Academic literature on the topic 'Libyan newspapers'
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Journal articles on the topic "Libyan newspapers"
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Haider, Ahmad S., and Riyad F. Hussein. "Analysing headlines as a way of downsizing news corpora: Evidence from an Arabic–English comparable corpus of newspaper articles." Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 35, no. 4 (November 7, 2019): 826–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/llc/fqz074.
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Abstract This study examines whether a qualitative analysis of news headlines produces complementary, convergent, or dissonant findings with a quantitative analysis of the full news story. Headlines are among the most important parts of a news story and its summary. This study investigates the construction of Qaddafi in the headlines of two newspapers before and during the 2011 Libyan civil war. This is based on a sub-corpus of headlines that was taken from a 6.5-million-word corpus of two newspapers; one published in English; The Guardian, and the other in Arabic; Asharq Al-Awsat from 2009 to 2011. The analysis of the headlines has produced complementary and convergent findings with the corpus analysis and suggests that the 2011 Libyan civil war represents a turning point on how Qaddafi is represented in the investigated newspapers. This study concludes that analysing headlines proves to be a good down-sampling option to reduce large news corpora to a workable amount of data.
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Al geriani, Adel M. Abdulaziz, and Ahmad Kamel Mohamed. "Articles of Sheikh Abdullah Al-Ghadamisi al-Maghribi in the Sahabat and Saudara Newspapers on the Malaysian Island of Penang (An Analytical study)." Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences 4, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 470–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.46722/hkmh.4.3.21t.
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The current study deals with one of the Libyan reform scholars in the Malay Archipelago. It analyzes the articles of al-Ghadamisi published in the Sahabat and Saudara Newspaoers which immensely contributed to the Malay history and society during the British colonialization that sought the elimination of the Malay identity, religion and social composition of the people and their ethical and customary constituents. This research aims at investigating the articles of Sheikh Abdullah al-Ghadamisi known also as AL- Maghribi, in the Sahabat and Saudara Newspapers issued on the Malaysian island of Penang through which he tried to advocate the Islamic religion and political awareness among the people on the island. His objectives were battling all deviant and innovated practices that were alien to Islam and establishing schools and religious institutions for both genders in order to encounter the British strategy of supporting modern schools where religious subjects and Islamic studies were prohibited. Therefore, Sheikh al-Ghadamisi found in the local Newspapers an open space to publish his reformist and advocate his ideas. This study analyzes al-Ghadamisi’s works accordingly using an analytical method to uncover his scholastic approaches in his articles published in the Sahabat and Saudara Newspapers.
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서소아. "News Actor Representation: In the Headlines of the Two National Newspapers on the Libyan Civil War." Discourse and Cognition 20, no. 3 (December 2013): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15718/discog.2013.20.3.145.
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Ghani, Abdul. "Newspaper Journalism in Libyan Jamahiriya." Serials Librarian 15, no. 1-2 (November 1988): 207–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j123v15n01_16.
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Haider, Ahmad S. "Frequency Analysis as a Way of Uncovering News Foci: Evidence from the Guardian and the New York Times." International Journal of English Linguistics 7, no. 2 (January 20, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v7n2p1.
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Institutions or people can express their political stances or attitudes toward a specific topic if they keep using some words rather than others repetitively and consistently. This study uses the corpus linguistic technique of frequency to examine the influence of the country where the newspaper is published on its agenda and coverage using a corpus of about 7 million words of news articles about Libya and Qaddafi in the Guardian (Britain) and the New York Times (the U.S.) from 2009 to 2013. The compiled corpus is divided into three time periods, namely: before, during, and after the 2011 Arab uprisings. The analysis shows that the two newspapers had different news foci/themes in the three investigated time periods, and that they are influenced by the stock of ideas circulating in the culture in which they are working. Both newspapers covered more news of events that draw the attention of the people of the countries where they are located and published. The paper concludes that there is a strong relationship between media and politics where media is a central arena for viewing the political events.
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Afzal, Naeem. "Discursive Strategies and Media Representation of Conflicts." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n2p1.
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The media’s tendency to widely represent conflicts, through legitimization or de- legitimization, makes us believe that media narratives may not be perceived as ‘neutral stances’ for the public consumption. This study investigates the policy of a mainstream newspaper, The News International (NI), in Pakistan and discursive strategies manipulated by its editorial writers to portray the Arab Spring. It, specifically, examines how the selected newspaper editorials thematically constructed the uprising; (re) formulated the public opinion by echoing the Arab Spring-centred perspectives; and mostly backed the revolting protesters against the dictatorial rules in Tunisia, Yemen, Egypt, Libya and Syria. The data consist of purposefully selected editorials, which were published between January 2011 and December 2012. This particular timeframe has been distinguished for peak media coverage of the events. The qualitative data (editorial content) are analysed by using NVivo. Through discourse analysis approach, it is revealed that editorial writers employed several recurrent themes (e.g., protests, democracy, horror) to project a positive image of the protesters’ movement and fully utilised their prerogative in constructing a ‘pro-Arab Spring’ discourse. This study concludes that such ‘opinion discourses’ serve as an eye-opener to the role of media in representing conflicts from different angles while staying in different societies. It also provides insights into the ways newspapers (dis) empower readers by promoting certain factions of a conflict and devaluing others.
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Altourah, Albaraa F., Khin Wee Chen, and Ali A. Al-Kandari. "The relationship between media use, perceptions and regime preference in post-Arab Spring countries." Global Media and Communication 17, no. 2 (April 19, 2021): 231–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17427665211001894.
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This paper examines the link between attitudes and perceptions and feelings of dissatisfaction predicating the Arab Spring uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen and their correlation to various media use. World Value Survey Report data show choice of media directly predicts governance preference and indirectly predicts governance preference through the creation of certain perceptions. Democratic rule preference is strongly linked to the use of the internet, mobile phones and newspapers. Mobile phones indirectly correlate (negatively) to dictatorial governance but directly correlate to army rule acceptance. Newspapers contribute directly and indirectly to the acceptance of a dictatorial regime and tolerance of army rule.
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Vellon, Peter G. "“For Heart, Patriotism, and National Dignity”: The Italian Language Press in New York City and Constructions of Africa, Race, and Civilization." Ethnic Studies Review 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2011.34.1.89.
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“For Heart, Patriotism, and National Dignity”: The Italian Language Press in New York City and Constructions of Africa, Race, and Civilization” examines how mainstream and radical newspapers employed Africa as a trope for savage behavior by analyzing their discussion of wage slavery, imperialism, lynching, and colonialism, in particular Italian imperialist ventures into northern Africa in the 1890s and Libya in 1911-1912. The Italian language press constructed Africa as a sinister, dark, continent, representing the lowest rung of the racial hierarchy. In expressing moral outrage over American violence and discrimination against Italians, the press utilized this image of Africa to emphatically convey its shock and disgust. In particular, Italian prominenti newspapers capitalized on this racial imagery to construct a narrative of Italianness and Italian superiority in order to combat unflattering depictions of Italian immigrants arriving in the United States.
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Village, Andrew. "What Does the Liberal-Conservative Scale Measure? A Study among Clergy and Laity in the Church of England." Journal of Empirical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 21, 2018): 194–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341371.
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Abstract The Liberal-Conservative (LIBCON) scale is a seven-point semantic differential scale that has been widely used to measure identity within the Church of England. The history of the development of liberalism in the Church of England suggests that this scale should be associated with specific beliefs and attitudes related to doctrine, moral issues and church practices. This study tests this idea among a sample of 9339 lay and ordained readers of the Church Times (the main newspaper of the Church of England) using twelve summated rating scales measuring a range of beliefs and attitudes. Of these twelve variables, eleven were correlated with the LIBCON scale. Discriminant function analysis produced a linear function of these variables that correctly identified 35% of respondents on the scale, and 69% to within one scale score. The best predictors were scales related to either doctrine or moral issues, and these performed consistently across traditions (Anglo-catholic, Broad church or Evangelical) and between clergy and laity. Scales related to church practices suggested ‘conserving tradition’ was also involved in the liberal-conservative dimension, but this was less so for clergy and for Evangelicals. The scale is commended as an empirical measure of one dimension of Church of England identities, especially if used alongside a parallel scale measuring church tradition.
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Dhont, Frank. "The Historical Figure of Omar al-Mukhtar and Islamic Martyrdom in Indonesia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 50, no. 1 (June 26, 2012): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2012.501.75-95.
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The story of Omar al-Mukhtar resisting Italian colonisation of Libya had great potential as a rallying point for anti-colonial sentiment in the Indies stirred up by Islamic politicians under a Pan-Islamic banner. The Dutch colonial government was quite aware of the issue’s sensitivity. It forbade newspapers and Islamic leaders from even mentioning the story of Omar al-Mukhtar with the result that the proposed boycotts against Italy could not become widespread. The effectivity of Dutch policy snuffed out the possibility of the figure of Omar al-Mukhtar becoming a rallying point for those politically active in the struggle against colonialism. Those that would become Indonesian National Heroes with Islamic roots were in fact figures re-cast in a national, secular mould. After ndonesian independence it was national, local identity which dominated over that of Islamic martyrdom.[Kisah perjuangan Omar al-Mukhtar dalam melawan kolonialisasi Italia menjadi kisah yang menginspirasi gerakan anti-kolonialisme di Hindia-Belanda yang dimotori oleh kalangan politisi muslim melalui semboyan Pan-Islamisme. Pemerintah kolonial Belanda merespon dengan hati-hati isu sensitif ini dengan melarang koran dan pemimpin Muslim menceritakan kisah perjuangan Omar al-Mukhtar. Namun, pelarangan ini tidak cukup berhasil. Omar al-Mukhtar menjadi inspirator gerakan anti-kolonialisme. Mereka yang disebut sebagai pahlawan nasional dengan latar belakang muslim sebenarnya tokoh-tokoh yang dihadirkan dengan nuansa nasional/sekuler. Setelah Indonesia merdeka, identitas lokal-nasional itulah yang kemudian lebih dominan ketimbang identitas keislaman.]
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Libyan newspapers"
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Abdullahi, Abubakar. "A one world one voice? : Libyan affairs coverage by one European and three African newspapers, 1970-1986." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34583.
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This thesis basically proffers a critical reexamination of the debate on the New International Information Order. It mainly accosts two problematic issues viz; the faulty conceptual framework adopted by a majority of the Third World member countries of the Non-Aligned Movement Under the auspicies of UNESCO to address the problems of international communication, and secondly, the inability of researchers - as a result of the limitations imposed by the North vs South polarization of the debate and the Third World leader's pedestrian conceptualization of the problems at hand - to focus on the operations of the Third World media in order to arrive at much more comprehensive generalizations. The starting point of this thesis is that it is not enough to concentrate on only one side of the coin. To fully understand the interconnections of neocolonialism and its symptomatic manifestations in the field of information and communication, we have to go beyond the polemical stance the debate and current research assumed. That is, it is not enough to accuse or heap all the blames on imperialism and neocolonialism. It is obvious most of the accusations levelled against the media of the advanced capitalist countries in their portrayal of the Third World countries are valid. But, to get to the roots of the problems i.e., the underlying causes of these problems at large, there is also a fundamental need to put the Third World media themselves under the same analytical microscope. It is with this in mind that we set out to analyse how the African media cover and project African affairs, taking Libya as a case study. The rational behind this endeavour is that since the African states have been accusing the media of the capitalist countries of ill treatment by negatively portraying them, the African media would somewhat cover and portray other African states in a more positive manner, particularly in the period of the debate and in its aftermath. Our results suggests the opposite. That is, there is no fundamental difference in how Libya was covered and projected to the outside world by both the African media in our sample (The Nigerian Daily Times, The Tanzanian Daily News and The Nairobi Standard) and The Times of London in the period 1970-1986. This we believe suggests that both the Third World media and the media of the advanced capitalist nations share some characteristics that makes them to operate along similar lines. They are to a certain extent, two sides of the same coin, which might suggest that, what we are confronted with in the field of international communication is a paradox of "a one world with a one voice" when it comes to the coverage of some contentious issues that threaten what is normally projected as the norm in society. Although these findings are tentative, we hope they will open avenues for further research in our efforts to fully understand the complexities not only of the information sector, but the whole institutional structures that underlie and give bearing to international relations, politics and economics.
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Zheng, Ellen Yue. "Construction of international news: a study of Libya Crisis coverage in Chinese newspapers." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/93.
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In the past three decades, the Chinese news media has experienced great leaps from a propaganda machine to market-oriented industry. Although the state has managed to strengthen the information control, heterogeneity in journalistic value orientations has constructed different media discourses. This thesis discusses the diversity within different news organizations in China, and the influence of state-media dynamics on the quality and role of journalism. Previous literature in the area of media-power relations fQ us on the general landscape of Chinese media shaped by the three forces: the state, the market and the professionalism while neglecting individual cases which contribute for the complexity of the intertwined mechanisms. Supported by the sociological theory of news production and concepts from international relations, this study uses a micro approach to examine the process of international news making in two newspapers. The arguments in this study are based on in-depth interviews with 25 journalists, participant observation, and textual analyses of news reports on Libya Crisis. This study has three major findings. Firstly, the intricate power relations of social forces within China's social context produces much space, as well as obstacles, for the professional practice of journalism. The liberal newspapers keep challenging the state and pushing the boundary of media autonomy while the party organs still serve for maintaining CCP's legitimacy but package the "old wine" in a new way. Secondly, the old Chinese ideology dominated by official communism has been broken up by the emergence of neo-conservatism, old and new-leftism, liberalism and other intellectual discourses which influence the government's decision-making on domestic and international issues. Accordingly, international news reports in newspapers with various interests are manifestations of the divides. Thirdly, the different value preference of newspapers decides the media behaviors. Some choose to speak for the party and help maintain existing social order, while some others serve for public interests. Although both of them practice self-censorship, the former enjoy commercial benefits from seeking refuge from the authority and the latter promote social development by using tactics in news reports. The discrepancy creates space for diversified discourses that added to the complexity of power structures in Chinese media.
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Bachaalany, Dolly. "L'impact de l'argent et du pouvoir sur les journaux au Liban ( Etude de cas : An-Nahar, Ad-Diyar, Al Mustaqbal, Al Akhbar )." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020091.
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Le Liban jouit de la liberté de la presse qui le distingue des autres pays de la région, mais les journaux se sont transformés après la guerre, et plus particulièrement après l'accord de Taëf en 1989; de quotidiens objectifs « défendant l'unité du pays et de son peuple », en « une arme pour alimenter le feu de la discorde entre ses fils ». Cette division s'est reflétée plus clairement après l'assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2005, où le Liban s'est divisé en deux grandes parties, sur une base sectaire et dogmatique (Sunnite- chiite et les chrétiens étaient répartis sur les deux communautés). Ainsi furent crées les deux forces de 8 et 14 Mars, en concurrence sur tout, du pouvoir et les postes jusqu'à la domination des médias afin de promouvoir la ligne politique des dirigeants de chacune d'entre elles. Les journaux étaient tellement influencés par cette partition, et au lieu de jouer leur rôle dans la transmission de la vérité, ils sont devenus un miroir qui reflétait les différences des politiciens. Les principales raisons de ce biais furent abordées par cette étude qui a révélé l’influence du pouvoir sur eux, et cela à travers l’analyse du contenu de 21 événements importants qui ont eu lieu au cours de 22 ans, dans quatre quotidiens : An-Nahar, Ad-Diyar, Al Mustaqbal et Al Akhbar. Cette étude a montré aussi l’hégémonie de l'argent sur ces journaux et leur besoin permanent d'un financement supplémentaire, afin de survivre. Et comment les journaux foliaires feront face aujourd'hui au risque de disparition après la concurrence avec la presse électronique ? Cette thèse aide ainsi à comprendre les mutations de la presse entre conditions politiques et changements techniquesLebanon enjoys the freedom of the press that distinguishes him from other countries in the region, but the newspapers have been transformed after the war (between the Muslims and the Christians), and specifically after the Taif Agreement in 1989, from “objective and defending the unity of the country” to “a new weapon to raise the fire of strife between his sons”. This split was more clearly reflected after the assassination of Rafic Hariri in 2005 as Lebanon broke in two parts, but this time on a sectarian and doctrinal basis (Sunni-Shiite and the Christians were distributed over the two communities).The parties 8 and 14 March arose, competing on everything; starting by the powers and the positions arriving to the domination of the media in order to promote the political line of the leaders of both of them. The newspapers were much affected by this division, and instead of playing their role in the transmission of the truth, they became a mirror reflecting the politician’s differences. The main reasons of this bias were addressed by this study, showing the effect of this power on them, and this through the analysis of the content of 21 important events, taking place over 22 years, in four daily newspapers: An-Nahar, Ad- Diyar, Al Mustaqbal and Al Akhbar. It showed also the dominance of money and the need of the newspapers for a permanent additional funding, despite the advertising revenues and the high turnover in the holiday seasons, in order to survive. And how foliar newspapers today will face the risk of extinction after the competition with digital media? This thesis helps to understand the changes of the press between political and technical conditions change
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Ahmed, Mohamed. "Le Monde et la révolution libyenne en 2011." Thesis, Normandie, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020NORMC030.
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En 2011, des mouvements sociaux d’une grande ampleur ont agité plusieurs pays du nord de l’Afrique. Ces mouvements sociaux sont devenus, dans des circonstances spécifiques, des mouvements révolutionnaires. Ils s’inscrivent dans ce qu’on a appelé le « printemps arabe ». Notre thèse est centrée sur la restitution dans les colonnes du journal Le Monde des événements de 2011 en Libye, un pays qui a connu une insurrection après la Tunisie et l’Égypte. En Libye, une insurrection d’abord localisée contre le régime de Kadhafi a pris d’autant plus d’ampleur qu’elle a été soutenue par une coalition internationale, à l’initiative de la France. Notre propos est d’analyser la façon dont Le Monde a traité cette insurrection devenue avec le temps une révolution soutenue par la France partie prenante du déclenchement de l’insurrection à Benghazi le 17 février jusqu’à la mort de Mouammar Kadhafi le 20 octobre 2011. Quel a été le positionnement du journal par rapport à cette révolution ? Quels éléments expliquent l’intérêt du journal Le Monde pour les adversaires de Kadhafi ? Pendant toute une année Le Monde a donné des informations sur la guerre civile en Libye et proposé une analyse valorisant les insurgés et négligeant les adversaires d’une intervention militaire en Libye.Au terme d’une étude systématique des articles du journal Le Monde sur le sujet, nous avons décelé une fracture dans la restitution des événements par ce grand quotidien du soir français qui fait autorité en France et à l’étranger. Nous avons tenu compte de cette fracture dans le découpage temporel proposé. De là deux parties, chacune se décomposant en chapitres et sous-chapitres. Pour chacune des parties nous avons abordé la restitution des événements selon l’état d’esprit des rédacteurs du Monde, soucieux pour notre part de dégager ce qui relève des faits et ce qui relève d’une lecture idéologique des faits. A côté des articles rédigés par des journalistes du Monde, les lecteurs du journal ont pu découvrir dans la rubrique « Débats » des prises de position confortant l’opinion avancée par Le Monde sur l’insurrection, et dans une moindre mesure, d’autres prises de position, peu favorables à la coalition engagée auprès des insurgés contre le régime de Kadhafi (ainsi Le Monde a pu manifester un minimum d’objectivité par rapport aux différents acteurs impliqués dans la guerre civile).Face au grand nombre d’articles consacrés à la guerre en Libye, abondance couplée paradoxalement à l’absence d’éclairages sur certains aspects de cette guerre, il est apparu utile de donner à lire dans mon travail des compléments afin de considérer sous un autre jour les affirmations avancées dans Le Monde. Il s’est agi alors de distinguer ce que Le Monde a dit de ce que Le Monde n’a pas dit. Des journalistes rencontrés dans diverses circonstances m’ont fourni des témoignages sur la façon dont avait été abordée la guerre civile en Libye. Ces témoignages apparaissent dans des annexes, à côté de divers éléments d’informationBack in 2011, in Northern Africa, widely spread social discontent caused degrees of unrest, varying with what the political situation was like locally. In several countries, unrest gave rise to revolutionary movements. They were are parts of what we usually call the « Arab springs ». This paper focuses on how Le Monde newspaper related the political upheavals in Libya, a country which went through a period of insurgency, following after those in Tunisia and in Egypt. In Libya, a localised rebellion against the Gheddafi regime took on the more impetus as it got the backing of an international coalition, including France. This paper aims at scrutinising how Le Monde dealt with the rebellion, which turned into a revolution through time. France took part in the rebellion, from the outset, in Bengahzi, on february, 17, 2011, to Gheddafi’s death, on november, 2, 2011. What stance did Le Monde take about the rebellion ? What were the points of interests explaining why Le Monde took special attention to the forces opposing Gheddafi. several months over, Le Monde gave reports abouts the civil war Libya was badly going through, giving special focus to the Libyan insurgents. Is it that Le Monde neglected to have a look at those Lybians opposed to any military intervention ? When we reviewed the large amount of available information on that subject, we found out that there was a gap in how Le Monde had rendered what had taken place. We took this gap into account when we set down the Lybian time sequence Our paper then falls into 2 parts, divided into chapters and sub-chapters. In each chapter, we review how Le Monde reports what happens in Lybia according to how Le Monde editors figure up the situation there. Our review makes a point of bringing out what is factual from what pertains to an ideological approach of these facts. Beside the articles by Le Monde journalists, the readers of their « Débats » page could read more about additional points of view, going along with the journalists’opinions about the rebellion, (and, but to a smaller extent, opinions with a differing approach). By and large, these articles and their agreeing points of view were hardly favorable to the military coalition fighting with the insurgents against the Gheddafi regime. (Le Monde therefore showed minimum objectivity to the opposing sides involved in the Lybian civil war.) As I was faced up with a large amount of documents made up of the many reports about Libya, a large amount which is paradoxically coupled with no differing approaches on some subjects, I thought necessary it to provide my paper with additional reading bringing a new light on what Le Monde put forward as sure. I then made a point of discerning what Le Monde had said from what they had not said. Some journalists I met on several occasions gave me testimonies of how the civil war in Lybia had been reviewed. Their testimonies show in the annex parts, alongside the other items of information
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Assaf, Valérie. "La perception du phénomène terroriste dans la presse écrite libanaise, américaine et française à travers les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 et l’assassinat du Premier ministre libanais Rafic Hariri le 14 février 2005." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020079/document.
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Le 11 septembre 2001 est devenu une date butoir du terrorisme international car les attentats qui ont frappé New York visaient à déstabiliser l’hyper puissance de ce siècle. Ces attaques ont bénéficié d’une très large couverture médiatique. Il serait donc intéressant de voir comment un seul et même phénomène, en l’occurrence le terrorisme, ou terrorisme islamique ainsi qu’il a été désigné après ces « violences », n’a pas la même signification selon le point de vue duquel on se place. Le journaliste se doit de montrer et d’écrire ce qu’il a vu ou entendu. Il doit la vérité au lecteur, mais, consciemment ou pas il manque d’objectivité et de neutralité. Ceci est dû au fait qu’étant un homme ses émotions le trahissent, et ce qu’il ressent transparait dans ses écrits. L’on peut le deviner à travers son choix des mots et adjectifs. D’autre part le journaliste est tributaire de la ligne politique de son journal. De plus, les évènements sont, par la force des choses, amputés, ceci est lié au choix de l’angle que le journaliste désire traiter. Les faits parviennent donc au lecteur tronqués. Et enfin, l’on peut dire que l’expérience et le vécu du journaliste ainsi que l’environnement dans lequel il a évolué influent sur ses articles. Donc cette subjectivité latente ne montre finalement qu’une partie des faits, et cette représentation est transmise au lecteur qui se laisse « faire » selon s’il partage ou non l’avis du journaliste. Le lecteur puise son opinion du quotidien qu’il lit d’autant plus qu’il opte en général pour celui dont il se sent le plus procheSeptember 11, 2001 became a cut-off date of international terrorism since the attacks in New-York aimed at destabilizing the super power of this century. These attacks have received extensive media coverage. It would be interesting to see how a single phenomenon, namely terrorism, or Islamic terrorism as it has been designated as such after these "aggressions", has different meanings depending on the point of view of each of the actors and witnesses. The journalist has to show and write what he saw or heard. He owes the truth to the reader, but, consciously or not he lacks objectivity and neutrality. This is because being a man betrays his emotions, and what he feels shows through his writings. One can guess that through his choice of words and adjectives. On the other hand, the reporter is dependent of the political line of his paper. Moreover, events are by nature of things cut off, this is related to the choice of the angle the journalist wants to address. The facts come to the reader truncated. And finally, we can say that the experience of the journalist, what he saw during his life and the environment in which he evolved affect his articles. So this latent subjectivity finally shows only a side of the facts, and this representation is transmitted to the reader who allows himself to "agree" depending on whether or not he shares the opinion of the journalist. The reader draws his opinion of the newspaper he reads as he usually opts for the one he feels closest to
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Abi, Karam Dana. "Crise écologique et représentation médiatique : le cas libanais dans sa presse écrite nationale." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30056/document.
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Parler de l’environnement dans un pays comme le Liban semble, à première vue et pour la plupart des Libanais, un peu étrange. En effet, les épisodes continus de guerre et par conséquent l’instabilité politique et économique que connaît le pays entravent l’introduction de l’écologie dans le catalogue des préoccupations des citoyens. Néanmoins, les causes de la crise environnementale libanaise ne peuvent pas être réduites simplement aux résultats de la guerre. Elles s’inscrivent dans un schéma plus complexe englobant la gestion politique, la conscience citoyenne ainsi que la couverture médiatique. La protection des ressources naturelles commence par une métamorphose intellectuelle. Une communication environnementale s’impose alors. L’installation de la question environnementale dans l’espace public peut emprunter différentes voies parmi lesquelles les médias ont toute leur place. Cette recherche en Sciences de L’Information et de la Communication interroge les représentations de l’environnement dans le discours de trois quotidiens libanais importants (Annahar, Assafir et L’Orient Le Jour). Comment s’y fait la médiatisation de cette thématique ? Quelle est la nature des enjeux écologiques véhiculés ? Jusqu’à quel point la presse arrive-t-elle à susciter dans l’opinion publique la conscience du danger qui l’entoure ? Les représentations sociales de l’environnement transforment-t-elles le choix et le traitement des événements ? Pour apporter des éléments de réponse, nous procédons à une analyse quantitative et qualitative des articles de presse sur deux périodes : une ordinaire et une autre troublée.Cette rencontre entre deux champs disciplinaires (médias et environnement) nous amène à une double réflexion. D’une part, elle nous permet d’interroger le rôle actuel de la presse écrite au Liban. D’autre part, elle constitue une occasion pour comprendre les modes de fonctionnement d’un journal et les lois qui définissent le choix et la construction de l’information en tenant compte du caractère polysémique de la notion d’environnementTo speak of the environment in a country as Lebanon seems, at first sight for most Lebanese, a bit strange. Indeed, the continuous episode of war and consequently political and economic instability in the country hinders the introduction of ecology among the citizens’ preoccupations. Nevertheless, the reasons of the Lebanese environmental crisis cannot be reduced to the war consequences. They are more complex including political management, citizen’s conscience as well as media coverage. The protection of the natural resources starts with an intellectual metamorphosis. The environmental communication imposes itself then in various ways in the public space. This research in information Sciences and Communication questions the environment representation in three important Lebanese newspapers (Annahar, Assafir and L’Orient Le Jour). How is done the mediatization of this theme ? What is the nature of the ecological stakes ? To which point does the press manage to raise in the public opinion the awareness of the danger that surrounds it ? Do the social representations of the environment transform the choice and the events treatment ? To answer this, we conduct a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the press articles in two times: one ordinary and another troubled. Joining two disciplinary fields (Medias and environment) brings us to a double reflection. On one hand, it allows us to question the present written press role in Lebanon, and on the other, it constitutes an opportunity to understand how a newspaper works and the laws defining the information choice and construction while taking into account the polemic character of the environment
Books on the topic "Libyan newspapers"
1
Namādhij min al-ṣiḥāfah al-Lībīyah, 1969-1977: Bayna al-naqd wa-al-tawthīq. Banghāzī: Jāmiʻat Qāryūnus, 1998.
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2
Sharīf, ʻĀbidīn al-Dardīr. Namādhij min al-ṣiḥāfah al-Lībīyah, 1969-1977: Bayna al-naqd wa-al-tawthīq. Banghāzī: Jāmiʻat Qāryūnus, 1998.
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3
al-Mashhad al-ṣaḥafī fī Lībiyā: Dirāsah tawthīqīyah naqdīyah, 1978-2007. [Tripoli], al-Jamāhīrīyah al-ʻArabīyah al-Lībīyah al-Shaʻbīyah al-Ishtirākīyah al-ʻUẓmá: al-Muʼassasah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Thaqāfah, 2009.
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al-Mashhad al-ṣaḥafī fī Lībiyā: Dirāsah tawthīqīyah naqdīyah, 1978-2007. [Tripoli], al-Jamāhīrīyah al-ʻArabīyah al-Lībīyah al-Shaʻbīyah al-Ishtirākīyah al-ʻUẓmá: al-Muʼassasah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Thaqāfah, 2009.
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5
al-Mashhad al-ṣaḥafī fī Lībiyā: Dirāsah tawthīqīyah naqdīyah, 1978-2007. [Tripoli], al-Jamāhīrīyah al-ʻArabīyah al-Lībīyah al-Shaʻbīyah al-Ishtirākīyah al-ʻUẓmá: al-Muʼassasah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Thaqāfah, 2009.
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6
al-Ṣiḥāfah al-Lībīyah: Dirāsah ḥaṣrīyah taḥlīlīyah wa-biblīyūghrāfīyā, 1866-2003. Sirt: Majlis al-Thaqāfah al-ʻĀmm, 2008.
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al-Ṣiḥāfah al-Lībīyah: Mawāqifuhā al-siyāsīyah wa-ittijāhātuhā al-iqtiṣādīyah wa-al-ijtimāʻīyah wa-al-thaqāfīyah, 1943-1952 : dirāsah tārīkhīyah. Banghāzī: Jāmiʻat Qāryūnis, 2008.
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8
Ṣuwayʻī, ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz Saʻīd. Bidāyāt al-ṣiḥāfah al-Lībīyah, 1866-1922. Miṣrāth, al-Jamāhīrīyah al-ʻArabīyah al-Lībīyah al-Shaʻbīyah al-Ishtirākīyah al-ʻUẓmá: al-Dār al-Jamāhhīrīyah lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ wa-al-Iʻlān, 1989.
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Bidāyāt al-ṣiḥāfah al-Lībīyah, 1866-1922. Miṣrātah, al-Jamāhīrīyah al-ʻArabīyah al-Lībīyah al-Shaʻbīyah al-Ishtirākīyah al-ʻUẓmá: al-Dār al-Jamāhīrīyah lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ wa-al-Iʻlān, 1989.
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10
Basch, N. Bernard. Buying serials: A how-to-do-it manual for librarians. New York: Neal-Schuman, 1990.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Libyan newspapers"
1
Baum, Matthew A., and Philip B. K. Potter. "Downs Meets the Press: How Party Systems Shape the News." In War and Democratic Constraint. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164984.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the validity of the “Downsian Premise,” which states that democratic multiparty systems tend to engender political coverage that is more diverse, more policy-centric, and more prone to challenge the government's policy line than coverage in two-party democracies. To test this proposition, the chapter conducts content analyses of international media coverage of four recent multinational conflicts (Kosovo 1999, Afghanistan 2001, Iraq 2003, and Libya 2011). Newspapers in countries with more political parties offered relatively more policy-oriented news, more criticism of government policy, and more varied topical coverage than their counterparts in countries with fewer parties. These results lend credence to the Downsian Premise.
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Assay, Benjamin Enahoro. "Globalization, the Media, and Challenges of Illegal Migration for Africa." In Globalization and Its Impact on Violence Against Vulnerable Groups, 194–215. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9627-1.ch009.
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There is a growing concern about African migrants who risk their lives to embark on hazardous journeys across dozens of borders and the treacherous waves of the Mediterranean Sea in search of a better life in Europe. Cable News Network footage of a live auction in Libya, where black youths were presented to north African buyers as potential farmhands and sold for as little as $400 confirm the fears and brought to the fore the ugly reality of the plight of illegal migrants. Aside, the narratives in the media about migration also give cause for concern. In the midst of the general invisibility of illegal migrants in the media, most portrayals refer to migrants in connection with themes of ‘trafficking', ‘prostitution', ‘slavery', and ‘death' because cases of enslavement, drowning, and killings of trafficked Africans in search of utopia greener pastures flood newspapers, magazines, and broadcast space. It is against this backdrop that this chapter proffers solutions and recommends ways to halt illegal migration and change media narratives about migration in Africa.
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Šroma, Nataļja, and Anastasija Vedela. "“Vzmorci na shtrande” (Summer dwellers on the beach): The dacha-related plot between idyllic and ironic." In Russian Estate in the World Context, 255–70. A.M. Gorky Institute of World literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/978-5-9208-0623-9-255-270.
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The material for the research of the dacha-related theme in the Russian and Latvian literature of Latvia consists of various publications in the Latvia’s periodicals of the 1920s–1930s — in the newspapers “Vechernee vremja” (Evening Time), “Segodnja” (Today), “Segodnja vecherom” (Today in the evening), in the magazines “Dlja vas” (For you), “Svari” (Libra), as well as of the materials of the archive of Riga’s Russian Drama Theatre. The researched texts, composed by Guslar/Soserzcatel (L. Korol-Purashevich), Leri (V. Klopotovskiy), Lentyay (P. Pilskiy), Kuri-Beri (A. Valdmanis) and others, are considered as a peculiar “dacha-related plot” with the following representatives: the chronotope characteristic of mythological plots — the cyclic time and the space of the cultural in-between (between nature and culture, urban and rural); specific eventfulness that rises to the mythological first events or to the events of history and literature; recurring plot-related situations and conflicts — the stories of success and failure. The following oppositions that form the cultural paradigm of the phenomenon of a dacha on the Riga coast have been specified: mythical — carnival, idyllic — ironic, female — male, adultrelated — child-related. The materials in the Latvian language, selected for the research, made it possible to challenge the concept of dacha as of uniquely Russian phenomenon.