Academic literature on the topic 'Life of Apollonius of Tyana (Philostratus, the Athenian)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Life of Apollonius of Tyana (Philostratus, the Athenian)"

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Boter, Gerard. "The title of Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana." Journal of Hellenic Studies 135 (2015): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426915000026.

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Abstract:The title of Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana as it stands in all editions since Kayser’s 1844 edition, Tὰ ὲç τòν Tυανέα Ἀπολλώνιοώ is not correct. The genuine title of the work is Eἰç τòν Tυανέα Ἀπολλώνιον. The suggestion by Ewen Bowie, that the title of the work characterizes it as a novel, must therefore be dismissed. The meaning of the title is ambiguous: it means both ‘About Apollonius of Tyana’ and ‘In honour of Apollonius of Tyana’. This ambiguity may very well have been intended by Philostratus.
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Elsner, John. "Hagiographic geography: travel and allegory in theLife of Apollonius of Tyana." Journal of Hellenic Studies 117 (November 1997): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632548.

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In this paper I shall explore the motif of travel in theLife of Apollonius of Tyana, composed by Philostratus in the first half of the third century AD and published after 217. This text, apart from its novelistic, hagiographic and apologetic features, is an exemplary portrait of an ideal life. One aspect of its appeal (rather ignored in modern scholars' keenness to assess its veracity and the extent of Philostratus' elaboration) is the metaphorical nature of much of the work's content—designed to create an ideal literary image of the Greek philosopher in the Roman empire. I examine the theme of travel (with its deep debts to ancient ethnography, pilgrimage writing and the novel) as a masterly rhetorical device on the part of Philostratus by which to establish and demonstrate the superiority of Apollonius.
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Tondera, Adam. "Związek między chrystologią a teorią praw natury w traktacie Euzebiusza z Cezarei "Przeciwko Hieroklesowi"." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 713–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4166.

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The apologetic treatise Against Hierocles is a polemical reply of Eusebius of Caesarea to an antichristian work of Sossianus Hierocles who drew a comparison between Apollonius of Tyana and Christ. The philosophical aspect of the Euse­bius’ polemics contains his critique of the image of Apollonius as a „divine man” in the Philostratus’ The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. Eusebius negates the alleged divinity of the hero of Philostratus on the ground of the providential conception of the world, according to which human nature, in virtue of the order established by the Providence, is not able to rise to divine because of its limits. An approach of both natures is possible solely through a mission of a being that belongs to the heavenly sphere and is illuminated and sent by God. Only the envoy of heavens, who brings the salvation to the whole human race and leaves „the effects of eter­nal divinity” to people, can be really considered divine.
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Boter, Gerard J. "The Codex Vratislaviensis of Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana." Mnemosyne 73, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342706.

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Kanavou, Nikoletta. "Iamblichos’ Babyloniaka, the Greek Novel and Satire." Ancient Narrative 15 (February 2, 2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c643aa223d0a.

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Iamblichos’ lost novel of love and horror, as we know it from its Byzantine summary and a few manuscript fragments, is firmly footed in the tradition of the Greek romance, as well as possessing an oriental flair. The present article summarises the similarities of the Babyloniaka (2nd c. AD) to the extant romances and draws attention to a number of hitherto unnoticed points of contact between this novel and Achilles Tatios’ Leukippe and Kleitophon (also 2nd c. AD). It is then argued that, like Achilles’ novel, the Babyloniaka plays with humour and parody in the characterisation of its heroes, its erotic ideology and its exaggerated presentation of the horrific and the supernatural.Nikoletta Kanavou holds a research fellowship of the German Research Foundation (DFG) at the University of Heidelberg. Her most recent publications include an article on the short fragmentary narrative Panionis (Archiv für Papyrusforschung 64/1, 13-31), as well as a monograph on the fictitious biography of Apollonius of Tyana by Philostratus (Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana and its Literary Context, C.H. Beck 2018).
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ABRAHAM, ROSHAN. "THE GEOGRAPHY OF CULTURE IN PHILOSTRATUS' LIFE OF APOLLONIUS OF TYANA." Classical Journal 109, no. 4 (2014): 465–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2014.0008.

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Penella, Robert J. "Anacharsis in a Letter of Apollonius of Tyana." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (December 1988): 570–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037289.

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Philostratus remarks on the terseness of the letters of Apollonius of Tyana (Vita Apoll. 7.35, cf. 4.27), and letter 61 is a good example of that stylistic feature. Addressed to a Lesbonax, it says: ᾽Agr;νἀχαπσις ó Σκὑθης ῆν σπφóς εí δὲ Σκὐθης, ὃτι καì ϳκὐθης (‘Anacharsis the Scythian was a sage.. And if he was a Scythian, then it was because he was a Scythian that he was a sage’). In my commentary to the letters, I observed that Apollonius is drawing here on the tradition of the Scythians as an idealized race, unspoiled by the cultivations of Greek city life, and is implicitly criticizing his contemporaries in the Greek world for not living up to the high ideals of Hellenism. I compared a critical remark in letter 34 that alludes to Euripides, Orestes 485: “ἐβαπβαπὡθ” οὐ “χπóνιος ὢν ἀφ’ ‘Ελλἁδι. More can now be said.
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Boter, Gerard. "Studies in the Textual Tradition of Philostratus' Life of Apollonius of Tyana." Revue d'Histoire des Textes 9 (January 2014): 1–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rht.1.103633.

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ROSHAN ABRAHAM. "THE GEOGRAPHY OF CULTURE IN PHILOSTRATUS' LIFE OF APOLLONIUS OF TYANA." Classical Journal 109, no. 4 (2014): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.5184/classicalj.109.4.0465.

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Thein, Karel. "Gods and Painters: Philostratus the Elder, Stoic Phantasia and the Strategy of Describing." Ramus 31, no. 1-2 (2002): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001417.

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I shall comment upon the way the elder Philostratus, author of Imagines, inscribes both the art of painting and his own interpretation of 65 particular paintings within a larger framework, which is composed of nature on the one hand, and the human perception of nature on the other. To get to this framework in a slightly oblique way, I will start with a brief reminder of Philostratus' often neglected classification of the arts.In his Life of Apollonius of Tyana 8.7, Philostratus takes notice of the established opposition between the mechanic and the liberal arts (τέχναι βάναυσοι and τέχναι σοϕαί), but then proceeds to further divide the liberal arts into three groups: some are simply σοϕαί (poetry, music, astronomy, the art of sophist and orator); others are only seemingly liberal, ψευδόσοϕοι (the art of wizards or jugglers); between these two groups are situated the ‘less liberal arts’ or ὑπόσοϕοι τέχναι, namely painting, plastic art, sculpture, navigation and agriculture.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Life of Apollonius of Tyana (Philostratus, the Athenian)"

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Reimer, Andy Melford. "Miracle-workers and magicians in the Acts of the Apostles and Philostratus' Life of Apollonius of Tyana." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3488/.

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The miracle-workers and magicians we meet in the Greco-Roman world and on the pages of Greco-Roman narratives are among the most difficult characters for modem scholars to understand. While Greco-Roman writers presume their readers will share their socio-cultural script and understand how one distinguishes between a legitimate miracle-worker and an illegitimate magician, this script is lost on modem scholars. Hindered first by absolute definitions for miracle and magic from social anthropology and then by relative definitions from the sociology of knowledge, this thesis calls for a re-engagement of the "historic imagination" with respect to these sorts of characters. In particular, this thesis suggests that a detailed investigation into the operation of characters labelled as performers of miracles or magic can reveal the criteria which distinguished the two in the minds of Greco-Roman Mediterraneans as well as revealing the practical outworking of the criteria themselves. Two narratives are chosen for this task-the canonical Acts of the Apostles, representing a Jewish- Christian angle, and Philostratus' Life of Apollonius of Tyana, representing a pagan angle. Methodologically the study proceeds by converting these narratives into "narrative worlds" and then subjecting the narrative worlds to a social investigation using models suggested by the work of Mary Douglas and Peter Brown. Under the rubric of "gaining power, " "intersecting power, " and "defending power" the two narrative worlds projected by these texts are compared and contrasted with respect to the criteria being used to distinguish miracle-worker from magician. The conclusion reached is that in both texts legitimacy for a mediator of divine power is found especially in demonstrating power without appearing desirous of personal gains. A miracle-worker is successful in this regard; a magician is one who fails in this regard.
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Books on the topic "Life of Apollonius of Tyana (Philostratus, the Athenian)"

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Miracle and magic: A study in the Acts of the Apostles and the life of Apollonius of Tyanna. London: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002.

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Apollonios von Tyana in der neutestamentlichen Exegese: Forschungsbericht und Weiterführung der Diskussion. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1994.

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Miles, Graeme. Philostratus. Edited by Daniel S. Richter and William A. Johnson. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199837472.013.29.

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The variety of topics in the surviving works of Philostratus makes generalizations about the corpus as a whole difficult. Two biographical works take contrary approaches. The Lives of the Sophists (in which he coined the term “Second Sophistic”) constructs a partial history of Greek rhetorical culture, while the Life of Apollonius of Tyana transforms the portrait of a philosopher into a condensation of Hellenic tradition. In the Heroicus the foundational text of Homeric epic is reimagined through hero cult and Homeric correction, and in the Imagines the mythic past is reconstituted in ekphrasis of artworks. The defining trait of these works is a profound and creative engagement with the Hellenic past, in which readers are shown interpretive approaches to the traditions of Greek art, literature, and religion, and allowed the opportunity to hone their own hermeneutic skills.
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Book chapters on the topic "Life of Apollonius of Tyana (Philostratus, the Athenian)"

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"Chapter 11: Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana." In Noscendi Nilum Cupido, 258–308. De Gruyter, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110297737.258.

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"Letters in Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana." In Epistolary Narratives in Ancient Greek Literature, 263–89. BRILL, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004253032_014.

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Murray, Chris. "The White Snake, Apollonius of Tyana, and John Keats’s Lamia." In China from the Ruins of Athens and Rome, 63–98. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767015.003.0003.

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The many details shared by John Keats’s Lamia and Feng Menglong’s treatment of the White Snake legend are evidence of a series of exchanges between Europe and Asia over the course of centuries. Ultimately these originated in Indian folklore which was transmitted to China, where it became Buddhist myth, and to the Hellenistic world in Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana. Keats amplified these commonalities by using Philostratus’ serpent tale as a vehicle for considerations of Orientalism. In Apollonius he chose a figure that generated considerable controversy among Anglican theologians, both for the parallels in Philostratus’ hagiography to the life of Christ, and by his associations with Asian philosophy. Feng Menglong’s treatment of the White Snake legend was prominent in eighteenth-century China, and is likely to have been known to European visitors.
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Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell G. Reddish. "Seleucia Pieria." In A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0045.

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Seleucia Pieria, the ancient seaport for Antioch of Syria, once played a central role in the travels of the 1st-century Christian missionaries. Little remains of the city or its port. Nevertheless, one outstanding attraction still remains, and it alone is worth a visit to the site: the spectacular tunnel of Vespasian and Titus. To reach Seleucia Pieria, travel 18 miles south of Antakya (ancient Antioch) to the village of Samandağ, then proceed north along the beach road approximately 2 miles to the little settlement of Çevlik. Portions of the ancient breakwater are clearly visible from the refreshment stand above the beach. (Do not plan to swim—not that anyone would be tempted after viewing the polluted condition of the water.) The city and port of Seleucia Pieria were founded at the beginning of the 3rd century B.C.E. by one of the generals of Alexander the Great, Seleucus Nicator, who also founded Antioch. (The name Pieria was derived from Mt. Pieria, the mountain above the city.) His descendants, known as the Seleucids, battled for many years with the Ptolemies for control of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, eventually losing out entirely. Originally Seleucia Pieria served as the capital of the new kingdom of Seleucus I. After Seleucus was assassinated (281 B.C.E.), however, his son, Antiochus I, moved the capital to Antioch, and Seleucia Pieria served as its strongly fortified port. During the Roman era the port was captured by Pompey, who granted it the status of a free city. Later, it became the location of a Roman fleet. At its zenith the city had a population of some 30,000 inhabitants. Many famous persons passed through the ancient port during its history. Besides the Christian missionaries Paul and Barnabas and several of the Roman emperors, other notables included the renowned wonderworker Apollonius of Tyana, in his own way a missionary of Pythagorean reform. According to Philostratus, Apollonius, too, set sail from Seleucia Pieria to go to Cyprus at virtually the same time as the Christian missionaries (Life of Apollonius 3). Seleucia Pieria is mentioned in the New Testament only in connection with the first missionary voyage of Paul and Barnabas (Acts 13:4): “So, being sent out by the Holy Spirit, they went down to Seleucia; and from there they sailed to Cyprus.”
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