DeLong, Edwin R. "Arminianism, verbal inspiration, and the loss of libertarian freedom does obtaining a verbally inspired and inerrant scripture entail a loss of libertarian freedom? /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.

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Boström, Nilson Tobias. "Yttrandefrihet, hit men inte längre. : En kvalitativ studie om vilka perspektiv som framkom när Nya Tider medverkade på Bok- och Biblioteksmässan 2017." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-74898.

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This paper aims to examine the different perspectives that emerged during the debate surrounding the right-wing newspaper “Nya Tider” and their participation at the Swedish bookfair in Gothenburg back in 2017. The study relies on the theoretical foundation that is known as Spiral of Silence and Agenda-Setting. But is examined and operationalized by the historical perspective given by John Durham Peters in his book “courting the abyss”. Peters portrays in his book a variety of different takes on the free speech phenomenon. The study’s aim was then to see if similar perspective were protruding now as it has before.A research question regarding what perspective were protruding in the debate that followed “Nya Tider” and their announcement that they were going to attend the bookfair once again where therefore coined. The direct translation of this questions is “What perspective of where the limit of free speech should be drawn is present in the Swedish media outlet regarding the debate of “Nya Tider” participation at the book fair in Gothenburg 2017.In order to examine what perspective protruded in the debate the approach of a qualitative content analysis was deemed the best way to examine the phenomenon. A total of (n) 36 articles were systematically analyzed and a total of 4 perspectives where formed, the liberal, the absolutistic libertarian, the opponent perspective and the victim perspective. Each one different from each other. The study also examined the level occurrence of the different perspective and found that in 18 out of the 36 article’s the opponent perspective where present, whereas the absolutistic libertarian perspective only occurs in 4 out of the 36 articles’. A big difference where therefor found in what coverage the different perspectives were given in the Swedish news outlets.In a time where political censorship is at a rise around Europe with the implementation of laws that prevent people from speaking their minds. Or compelling them to address people a certain way, not by choice but by legislation, the need to examine what perspectives are occurring in our media might for the uneducated seem like a vague way to approach a complicated matter.But Agenda-Setting research has shown that the media agenda affects both the public agenda as well as the legislative part of our society. Therefore, a lack of occurrence of certain perspectives can also affect what laws are put in place. It is therefore imperative to examine what sort of perspective occurs in the Swedish debate to prevent an infraction of the Swedish free speech law, and to keep Sweden a free, secular society.

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Lapolla, Luca. "Anarchist heterotopias : post-1968 libertarian communities in Britain and Italy." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2018. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/310/.

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This thesis explores libertarian and anarchist communities – such as social centres, squats, and communes – in the UK and Italy since 1968. It shows how they relate and contribute to wider Left and social movements, despite being often overlooked by historians. Such places functioned as gateways into activism for ‘ordinary people’ and as catalysts to action for existing activists. They have provided a space to experiment and implement radical social alternatives to the status quo. These communities also facilitated the transmission of intergenerational radical memories and traditions. Like Foucauldian heterotopias, such ‘counter-sites’ simultaneously ‘represented, contested, and inverted’ the expressions of the dominant cultures. To explore the effects of this simultaneous replication and inversion of the status quo, this dissertation draws on interviews I have conducted with libertarians involved in these communities. They enable a critical appraisal of the tension between theoretical and actual communities, and of the persistence of mainstream ideas and power relations within these spaces. In particular, this work investigates the variations in the attitude of libertarian activists towards key facets in the life of their communities. I focus especially on the influence space/place and activists have on each other; the perception of time and preservation of collective memory; and the construction of identities and emergence of power relations. The period covered allows for an analysis of experiences of a new type of libertarianism – influenced by (and influencing) countercultures and new social movements. By comparing British and Italian communities within this time and with precedent cases, the dissertation illustrates how different historical and spatial contexts inflect experiences of community living and participation. It thus challenges widespread assumptions inside both the mainstream and the libertarian movement (as well as the cohesiveness of such constructs) and sheds light on the changes and continuities in the life of libertarians within and beyond such communities.

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Larsson, Gabriel. "Fri vilja? : Viljeansträngningarna i Robert Kanes libertarianska teori." Thesis, Linköping University, Linköping University, Linköping University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-17653.

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Denna uppsats är en granskning av Robert Kanes libertarianska teori om viljeansträngningar, hur dessa kan lösa det problem som det så kallade turargumentet utgör för en libertariansk händelse-kausal teori och om hans teori ger en bra redogörelse för fri vilja, framför allt i samband med moraliska konflikter. Jag undersöker också Randolphs Clarkes kritik mot Kanes teori, som bland annat går ut på att de dubbla viljeansträngningarna är irrationella, att de inte behövs för att bemöta turargumentet och att Kanes teori inte tillför tillräckligt mycket för att ge en typ av fri vilja som vi inte redan skulle kunna ha i en deterministisk värld. Jag kommer fram till att Kanes teori kan bemöta turargumentet på ett ganska bra sätt, men att den inte tillför något som skulle kunna ge fri vilja även om fri vilja skulle vara omöjlig i en deterministisk värld. Som libertariansk teori misslyckas den alltså.

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28

Attas, Daniel. "Liberty, property, and markets : a critique of libertarianism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307459.

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29

Nelson, Zachary. "Ecological libertarianism| The case for nonhuman self-ownership." Thesis, Colorado State University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10138975.

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The field of environmental political theory has made great gains in its relatively short existence as an academic discipline. One area in which these advancements can be noticed is the strong discussion surrounding the foundations, institutions, and processes of Western liberalism and the relationship of these elements to issues of environmentalism. Within this discussion has manifested the bedrock assumption that the underlying components of classical liberalism – namely individualism, negative liberties, and instrumental rationality – preclude or greatly hinder progress toward securing collective environmental needs. This assumption has great intuitive strength as well as exhibition in liberal democracies such as the United States. However, in using this assumption as a launchpad for reconsidering elements of liberalism scholars have inadvertently closed alternate routes of analysis and theorization. This thesis aims to explore one such alternate route.

Libertarianism, the contemporary reincarnation of classical liberalism, has been generally disregarded in policy and academic realms due to its stringent and inflexible adherence to self-interest, instrumental rationality, and individualism; in discussions of environment, these complaints are only augmented. These criticisms have been validated by a libertarian scholarship that emphasized nature as a warehouse of resources specifically suited for human use. But from where in libertarianism does this ontology develop, and is it correct? This thesis carries this investigation through its overarching research question: can nonhumans have self-ownership within libertarian theory, and what would that mean for libertarian theory?

Part I of the thesis introduces us to the foundation, tenants, and overall logical structure of contemporary libertarian theory. Finding autonomy to be the key to moral standing, and finding autonomy to be a contested criterion, we discover the shaky ground on which the totality of libertarianism stands. After identifying the relationship of libertarianism and the environment – one of atomistic, instrumental, and anthropocentric utilization – we connect the current non-standing moral status of nonhumans in libertarian theory directly to criteria of autonomy. With autonomy acknowledged as a contested subject, we thus arrive at the conclusion that the lack of moral status awarded to nonhumans has arisen not through logical derivation but the reification of tradition.

Part II centers on the establishment of a proper framework for the task of evaluating libertarianism’s main criteria of autonomy. This framework is grounded foremost in the recognition of the inherent social embeddedness within libertarian theory; this embeddedness is founded in the necessary reciprocation of liberty protections through the principles of non-aggression and non-interference and, while acknowledged by libertarian theorists, remained a largely undernourished portion of libertarian theory. To counter anthropocentric bias – in effort to ward off the influence of tradition – additional ecological criteria are added to this framework, culminating in an open, non-anthropocentric framework. Afterward, the chapter examines the Naturalistic Fallacy. Finding our answer in the naturally morally pragmatic nature of Man, this discussion finalizes our analytic framework by emphasizing the practical importance of moral reasoning.

Part III sets about the task of examining the criteria of autonomy utilized within libertarian theory. Two conceptions of autonomy – minimalist and prudentialist – are defined, with discussion showing libertarianism to rely, inherently and explicitly, on prudentialist forms of autonomy. The two primary criteria of prudentialism used, life-planning and reason, are then analyzed in turn; this analysis manifests the critique that in the practical usage of morality both criteria rely on and collapse into minimalism. Prudentialism as a standard is then examined to show its paradoxical reliance on pre-formulated conceptions of human lives, to the detriment of logical consistency and the virtues of negative liberty. Singer’s criterion of suffering is then briefly examined, with discussion outlining its inapplicability within libertarian theory. Narveson’s question of the moral egoist completes the chapter, with the linkage between nonhuman domination and human domination solidifying the argument that full nonhuman moral standing will reduce both to the advantage of libertarian society. From these critiques, then, we observe the critical failure of prudentialism to hold in praxis and see minimalist autonomy as the necessary foundation for libertarian theory.

Part IV outlines some consequences of minimalist autonomy within libertarian theory. The questions of reciprocity and nonhuman violence are examined, with discussions of complications and critiques following. These complications comprise the intersection of ecological libertarianism with extant issues within libertarian theory, such as Nozick’s Principle of Rectification, the moral allowance of self-defense, and the question of the moral standing of children. Afterward, the broader conversation is considered along with specific consideration of the potential environmental impacts of an ecological libertarian theory. Lastly, some doors for future theorizing are opened – namely the conceptualization of nonhuman labor and nonhuman property rights – for future critical investigation. (Abstract shortened by ProQuest.)

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Ferreira, Rui Carlos Coelho Miranda. "Cultura política libertaria nos movimentos sociais contemporâneos." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12778.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Sociologia
A primeira década do século XXI tem sido marcada por intensa atividade no que aos movimentos sociais diz respeito. Por todo o mundo, os movimentos contemporâneos parecem adotar opções axiológicas, modelos organizacionais e estratégias de ação semelhantes, como o horizontalismo, a democracia direta e a articulação em rede. Autores como David Graeber, Uri Gordon e Richard Day caraterizam tal fenómeno como a difusão de uma cultura política libertária entre os coletivos ativistas. O presente estudo parte de um conjunto de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, individuais e presenciais com ativistas dos mais recentes movimentos sociais em Lisboa a fim de aferir se existe um processo análogo neste meio.
The first decade of the 21st century has been marked by intense social movement activity. All across the globe, contemporary movements seem to adopt similar axiological options, organizational models and action strategies, as horizontalism, direct democracy and network-shaped articulation. Authors as David Graeber, Uri Gordon and Richard Day characterize this phenomena as a libertarian political culture diffusion among activist collectives. This study departs from a set of on-site individual semi-structured interviews with activists of Lisbon’s contemporary social movements in order to determine if there is an analogous process in that millieu.
N/A

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31

Nock, Christopher John. "Equality, freedom and property rights : a critique of the Libertarian case." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305760.

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32

Dawson, Matt Paul. "A libertarian socialist critique of the political sociology of late modernity." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7350/.

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This thesis argues that despite the proclamations within the sociological field of 'late modernity', socialism is still of great relevance as both a form of critique, and as an alternative political model. Nevertheless, such an argument requires a refinement of both of the key terms. Firstly, via discussing the work of the three most prominent sociologists of late modernity (Zygmunt Bauman, Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens), this thesis argues that there have been significant changes with the shift to 'late' modernity, most notably the, contested, emergence of 'individualization'. I discuss how the 'disembedded individualization' favoured by Beck and Giddens is flawed empirically. However the 'embedded individualization' developed by Bauman and other researchers is a much more faithful depiction of the continued inequalities and privatisation of previously collective political concerns within late modernity. Using such a distinction can demonstrate the flawed nature of the political alternatives offered by Beck and Giddens and can, potentially, open the door to an alternative socialist conception. This socialist alternative also has to be reconsidered. To do this I draw upon a tradition of 'libertarian' socialism, best elaborated in the work of Emile Durkheim and G.D.H. Cole. This focuses upon the development of internally democratic associational groups as forum for individuals to express their functionally differentiated desires. I argue that this model has great potential for a period of individualized late modernity. It is also my claim that elaboration of such a project can be a criticism against the suggestion that there is a natural 'fit' between neoliberal capitalism and late modernity. In short, socialism, when defined as a libertarian form has the potential to be both a form of critique concerning the role of the state and market under late modernity, as well as providing a possible alternative.

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33

Crawford, Suzanne. "Corporate Ownership of the Media and Its Effect on Libertarian Values." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292182.

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34

Packer, Jonathan M. B. A. Sloan School of Management. "The ethics of labor automation : AI, technological disenfranchisement, and libertarian paternalism." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/122399.

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Thesis: M.B.A., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 2019
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 77-83).
The capitalist economic landscape constantly reinvents itself to capture new value opportunities, in an endless innovative process of what Joseph Schumpeter called "creative destruction"'. Its next major event, hastened by the development of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the emergence of highly accurate predictive behavioral data, is likely to assert itself in the labor economy. Labor costs often constitute the majority of a firm's operating expenses; indeed, the average wage share in highly developed nations currently hovers around 60% of GDP 2. Labor-automating technology is, for this reason, both anticipated and feared - the productivity enhancements of its adoption are likely to re-allocate trillions of dollars of revenue globally. Nevertheless, even in labor markets most susceptible to automation, Al is unlikely to completely replace any roles.
Instead, its application will happen selectively in a process of human-machine teaming: fragmenting a single workflow into automation-feasible functions executed by machine intelligence, and a remainder of technically infeasible functions performed by a human worker. This technology also promises to radically transform organizations, replacing limited, reactive, human managerial insights with behavioral analytics that anticipate and directly modify worker experience. This paper will explore the ethical and democratic tensions between disenfranchising automation, invasive behavioral analytics, and economic growth. It will survey the evolution of contemporary labor from early narratives, to the vanquished, neoclassical notion of rational homo economicus, the development of modern organization theory, and the organizational psychology of workflow automation.
Ultimately, it will consider the ethics of this transformation, its ramifications on corporate responsibility, and its threat to the worker and citizen's ever-shrinking creative franchise. The paper hypothesizes that the fragmentation of labor's creative discretion constitutes the total technological disenfranchisement of the worker, and its organizational automation ruptures the normal, reactive function of private, social, and democratic institutions. Through the lens of libertarian paternalism, or "choice architecture," it proposes a Third Way to correctively adapt to automation's inevitability. Drawing from this proposal and its survey of related theory, the paper suggests that former institutionalized labor norms have permanently deteriorated, and attempts to synthesize their replacement.
by Jonathan Packer.
M.B.A.
M.B.A. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management

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35

Williams, Graham Andrew. "Persons, property and morality : a defence of political libertarianism." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17058.

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Bibliography: p.191-197.
This dissertation adopts as its starting point the beliefs that moral truths can be known and that political philosophy is a branch of ethics. The author identifies three variants of libertarianism on the basis of their different treatments of the right to private property, which all three consider to be the cornerstone of political libertarianism. The author evaluates the arguments of Robert Nozick, Murray Rothbard, John Hospers and Ayn Rand for the moral foundations of libertarianism and finds them to be methodologically inadequate. None is able to furnish libertarianism with the moral foundations it requires. Following the example of Jan Narveson in his recent defence of the libertarian idea, the author adopts as the correct metaphysic of morality the method of hypothetical contract. The contractarian method is capable of determining both the nature and the extent of moral obligation. From application of the method of hypothetical contract, the author concurs with the above-mentioned authors that morality is a system of rights and duties, i.e. deontological in character, and that persons are indeed bearers of moral, non-conventional rights. One of these rights is the negative right to equal social liberty. The author differs, however, in finding that contractarianism favours also a positive right to basic, standard welfare. Recognition of this latter right commits the author to a form of moderate or Lockean libertarianism that endorses the in-principle justice of coercive redistribution to meet persons' basic welfare. Consequently, the orthodox libertarianism advocated by Nozick, Rothbard, Hospers, Rand and Narveson which recognises only negative moral rights is rejected by the author. All of the libertarians cited accept in one form or another John Locke's labour theory of appropriation. However, the author eschews the standard reading of Locke they are wedded to. The standard reading premises the labour theory on a person's ownership of himself. This reading is rejected on the grounds that the idea of self-ownership is insufficiently determinate to act as a sure basis for establishing property rights in things one has mixed one's labour with. A reconstructed defence of the moral right to private property through labouring which avoids this difficulty is given. That defence is premised not on self-ownership but on the right to equal social liberty. Save for the requirement to meet basic welfare there are no limits to the extent of acquisition. The author argues that, despite his avowals to the contrary, Nozick in fact endorses a positive right to welfare, and that this positive right is one that is co-extensive with the right to basic welfare established by the method of hypothetical contract. Two arguments are given. The first argument draws on Nozick's Lockean proviso that an act of appropriation not worsen the position of others. The second is based upon the application to an envisaged society of libertarian-rights bearers of Nozick's clause that permits the violation of rights in order to avoid catastrophic moral horror. This latter argument the author believes to be successful against any libertarianism that is wedded to absolute property rights. Redistribution to meet the demands of basic welfare necessitates taxation. Taxation is to be levied proportionately and not progressively, and is to be coupled with a system of private social insurance. None of the three variants of libertarianism identified, and which the author maintains sustain redistribution as a matter of justice, is ostensibly committed to redistribution more extensive than required to meet persons' basic welfare~ Ernest Loevinsohn's argument to the effect that libertarians are - by the very principle they defend as libertarians - committed to more far-reaching welfare and redistribution is examined and rejected. Because Loevinsohn's argument is directed against a consequentialist defence of libertarianism and not a deontological version it is misplaced. Furthermore, it fails to establish the conclusion Loevinsohn supposes it.

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36

Mizuno, Takeya. "The Civil Libertarian press, Japanese American press, and Japanese American mass evacuation /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998498.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000.
Appendices are translation of Japanese articles. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 366-381). Also available on the Internet.

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37

Jacobson, Martin. "Self-ownership and the Foundations of Libertarianism : Applying Kymlicka’s Arguments on Geolibertarianism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312921.

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38

Sinderbrand, Molly. "The Rights Source : Libertarianism, Self-Ownership, and Justice in Transfer." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Centrum för tillämpad etik, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-58681.

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In this paper, I plan to explore whether giving gifts, inheritance, or charity can be justified using the concept of self-ownership. I will be using Robert Nozick's principle of justice in transfer in his book Anarchy, State, and Utopia as my foundation, and I will determine whether gifts – as a form of transfer – are compatible with this principle. The main argument will be that gifts are not compatible with Nozick's principle of justice in transfer because they cannot be justified using the principle of self-ownership. The point of this argument against gifting is to show that Nozick's principle of justice in transfer is incomplete. Not all transfer can be justified using self-ownership, and thus we need another principle along with it. It is essentially an argument ad absurdum. If we show that gifting cannot be justified, the only choice is to create a system that does not include gifts, charity, or inheritance. But, as I will discuss in the conclusion, such a system would be intuitively incorrect, and would lead to ridiculous practical consequences. Thus, I aim to show that self-ownership cannot do all of the work in Nozick's theory – he must add another principle that can account for gifting. In the first chapter, I will outline the arguments for the principle of self-ownership, and how these arguments lead to property ownership. I will also describe what it means to own property, or to have a right to property. In the second chapter, I will examine the principle of justice in transfer and the free market, and some of the objections to them. The third chapter deals with the argument specifically against gifting, and the fourth chapter shows how the arguments against gifting do not extend to market transfer. In the fifth chapter, I will describe and refute some possible objections to the idea that gifting cannot be justified using self-ownership within the principle of justice in transfer. In the conclusion, I will look at some of the practical consequences that show us why a system without gifting would be absurd.

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39

Oliveira, Francisco Robson Alves de. "EducaÃÃo e revoluÃÃo social nas pÃginas libertÃrias: a circulaÃÃo do conhecimento pedagÃgico anarquista europeu no brasil nas primeiras dÃcadas do sÃculo XX." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2014. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=14693.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico
A presente pesquisa investiga a circulaÃÃo do conhecimento pedagÃgico anarquista europeu no Brasil entre as primeiras dÃcadas do sÃculo XX. Para isso, constrÃi inicialmente uma definiÃÃo conceitual do Anarquismo, enquanto ideologia, e traÃa relaÃÃes do movimento anarquista com a EducaÃÃo, anunciando seus teÃricos ainda do sÃculo XIX, e demonstrando a relaÃÃo destes com conceitos posteriormente utilizados pelos pedagogos e prÃticos das ideias libertÃrias em educaÃÃo. Na primeira parte do trabalho, faz uma discussÃo historiogrÃfica dos estudos sobre o Anarquismo no Brasil e sobre a ausÃncia da pedagogia libertÃria nos âmanuaisâ de HistÃria da EducaÃÃo, problematizando tambÃm a questÃo das âtendÃncias pedagÃgicasâ. Na segunda parte define-se alguns princÃpios caros a tradiÃÃo libertÃria na educaÃÃo, como: a instruÃÃo integral, o ensino antiautoritÃrio e o binÃmio educaÃÃo-revoluÃÃo. Apresenta as ideias educacionais de autores clÃssicos do anarquismo, como Bakunin, Kropotkin e Reclus, mas tambÃm dos pedagogos Paul Robin e Francisco Ferrer y Guardia, ambos responsÃveis pela expansÃo do ensino racionalista e libertÃrio por todo o movimento operÃrio em vÃrios paÃses. Em seu terceiro capÃtulo, investiga-se a circulaÃÃo do pensamento pedagÃgico libertÃrio no Brasil, demonstrando as iniciativas dos anarquistas nos projetos educativos e relacionando com os projetos internacionais. Discute a importÃncia da imprensa operÃria para a expansÃo do ensino anarquista, e coloca o papel das experiÃncias educativas dos anarquistas no Brasil, como: criaÃÃo de escolas libertÃrias, centros de cultura, abertura de bibliotecas, ediÃÃo de livros e abertura de dezenas de periÃdicos, inclusive com jornais dedicados especificamente com a educaÃÃo, como o jornal O InÃcio, jornal dos estudantes da Escola Moderna de SÃo Paulo.
The present scientific research investigates the circulation of European pedagogic knowledge in Brazil among the first decades of the twentieth century. To do so, it builds initially a conceptual definition of Anarchism, as an ideology, and relates the anarchist movement with Education, announcing its theoreticians still in the nineteenth century, and showing the relation between those with concepts later on used by pedagogues and practitioners of the libertarian ideas in education. In the first part of the paper, we do a historiographicaldiscussion of the studies about anarchism in Brazil and about the lack of libertarian pedagogy in the History of Education âmanualsâ, problematizing also the question of âpedagogical tendenciesâ. In the second part, some dear principles to the libertarian tradition in education are defined, as: the integral instruction, the antiauthoritarian teaching and the education-revolution binomial. We present the educational ideas of classical authors of anarchism, like Bakunin, Kropotkin and Reclus, but also of the pedagogues Paul Robin and Francisco Ferrer y Guardia, both responsible for the expansion of the rationalist and libertarian teaching through all the workers movement in several countries. In its third chapter, we investigate the circulation of the libertarian thought in Brazil, showing the anarchists initiatives in educational projects and relating them with international projects. We discuss the importance of the worker press to the expansion of the libertarian education, and put the role of the educational experiences of anarchists in Brazil, like: The creation of libertarian schools, culture centers, the opening of libraries, edition of books and the opening of dozens of magazines, including newspapers dedicated especially to education, like the newspaper O InÃcio, created by students of the Modern School of SÃo Paulo (Escola Moderna de SÃo Paulo).

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40

Duarte, Regina Horta. "A imagem rebelde : a trajetoria libertaria de Avelino Foscolo." [s.n.], 1988. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279053.

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Orientador: Michael McDonald Hall
Dissertação (mestrado)-Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T21:15:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Duarte_ReginaHorta_M.pdf: 4542564 bytes, checksum: 3047f83fc85d054550fd0edbe4aac486 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1988
Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed
Mestrado
Mestre em História

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41

Crounse, Danielle Marie. "A Look into Coverage of Libertarian Candidates -- Out of Sight, Out of Mind." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292185.

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42

Pinta, Saku. "Towards a libertarian communism : a conceptual history of the intersections between anarchisms and Marxisms." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2013. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12208.

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The objective of this thesis is to provide a theoretical analysis and conceptual history of the most significant instances of convergence between 'anarchist' and 'Marxist' political ideas and practices, circa 1872-1963. This study will be conducted with two key aims. First, reassessing some of the dominant claims of a dichotomous relationship between the anarchist and Marxist traditions. Second, with a view towards determining if moments of convergence exhibit sufficient continuity and coherence to be considered as a distinct ideological current or sub-variant within the broader socialist tradition, or what has sometimes been referred to as 'libertarian socialism' or 'libertarian communism'. I argue that the communist, anti-statist, and anti-parliamentary currents in the international working-class movement expose a neglected sphere of commonality which demands closer investigation. In part one, 'Convergences and Divergences', I problematise the dominant interpretations of the relationships between anarchism and Marxism as hostile and irreconcilable ideologies. Employing the 'morphological' approach to ideologies, I then recast this debate as an interplay between two core political concepts: the 'libertarian' critique of hierarchy and authoritarianism and the 'communist' critique of the capitalist mode of production and alienated labour. Part two, 'Beyond the Red and Black Divide', examines the intersections of the libertarian and communist critiques through three case studies. In the first case study, the 'Chicago Idea' movement of the Haymarket Martyrs is examined as an instance of anarchist/Marxist synthesis - one of the ideological precursors of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) union. Case study two examines ideological innovations which emerged in response to the Russian Revolution (1917-1921) and Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) through an analysis of the Makhnovist-platformist, council communist, and the 'Friends of Durruti' group conceptions of revolutionary organisation. The final case study examines the post-war evolution of the Socialisme ou Barbarie, Johnson-Forest Tendency, and Solidarity groups from Trotskyism to 'libertarian socialism'.

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43

Cardone, Alfred Christopher. "Occupying the Tea Party : the rise of contemporary libertarian culture in the United States." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/occupying-the-tea-party(5c5a00d1-5e01-4e7e-a7ec-c29026d06ff1).html.

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Common opinion concerning Occupy and the Tea Party is that they represent extreme ends of the "left-right" political paradigm in the United States. With Republican "Tea Party" candidates and the "hippy" appearance of Occupy encampments, it is no surprise that such opinions exist today. However, does this imply that there is no alternative characterization that can be applied to either? I argue that there is another way to characterize them, if one abandons the homogenous description many place on both movements and realize that there are many actors in American politics today that assume the title of Occupy or Tea Party. Upon considering this, sections of both become noticeable that have escaped national attention and have largely been ignored by established media outlets (TV news, newspapers, etc.). These sections are largely comprised of libertarian and anarchist elements that are seeking to redefine how Americans view their political system in order to escape the perceived injustices that occurred in the aftermath of the housing bubble collapse and the subsequent recession. They are acting in stark contrast to the recognizable conservative section of the Tea Party and progressive section of Occupy, who are pursuing largely established partisan agendas. While conservatives and progressives are accentuating the polarization of American politics, libertarians seek to transcend it and offer alternatives to an American public that is frustrated with the status quo. Furthermore, many of these libertarian and anarchist elements in both the Tea Party and Occupy are working together, creating a larger ideological political spectrum in which these activists look to cooperate and further their message. It challenges the notion of both being polar opposites, which becomes even more apparent after discovering the libertarian origins of both. Libertarians and anarchists have demonstrated how the Tea Party and Occupy have incorrectly been confined within certain definitions and the possibilities they can bring to American politics.

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BARRETO, RAQUEL DE ANDRADE. "BLACKENING FEMINISM OR FEMINIZING RACE: THE LIBERTARIAN NARRATIVES OF ANGELA DAVIS AND LÉLIA GONZALEZ." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2005. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=7183@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
A dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar e comparar as trajetórias e pensamento de Angela Yvonne Davis (Alabama/EUA, 1944) e Lélia Almeida Gonzalez (Minas Gerais/Brasil, 1935 - Rio de Janeiro/Brasil, 1994) - duas intelectuais e militantes dos movimentos negros nos EUA e no Brasil. Angela destacou-se internacionalmente na década de 1960 como símbolo da luta negra nos EUA, o impacto da sua imagem se inscreveu na memória daqueles que viveram aqueles anos. Lélia foi militante importante do movimento negro brasileiro de finais dos anos 1970, quando também participou ativamente luta política pela redemocratização do país. Minha discussão das obras dos autores enfatiza as teorizações desenvolvidas acerca da inserção das mulheres negras em seus países, com destaque para o debate a respeito das experiências das mesmas com a escravidão. Explora-se, ao longo da dissertação, o legado conceitual que deixaram para os estudos contemporâneos sobre relações raciais.
My goal with this thesis to present and compare the trajectories and thoughts of Angela Yvonne Davis (Alabama/USA, 1944) and Lélia Almeida Gonzalez (Minas Gerais/Brasil, 1935 - Rio de Janeiro/Brasil, 1994) - both women intellectuals and activists of the Black movements in the US and Brazil. Angela became internationally known in the 1960s as a Black struggle symbol in the US. The impact of her figure still lingers on in the memory of those who lived in those years. Lélia was an important activist in the Brazilian Black movement of the late 1970s, when she intensively took part in the political struggle for the return of democracy in Brazil. My discussion of the authors´ main works emphasizes the theoretical essays they developed on the social insertion of black women in their countries. It specially highlights the debate forwarded on black women experiences under slavery. Throughout the thesis I call attention for the contribution of their conceptual legacy for contemporary studies on racial relations.

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45

Towery, Matthew A. "Beyond Libertarianism: Interpretations of Mill's Harm Principle and the Economic Implications Therein." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/45.

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The thesis will examine the harm principle, as originally described by John Stuart Mill. In doing so, it will defend that, though unintended, the harm principle may justify several principles of distributive justice. To augment this analysis, the paper will examine several secondary authors’ interpretations of the harm principle, including potential critiques of the thesis itself.

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46

Orsi, Cosma Emilio. "The moral foundations of markets : from libertarianism to the economy of solidarity." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415592.

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47

Crepaldi, Elena <1993&gt. "Nudging in gambling: the debate on gambling regulation and the focus on the libertarian paternalism." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14320.

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A seguito della crescita del fenomeno del gioco d’azzardo a livello mondiale, si è fatta sempre più imperativa la necessità di ragionare su quale sia il modo migliore per regolamentare tale settore. L’interesse per la situazione del gambling, ha scaturito due principali domande che costituiscono il leitmotiv dell’elaborato: come dovrebbe essere regolamentato il gioco d’azzardo e quale direzione la politica dovrebbe prendere considerando entrambi i lati, positivi e negativi, della medaglia? La Teoria dei Nudge potrebbe rappresentare una soluzione, un buon compromesso tra i due poli, e riscuotere lo stesso successo che sta riscuotendo in altri ambiti socio-sanitari? A tal proposito, l’elaborato affronta, nella prima parte, il dibattito tra i sostenitori della filosofia più paternalistica dell’anti-gambling e i fautori della visione più liberalista del pro-gambling; evidenzia, inoltre, i limiti di ogni posizione presentando l’esempio di due realtà opposte, quella italiana e quella olandese. La seconda parte ha l’obiettivo di verificare se la nuova teoria del paternalismo liberale possa essere una soluzione valida e applicabile al gioco d’azzardo: dopo aver presentato la teoria della spinta gentile, le sue principali caratteristiche e la sua applicazione nelle politiche socio-sanitarie, analizza come possa essere messa in pratica anche nel campo del gioco d’azzardo, tenendo presente che la situazione attuale sta andando in direzione opposta, sviluppando dark nudges.

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48

Hailwood, Simon Andrew. "Exploring Nozick : beyond Anarchy, State and Utopia." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283446.

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49

Lynch, Casey R. "“Vote with your feet”: Neoliberalism, the democratic nation-state, and utopian enclave libertarianism." ELSEVIER SCI LTD, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625948.

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This paper examines a series of emerging utopian discourses that call for the creation of autonomous libertarian enclaves on land ceded by or claimed against existing states. These discourses have emerged in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and can be seen as a response to the crisis on the part of freemarket advocates who critique previous waves of neoliberal reform for failing to radically transform the existing structures of the state. Enclave libertarianism seeks to overcome neoliberal capitalism's contradictory relationship to the liberal democratic state by rethinking the state as a "private government service provider" and rethinking citizens as mobile consumers of government services. Citizens are thus called to "vote with their feet" by opting-in to the jurisdiction that best fits their needs and beliefs. The paper argues that these utopian imaginaries are key to understanding specific new manifestations of post-crisis neoliberalism, and calls for more research into the diversity of discourses and imaginaries that circulate through networks of neoliberal actors beyond specific policy initiatives.

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50

Nordmark, Simon, and Pavel Pogorelyy. "Bitcoin och den libertarianska strategin : En jämförande kritisk diskursanalys av medierepresentationer av bitcoin." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412635.

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Under början av 2010-talet populariserades en ny form av elektroniskt betalningsmedel, så kallade kryptovalutor. Dessa tillkom under slutet av 2000-talet, till stor del på grund av stora finanskrisen 2007, och fungerar som ett fristående valuta- och betalningssystem. Den första och mest välkända av dessa idag är bitcoin. Bitcoin, som många andra kryptovalutor men ingen i samma grad, genomgick en chockprishöjning under mitten 2010-talet ända fram tills 2018. Priset hade under denna tid rört sig från under $10 USD till över $20000 USD per bitcoin. En sådan ofantlig ökning av pris har skapat ett stort intresse hos många, från hobbyinvesterare till finanssektorns huvudanalytiker. En annan viktig händelse i bitcoins historia är åtalet mot Ross Ulbricht, som skapade en illegal digital handelsplats vid namn Silk Road som accepterade bitcoin. Då det fortfarande är ett nytt område har forskning kring fenomenet inte lämnat krubban än. Dock görs det uppenbart genom en snabb överblick att denna forskning främst ligger inom den ekonomiska sfären. Endast ett fåtal vetenskapliga artiklar som nämner den sociala kopplingen till bitcoin kan återfinnas, särskilt få med en kvalitativ forskningsansats. Det har därför gjort oss intresserade att göra ett tillägg till detta mer eller mindre outforskade fenomen. För att åstadkomma detta har vi valt att fokusera oss på en jämförelse av nyhetsartiklar skrivna från perspektivet av bitcoinvärlden med några av de största internationella mediepublikationer som har skrivit om bitcoin. Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys ligger till grund för teorin och metoden bakom denna analys. Det är genom hans forskningsansats som en textanalys av fenomenet möjliggörs. Detta ledde till att vi kunde urskilja ett antal olika diskurser från texterna, antagonistiska förhållanden mellan de och dess textuella konstruktion. Utifrån detta har vi härlett till vad vi tolkar vara en möjlig framkomst till sättet nyhetssidorna skriver om bitcoin.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Libertarians'

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