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1

Velten, Hans R. "The United States and West German rearmament 1950-1955 /." View online, 1985. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211998796245.pdf.

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2

Enns, James Cornelius. "Saving Germany : North American Protestants and Christian mission to West Germany, 1945-1974." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610651.

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3

Mueller, John Franz. "Department stores in south-west Germany, 1881-1939." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709280.

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4

Löbler, Helge. "Innovatives Risikoverhalten im Ost-West-Vergleich." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-218192.

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Seit Ende der sechziger Jahre wird mit unterschiedlicher Intensität auf die Innovationskrise und auf den Rückgang der Investitionstätigkeit deutscher Unternehmen hingewiesen. Zur Zeit wird dieses Thema vor allem im Zusammenhang mit der abnehmenden Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der deutschen Unternehmen im internationalen Vergleich wieder intensiv diskutiert. Mangelnde Innovationen und daraus resultierende Investitionslücken führen danach nicht nur zu einem verringerten Wirtschaftswachstum, sondern erschweren darüber hinaus auch den noch immer nicht vollständig bewältigten Strukturwandel. Dabei scheinen Innovationen und Investitionen auch für die neuen Bundesländer von besonderer Bedeutung zu sein, wenn sie ihren Anschluß an die internationale Wettbewerbssituation bewältigen wollen. Die vorliegende Untersuchung fragt auf der Basis des Risk-/Return- Paradoxon, ob sich das Innovationsverhalten in den neuen Bundesländern von dem in den alten Bundesländern unterscheidet.
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5

collet, CLAIRE, and Kimberlay Duquennoy. "Did the pattern of poverty in West Germany change because of the reunification? : A cross-sectional study of poverty in West Germany." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85939.

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The reunification of West Germany and East Germany occurred in 1990 and had a great impact on the country. This essay investigates the impact that reunification had on the poverty structure of West Germany on the long-run. The results indicate that reunification had a negative impact on poverty since it increased the poverty rate by 4.88 percentage point in 2000 and by 6.16 percentage point in 2005. The structure of the poor population slightly changed the year following the reunification. Five years later, the structure of the poor population was similar to what it was before the reunification. However, during this period, the income transfer became more efficient since it decreased poverty by 6 percentage point to 16 percentage point more after reunification than it used to do before.
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6

Miller, Mark James. "The official East German response to Willy Brandt and Neue Ostpolitik, 1969-1972." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610841.

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7

Ching, Chung-cham. "Trade without flag West Germany and China 1949-1972 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B37741263.

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8

Ching, Chung-cham, and 程中湛. "Trade without flag: West Germany and China 1949-1972." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37741263.

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9

Korzhenevych, Artem, and Sebastian Langer. "The Flypaper Effect in Germany: An East-West Comparison." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-213629.

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We investigate the effect of general-purpose transfers on different expenditure categories and tax rates in the municipalities of Saxony (eastern Germany) and North Rhine-Westphalia (western Germany). Findings from the panel data analysis suggest the existence of the “flypaper effect” – municipalities use transfers to increase expenditures but do not reduce taxes. For most expenditure subcategories the estimated coefficients are alike, suggesting similarity of spending priorities in the two federal states despite the differences in the transfer dependency. Targeted support of eastern municipalities could potentially explain few identified differences in the spending behavior.
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10

Rublack, Ulinka. "Women and crime in south-west Germany, 1500-1700." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272770.

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11

Dodd, Andrew. "West German editorial journalists between division and reunification, 1987-1991." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4205.

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This thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991. After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy. Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of 'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.
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12

Löbler, Helge. "Innovatives Risikoverhalten im Ost-West-Vergleich." Schäffer-Poeschel, 1998. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A15271.

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Seit Ende der sechziger Jahre wird mit unterschiedlicher Intensität auf die Innovationskrise und auf den Rückgang der Investitionstätigkeit deutscher Unternehmen hingewiesen. Zur Zeit wird dieses Thema vor allem im Zusammenhang mit der abnehmenden Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der deutschen Unternehmen im internationalen Vergleich wieder intensiv diskutiert. Mangelnde Innovationen und daraus resultierende Investitionslücken führen danach nicht nur zu einem verringerten Wirtschaftswachstum, sondern erschweren darüber hinaus auch den noch immer nicht vollständig bewältigten Strukturwandel. Dabei scheinen Innovationen und Investitionen auch für die neuen Bundesländer von besonderer Bedeutung zu sein, wenn sie ihren Anschluß an die internationale Wettbewerbssituation bewältigen wollen. Die vorliegende Untersuchung fragt auf der Basis des Risk-/Return- Paradoxon, ob sich das Innovationsverhalten in den neuen Bundesländern von dem in den alten Bundesländern unterscheidet.
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13

Kern, Thorsten. "West Germany and Namibia's path to independence, 1969-1990: foreign policy and rivalry with East Germany." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/24509.

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This thesis examines West Germany's relationship with Namibia between 1969 and 1990. It investigates West German foreign policy towards Namibia, at the height of the Namibian liberation struggle, against the backdrop of East and West German rivalry. It brings to light that the post-war division of Germany into two separate states significantly impacted both German states' policies towards Namibia. The Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) changing approach towards the German Democratic Republic (GDR) is analysed in relation to the Federal Republic's shifting attitude towards the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), Namibia's leading national liberation movement. It shows that the political dynamic that drove the normalisation of relations between East and West Germany played a key role in West Germany's move towards supporting SWAPO in the mid-to-late 1970. Furthermore, this thesis demonstrates that the Federal Republic's political landscape was dominated by political division over the issue of SWAPO's role in Namibia's future. This dissertation therefore examines the diverging views among political parties and its wider effects on shaping West Germany's policy towards Namibia. It calls to attention that political discord led to attempts by political factions to influence events in Namibia, independent of the Federal Government, through alternative instruments of foreign policy. Particular attention is also paid to the ideological underpinnings that promoted or hindered interactions and co-operation between East and West Germany in Namibia, on the one hand, and the two German states and SWAPO on the other. It reveals that West Germany's attitude towards SWAPO cannot be separated from the wider realities of the Cold War. In particular, it shows that the normalization of relations between West Germany and SWAPO can only be fully understood against the backdrop of intra-German rivalry.
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14

Donnelly, Jared. "Public Opinion of Conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc10994/.

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In 1955, barely ten years after the end of the most devastating war in Modern German history, a new German military was established in the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr. In order properly fill the ranks of this new military the government, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer, believed that it would have to draft men from the West German population into military service. For the government in Bonn conscription was a double-edged sword, it would not only ensure that the Bundeswehr would receive the required number of recruits but it was also believed that conscription would guarantee that the Bundeswehr would be more democratic and therefore in tune with the policies of the new West German state. What this study seeks to explore is what the West German population thought of conscription. It will investigate who was for or against the draft and seek to determine the various socioeconomic factors that contributed to these decisions. Furthermore this study will examine the effect that the public opinion had on federal policy.
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15

Fuder, Katja. "No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.

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Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.
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16

von, dem Knesebeck Julia. "The Struggle for Compensation : Rroma in Post-War West Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503996.

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17

Peasey, Jeanette Helga. "Public service broadcasting in transition : the example of West Germany." Thesis, University of Bath, 1990. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256822.

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18

Jansson, Kim. "Gendered Trends of Retirement Propensities in East and West Germany : An Analysis of the Period 1975 to 2005." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-80691.

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Objective: This paper examines the propensity to retire in East and West Germany before and after the reunification from the year 1975 until 2005. The aim is to explain the period-trends in the retirement propensities in East and West Germany with special attention to gender. Conditions are discussed that may restrict an individual’s ability to retire. The ability to retire may for instance apply to the length of earnings-histories, which in turn may be affected by public child-care services, tax and retirement regulations. Method & Data: Event history analysis is applied using a multivariate piece-wise constant hazard model. The data comes from the first wave of the German Generations and Gender Survey (GGS) conducted in the year 2005. The sample size consists of 3698 individuals which produced 2070 events. Results: The results indicate that the propensity to retire was higher in East Germany than in West Germany. In West Germany, there was no significant difference in the propensity to retire for menand women. In East Germany, the propensity to retire was higher for women compared to men. In West Germany, no significant difference was found between married and single women. However, in East Germany, single women had a higher propensity to retire than married women. In West Germany, the propensity had increased after the reunification for men, but not significantly for women. In East Germany, the fall of the Berlin Wall in the year 1989 is clearly visible in the formof a highly elevated retirement propensity for especially women directly after the fall. However, the propensity quickly decreased and together with an increase of men’s propensity to retire since the reunification, the gender gap in the East eventually closed. Conclusion: For the period 1975 to 2005, it can be concluded that the propensity to retire was higher in East Germany than in West Germany. Environmental factors such as the breakdown of the East German economy, the division of paid and unpaid labour and the provision of child-care services probably have a significant effect on a person’s propensity to retire and lay the foundation for the different retirement patterns between the East and the West.
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19

James, William Andrew Philip Justin. "Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.

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20

Steneck, Nicholas John. "Everybody has a chance civil defense and the creation of cold war West German identity, 1950-1968 /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124210518.

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21

Fitzenberger, Bernd. "Wages and employment across skill groups : an analysis for West Germany /." Heidelberg : Physica-Verlag, 1999. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=3790812358.

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22

Beadle, Sarah. "Decision-making in terrorist hostage crises : West Germany in the 1970s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610793.

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23

Groero, Jaroslav. "East and West Germany after the Unification: The Wage Gap Analysis." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193373.

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Under socialism workers had their wages set by the central planners.. In my thesis I use panel data from SHARLIFE questionnaire in order to analyze how returns to East German human capital variables changed after the reunification in 1990.I also compare these returns to West German returns to human capital variables. Before 1990 the returns to experience and education were lower in East Germany than in West Germany. After the reunification East German returns to experience obtained before 1990 and to education decreased. I find a significant decrease of returns to high educated workers who spent in the East German educational system 15 and more years. East German returns to both human capital variables are smaller than West German ones before the reunification and the difference is more pronounced after the reunification.
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24

Stephens, Robert Patrick. "The drug wave youth and the state in Hamburg, Germany, 1945-1975 /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3033588.

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25

Allevato, Frank. "Constructing identities and defining the nation Germany since 1949 /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 1998. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=334.

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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 1998.<br>Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 112 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 106-112).
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26

Griese, Olivia. "Auswärtige Kulturpolitik und Kalter Krieg : die Konkurrenz von Bundesrepublik und DDR in Finnland 1949-1973 /." Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz Verlag, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0611/2006421024.html.

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27

Norquist, Jordan Faith. "RevolutionärInnen am Fließband: a Comparative Gendered Analysis of the 1973 Pierburg and Ford Migrant Labor Strikes." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4824.

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In the years following the end of the Second World War, the Federal Republic of Germany experienced a "golden age" of economic upturn. Due to the labor shortage in the aftermath of war and the division of Germany, West Germany initially looked to its eastern counterpart, the German Democratic Republic, to meet its labor needs in the immediate postwar years. Once East Germany tightened its border control, the Federal Republic of Germany extended bilateral agreements to Southern Mediterranean countries to meet the nation's labor needs. Italy was the first official nation to have a bilateral work agreement with West Germany in 1955, yet by the end of the labor program, the greatest population of "guest workers" in West Germany were Turkish nationals. The West German public initially heralded the arrival of guest workers as a boon, but by the program's end in November of 1973, the West German press reviled the Turkish migrant worker as they gradually moved out of isolated company employee barracks into single apartments, often with families or spouses joining them from Turkey. In spite of a lack of rights on West German soil, the year of 1973 was witness to a swell in migrant political activity, in the form of unsanctioned labor strikes. Utilizing two of these strikes, this thesis will compare the strategies, support, opposition, and success of the Ford Cologne (Ford Köln-Niehl) Factory strike and the Pierburg factory strike in Neuss. In both instances, the degree of support by ethnic German coworkers and factory management influenced the success of the strike. Additionally, this analysis will demonstrate that gender, in concert with nationality, negatively affected the results of the Ford Cologne Strike by way of public reception, while the negotiation of the Pierburg strike through a gendered lens aided woman migrant workers in the cooperation of factory management, the worker's council, union, and the West German public. Regardless of the strikes' outcomes, the significance of the labor strikes of 1973 is emblematic of both the lack of human rights afforded migrant workers in West Germany at the time and the persistent determination of blue-collar migrant workers to claim space for themselves and their families.
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Yurochko, William P. "German high school history textbooks: how well do they deal with the rise and fall of the Third Reich?" Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/54475.

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Recent isolated anti-Jewish remarks by some West German politicians have rekindled debate about the possible revival of anti-Semitism in the new generation of West Germans. One can only wonder if German education has, as some critics like to put it, swept the Nazi period discreetly under the carpet? This study has attempted to answer this question by analyzing 22 West German history textbooks currently used in all three of the traditional German high schools. This study is both quantitative and qualitative. First, a checklist was used to determine what percentage of each book is devoted to the Nazi period and in particular to a set of basic themes considered important to any coverage of this period. Then, each book was analyzed to determine if there are any serious omissions, inaccuracies, biased or ambiguous statements about the Nazi period. When useful, a comparison of the treatment of the various themes under review was made. Considering the problems involved in writing history textbooks for such diverse audiences and school districts, this study finds that, in general, the West German secondary school history textbooks are presenting an accurate, if somewhat limited, account of the Nazi period. In conclusion, the findings of this study indicate that while an accurate portrayal of the Nazi period is presented in the textbooks surveyed, bias by omission does exist, especially when dealing with racial policies, the anti-Nazi resistance movement, and any question of responsibility. Certainly, improvements can be made in these specific areas.<br>Ed. D.
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29

Oppelland, Torsten. "Gerhard Schröder (1910-1989) : Politik zwischen Staat, Partei und Konfession /." Düsseldorf : Droste, 2002. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0d5p5-aa.

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30

Simpson, Tobias John. "Criminology and criminal justice reform in the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-1989." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648410.

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31

Wolff, Ulrich Hermann. "Reducing damages claims for beneficial events : comparative thoughts in German civil law and common law." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64045.

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32

Wallis, Michael. "The German government's open-door Aussiedler policy, 1988-1992." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1996. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/11021.

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The political reform process that gathered momentum in eastern and south-eastern Europe during 1987 and 1988 was accompanied by a growing exodus of ethnic and cultural Germans (Aussiedler) who sought resettlement in West Germany. The Aussiedler were welcomed enthusiastically by Chancellor Kohl as fellow German compatriots who would be a benefit to the economy. The opposition SPD voiced its concerns over the government's motives for maintaining the open-door Aussiedler immigration policy and over the likely integration difficulties. The government sought to respond to public concerns in 1988 by reassessing its Aussiedler policy. It decided firstly to continue the open-door Aussiedler policy (as a constitutional right), secondly to implement an Aussiedler integration assistance programme and thirdly to seek to persuade potential Aussiedler not to emigrate to West Germany. The thesis adopts a multi-disciplinary approach to analysing the government's open-door Aussiedler policy during the period 1988 to 1992, formulating the political and public concerns over the Aussiedler policy into three main research questions. These questions analyse: 1. Whether the government's declared motives for maintaining the open-door Aussiedler policy were justified. 2. Whether the government's optimism over the ability of Aussiedler to successfully integrate into the employment market was justified. 3. Whether the government's policy of seeking to persuade potential Soviet Aussiedler to remain in their country, by negotiating on the re-creation of an autonomous German Volga republic, was viable. The findings for these three main questions allow for an assessment of government Aussiedler policy for the period 1988 - 1992. The thesis argues that there was evidence during the period of study to support the argument that the Aussiedler group was to a degree instrumentalised by the government to serve its own political, economic and nationalistic purposes. Government confidence concerning Aussiedler employment integration proved to be too optimistic, as Aussiedler had specific causes of unemployment. Furthermore, the attempt to negotiate the re-creation of an autonomous German republic in Russia was unsuccessful. The exodus has continued.
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Donnelly, Jared Mierzejewski Alfred C. "Public opinion of conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-10994.

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34

McCarthy, Brian M. "The end of unity grand coalitions in Austria, Israel, and West Germany /." Connect to this thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/729.

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35

Baumann, Steffen. "Political Culture in West and East Germany at the TIme of Reunification: Revisiting the Civic Culture." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278781/.

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Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.
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36

Knapp, Kyle. "Organizational culture in Germany, a comparison between West and East German companies." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22134.pdf.

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37

Rusconi, Alessandra. "Leaving the parental home in Italy and West Germany : opportunities and constraints /." Aachen : Shaker, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015405397&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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38

Bielby, Clare. "Print media representations of violent women in 1960s and 1970s West Germany." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3226.

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A proliferation of media discourse on the ‘phenomenon’ of violent women in 1960s and 1970s West Germany suggests that the violent woman is a troubling figure who provokes both fascination and fear. Julia Kristeva’s notion of the abject provides a language for understanding and accounting for the complex mixture of emotions the figure elicits. For Kristeva, abjection is a violent revolt against something which threatens the subject, which may be both “other” or foreign, and familiar; we abject that which cannot be tolerated, cannot be thought or known, which provokes both desire and repulsion. Troubling about the violent woman, and what renders her culturally unintelligible or unimaginable, is that she takes life rather than giving it. In this study, I trace the various attempts made by the print media to assimilate the violent woman, to make her thinkable and knowable and, as a result, to defuse her threat. More frequently, she is made other, abjected either in the Kristevan sense or in the (related) more literal sense: ‘cast off,’ ‘excluded,’ ‘rejected’ or ‘degraded.’ West Germany of the 1960s and 1970s provides a good time-frame for the study: West German terrorism, which involved a large number of women, was at its peak in the 1970s, and a number of high-profile trials against non-politically violent women also took place during the period. In chapter one of the thesis, I look at how the violent woman is rendered the negative and ‘unnatural’ (m)other of the proper German woman and nation, the better to bolster hegemonic understandings of both woman and nation; in chapter two, how she is made hysterical and feminised so as to defuse the threat that she poses; in chapter three, how her crime is redefined as a crime against her gender and sexuality (one idea here is that it is the ‘man inside’ who is to blame). Finally, in chapter four, I explore how the violent woman is abjected through association with filth and defilement. Arguably it is because the strategies which attempt to assimilate, to know and to name her fail or are only partially successful, that the violent woman must be abjected from the body politic through association with dirt.
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39

French, R. D. "The development and structuring of personnel departments in Britain and West Germany." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354394.

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40

Scharf, T. S. "The role of the greens in the local politics of West Germany." Thesis, Aston University, 1990. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10299/.

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The study examines the contribution of the Greens to the changing nature of West Germany's local politics in the 1980s. The changes correspond broadly to the politicisation and parliamentarisation of a sphere of government traditionally perceived as being "unpolitical". Building upon theories of the New Politics, it is suggested that the varying pace of socio-economic change across the Federal Republic underlies the nonuniform development of its local party systems. The party systems of localities which have witnessed rapid social and economic change are found to be more susceptible to the emergence of a New Politics dimension than those of communities in which change has occurred less rapidly. The thesis continues by addressing aspects of the Greens' role in the development of local party systems across the Federal Republic. Despite the fact that marked differences in the Greens' approach to local political participation are registered in communities of varying socio-economic types, it is argued that the Greens are largely responsible for the introduction of a "New Local Politics" dimension into West Germany's local party systems. In a comprehensive study of the Greens' role in the Mainz party system, the conflicting styles and practices of the Greens and the established political parties in the city are depicted. The failure of the Green Party to form an alliance with the SPD in the city council is attributed to the cleavage between the Greens' New Politics and the SPD's Old Politics approaches. A detailed analysis of the parliamentary initiatives introduced by the four parties represented in the Mainz council between 1984 and 1987 also supports the contention that a New Politics dimension exists in the city's party system. This dimension is identified as representing a significant source of conflict during the period of analysis.
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41

Knapp, Kyle (Kyle David) Carleton University Dissertation Management Studies. "Organizational culture in Germany: a comparison between West and East German companies." Ottawa, 1997.

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42

Ryan, Hannah. "An Intimate Revolution: Fascism, Sexuality and Kommune I in 1960s West Germany." Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7999.

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Subversive voices within the German New Left developed a discourse which linked the rise of fascism in Germany with repressed sexuality. In response, a group of Berlin students founded a commune in 1967, attempting to liberate sexuality and revolutionise relationships. Kommune I’s provocative antiauthoritarianism led to infamy and derision from mainstream Germany, and the commune ended in political failure. While the historiography has refused to see the commune as a serious political project, this thesis argues that Kommune I warrants a more considered examination as a moral and political response to the Nazi past. Drawing on intellectual, social, and cultural history, it explores the power and limitations of this discourse in post-war Germany society.
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43

Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.

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44

Koch-Wegener, Anette. "Apostle of the free market economy : Ludwig Erhard und die Soziale Marktwirtschaft aus US-amerikanischer Perspektive, 1949-1955 /." Marburg : Tectum, 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2687685&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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45

Lloyd, Rebecca Jane. "A green utopia : the legacy of Petra Kelly." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. German Studies, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0140.

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[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.
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46

Scharnholz, Theodor. "Heidelberg und die Besatzungsmacht : zur Entwicklung der Beziehungen zwischen einer deutschen Kommune und ihrer amerikanischen Garnison, 1948/49-1955 /." Heidelberg : Edition Guderjahn Verlag Regionalkultur, 2002. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0e5v4-aa.

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47

Gassner, Florian. "Germany versus Russia : a social history of the divide between East and West." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/41530.

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The present study investigates European and in particular German representations of Russia in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Specifically, it discusses the image of Russia with regard to its influence on the formation of German identity. This dissertation demonstrates that cultural and intellectual distinction from an ‘Eastern’ Russia was pivotal for consolidating the ‘Western’ identity of Germans in the middle of the nineteenth century. The point of departure for this inquiry is the work of Larry Wolff, who argued that the origins of the modern east-west dichotomy lay in the late Enlightenment period. Wolff, however, by focusing on the history of ideas, describes but the first inception of this divide. This study, in contrast, through the example of Germany, discloses the socio-historical factors which led to the popularization and consummation of the distinction between Eastern and Western Europe in the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Thereby, it becomes evident that the modern east-west dichotomy was not the result of intellectual speculation, as Wolff asserts. Rather, its origins are inextricably linked to core processes in the formation of European civil society, such as the rise of the nation state idea, the popularization of liberalism, and the proliferation of racial chauvinism. Considering these factors helps fully appreciate the power of the modern east-west dichotomy and its sustained influence on German identity.
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48

Heinz, Alexander Richard Werner. "British perceptions of West Germany during Ostpolitik and British EC accession, 1969-1975." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.582558.

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The thesis analyses perceptions of West Germany in Britain at the time of West German Ostpolitik and British EC accession, 1969-1975, by focusing on two socio-professional networks in British 'high' politics, and on British public opinion. For both countries the analysed period, ending with the British referendum on Europe in 1975, is remembered as a time of change and . uncertainty during which new dynamics in the European political system became recognisable. In a departure from previous research, the trans-disciplinary methodology utilised in this qualitative study builds on a new, partly constructivist understanding of a constant process of negotiation of perceptions and attitudes. Looking frequently beyond the political, the research is based on a wide range of sources - newly opened documents of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, personal papers, newspaper articles and caricatures, TV and radio programmes, opinion polls and interviews. A detailed introductory chapter on perceptual and political developments in the binational relations and a methodological foundation is followed by chapters two and three which dissect perceptions in 'high' politics, amongst diplomats and politicians. The fourth chapter attempts to reconstruct perceptions in the 'publics'. The thesis asks to what extent different spheres of perceiving people developed different perceptions and criticises hypotheses about the content, uniformity and creation of post-war perceptions. It challenges the idea of public and elite perceptions being generically apart and questions a periodisation into streamlined perceptual periods. The findings acknowledge the central importance of 'the war' but re-assess its complex contents. The thesis also unearths other important elements of perception, being impacted upon by gender, regional origin, and, crucially, the economy. Moreover, perceptions of Germany were closely linked to perceptions of Frenchness. Thus, the thesis makes an innovative contribution to a more complex understanding of how different Britons oriented themselves in the post-war relationship.
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49

Jiménez, Botta Felix A. "Embracing Human Rights: Grassroots Solidarity Activism and Foreign Policy in Seventies West Germany." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108145.

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Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas<br>This dissertation shifts our understanding of 1970s human rights activism from a minimalist politics of salvation to a maximalist commitment to kindred spirits. Scholars see the 1970s as the time when the internationalist dreams of the 1960s disappeared to be supplanted by the salvation of a few over the transformation of the root causes of society's ills. By contrast, this dissertation examines West German activism on behalf of Latin Americans chaffing under military rule in the 1970s as a campaign of international political solidarity by different means. Faced with an environment hostile to transnational solidarity at home and abroad, West Germans of varying political doctrines and Christian confessions, as well as exiles from Latin America, embraced a common language of human rights as they pursued their political agendas. Its neutralist and humanitarian overtones made "human rights" discourses appealing to activists with diverging political goals. This dissertation reinterprets human rights activism as a continuation of internationalist commitments at a time when the foundations for transnational solidarity eroded. Grassroots embrace of human rights occurred during a tense state of securitization provoked by left-wing terrorism in West Germany. With the West German state increasingly unwilling to stand up for human rights on the international stage, especially for leftist victims, or accept them as refugees, grassroots solidarity activists were compelled to embrace a discourse that the state would accept. The Chilean and Argentinean cases--the most prominent instances of state-perpetrated abuses in 1970s Latin America--prompted leftists, left liberals, trade unionists, and Christians to advocate for the admission of political refugees and the imposition of economic embargoes and sanctions. Chilean and Argentinean exiles advocated for political change in their countries, but were forced to utilize human rights rhetoric to escape the stigma accorded to left-wing politics. Conservatives embraced human rights argumentation against the military regime in Chile when the wave of repression reached their political partners of the Christian Democratic Party in Chile. Lacking similar partners in Argentina, West German Christian Democracy did not demonstrate interest in conditions there. The West German government responded to grassroots advocacy with a minimalist vision for human rights protection that emphasized private negotiations on behalf of select individuals, which was abhorrent to many grassroots activists. The embrace of human rights by grassroots activists occurred in a highly contested process of political defeats and realignments. It was not a turn to a new utopia. Drawing on research in state and civil society repositories in Europe and the Americas, as well as oral interviews, this dissertation offers a window into transnational political activism between West Germany and Latin America in the 1970s. It shows how activists from the left and the right, as well as government officials, arrived at different definitions of human rights and diverging strategies for protecting them<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History
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50

Khanna, Rajiv. "After the deluge: the political integration of expellees in West Germany, 1945-1955." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1302026763.

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