Journal articles on the topic 'Ligne courant continu'

Le concept des réseaux sociaux dans le langage courant se confond avec l'expression "réseau social"qui est utilisée pour parler des "médias sociaux".Un réseau social est un ensemble d'individus ou d'organisations reliés par des interactions sociales régulières. L'expression "médias sociaux" recouvre les différentes activités qui intègrent: la technologie, l'interaction sociale (entre individus ou groupes d'individus) et la création de contenu. Les médias sociaux utilisent l'intelligence collective dans un esprit de collaboration en ligne. Grâce à ces médias sociaux (moyens decommunication sociale), les individus ou les groupes d'individus qui collaborent créent ensemble du contenu web, organisent ce contenu, indexent,modifient, commentent et combinent le contenu avec des créations personnelles.Quelles sontles générations intéressées par ces réseaux sociaux?Point commun elles se reconnaissent sur le même fond : le paradigme digital (l'importanceà accorder aux phénomènes numériques). Cela explique l'engouement aux réseaux sociaux entre les différentes générations (grand-père, grande -mère, père, mère, enfants, milieux académique et universitaire, milieux ruraux, milieux citadins) qui se servent des mêmes outils.Quelle est l'influence des réseaux sociaux dans la démocratie en Afrique et au RD Congo?Les natifs de la génération Internet et du Millénaire vivent l'ère du numérique(ordinateur, baladeur, Gsm) et seraient les plus instruits de l'histoire humaine.Les Africains et les congolais actuels sont tous enfants de ces deux générations, ils vivent l'ère du numérique (ordinateur, baladeur, Gsm) et devront être parmi les plus instruits de notre pays: ils sont nés dans la société du savoir et ils sont marqués par l'Internet comme les autres enfants du monde.En raison de la mondialisation des Technologies de l'Information et de la communication (TIC) qui empêcherait l'usage de la liberté des échanges d'information dans les milieux africains.

AbstractIn a unanimous decision, the ICJ determined, in accordance with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the single maritime boundary between the respective EEZs and continental shelves of Romania and Ukraine. The Court clarified its methodology for delimiting the EEZ/continental shelf, following a three-stage process. First, it drew a provisional equidistance line between what it decided were the most appropriate basepoints on the two coasts; secondly, it considered whether this line required adjustment; and finally, it verified that the line did not lead to an inequitable result. The Judgment contains important interpretations of several articles in the Convention, notably Articles 74 and 83.

In December 2009 the Supreme Court by the narrowest of margins (5 to 4) found against the Governing Body of JFS (formerly called the Jews' Free School) on the basis of direct race discrimination. Consequently, schools run by Jews, Sikhs and any other faiths that happen also to be an ‘ethnic group’ are barred from giving priority to children who are members of that faith. As is well known, the very broad definition of ‘ethnic group’ was set by the House of Lords in Mandla v Dowell-Lee at a time when the protections afforded by the more recent laws against religious discrimination were lacking. The majority in the Supreme Court evidently, and with some justification, considered that this definition was sufficiently settled law that only a legislative, and not a judicial, intervention could alter it. In contrast, those faiths and denominations that avoid falling into the Mandla trap, may continue to give priority to their members in admission to their schools. A number of commentators have confidently predicted that this case does not therefore affect most other schools with a religious character. Such a conclusion may be somewhat hasty. The minority held that this was a case of indirect, rather than direct, discrimination and, as such, potentially subject to justification. Perhaps the most surprising element of the judgment is that, unlike Mumby J at first instance, a majority of the Justices did not find it self-evident that a Jewish school giving priority to Jewish applicants in its admissions policy was a proportionate means of pursuing a legitimate aim.

In many countries, joint custody has replaced and is considered better than sole custody. It is also deemed more in line with the gender equality principle which demands both parents to share responsibility for the custody and care of the child post-divorce. This article discusses how judges in divorce cases decide on child custody, and the extent to which they consider the merits of joint or sole custody and demand divorcees to consider making a parenting plan in the best interest of their children. Qualitative data is collected from the District Court and Religious Court at Semarang and by analysing 4 court decisions regarding child custody. Interestingly, none of the Courts above possess or implements a policy or have some procedural ruling obligating judges in divorce cases to demand parents to consider joint custody or making a parenting plan post-divorce. Obligatory pre-trial mediation is geared more as a procedural-formalistic attempt to dissuade parties to continue with divorce.

The case of Hohepa Wi Neera illustrates an unprecedented clash of judicial approaches to native title claims. On the one hand, the New Zealand Court of Appeal was determined to continue the line of reasoning most notably enshrined in Wi Parata v Bishop of Wellington. On the other hand, the Privy Council, in Nireaha Tamaki v Baker had partially overturned Wi Parata by insisting that native title fell within the jurisdiction of the courts, at least when prerogative powers were not involved. The author argues that in Hohepa Wi Neera, the Court of Appeal quite deliberately tried to avoid the implications of the Privy Council's decision. In doing so, it exhibited a marked "colonial consciousness" which it was prepared to defend even to the extent of open breach with the Privy Council. The 1912 case of Tamihana Korokai v Solicitor-General, however, showed the extent to which the Court of Appeal was capable of shedding that "colonial consciousness" and embracing the earlier Privy Council ruling. The author demonstrates that this apparent irony sheds light on our understanding of the earlier cases.

L’article s’inscrit dans la thématique de la francophonie et l'essor de normes endogènes. Il retrace les différentes étapes qui ont été parcourues au Québec, des quelques dizaines de canadianismes de bon aloi prescrits par l’Office de la langue française (OLF), en 1969, à une description scientifique du français en usage au Québec, explicitée et diffusée dans le dictionnaire en ligne Usito depuis 2014. L’article fait état des diverses études visant à caractériser le français québécois standard, notamment les marques et spécificités linguistiques propres au français québécois standard (particularités orthographiques, typographiques, morphologiques et lexicales dans tous les domaines de la vie courante et professionnelle). Il présente également l’aménagement de la variation linguistique et l’explicitation de la norme endogène dans le dictionnaire en ligne Usito. Il décrit, entre autres éléments, avec exemples tirés du dictionnaire, le traitement de la variation linguistique, la hiérarchisation des usages, dont les marques normatives, et autres éléments faisant partie de la norme endogène au Québec. Il montre en outre l’importance des marqueurs de l’identité culturelle (exemplification, citations, articles thématiques, etc.). Il s’attarde enfin aux aspects pédagogiques du dictionnaire (tolérance à l’erreur, structuration des articles, important réseau de liens hypertextes, tableau latéral à droite des articles, interface de navigation, etc.). Il conclut quant à l’importance de la mise à jour constante du contenu du dictionnaire, de son adaptation aux diverses clientèles visées et au renouvellement des fonctionnalités au regard de l’évolution des technologies, afin d’offrir une utilisation simple et instinctive de tous les aspects de la langue.

In November 2013, after a series of Law Commission reports and years of academic, professional and judicial discussion, the Government introduced legislation to Parliament to replace the existing High Court commercial list with a specialist commercial panel. Whilst this panel would bring New Zealand into line with many comparable common law jurisdictions, this article argues that the case for specialisation has not been established. In particular, it notes that there is no publically available evidence to support the claim that the High Court is losing its commercial jurisdiction, or that commercial parties are choosing to resolve their disputes offshore or through alternative dispute resolution. Accordingly, this article argues that future research by the Law Commission, or other research agency, is required before specialisation can be justified. In reaching this conclusion, it also examines the issues that may arise if the Government decides to continue with its proposed reform under cl 18 of the Judicature Modernisation Bill 2013, suggesting changes along the way.

AbstractMalaysia's indigenous peoples continue to suffer numerous grievous injustices, including appropriation of their ancestral lands and socio-economic deprivation. In large part because their voices of resistance to development policies have gone unheard by the authorities, a growing number of individuals and communities have taken their grievances to the nation's courts. In particular, they have pleaded for judicial intervention to address alleged breaches of statutory land and other rights by governments and their contractors, and for recognition of native title at common law. In the landmark 1996Adongcase, the High Court ruled that Malaysian jurisprudence recognizes native title, thus bringing Malaysia into line with a number of other countries that share an English-derived legal system. The concept has been upheld in subsequent High Court, Court of Appeal, and Federal Court judgments. In spite of the rulings in favour of indigenous parties, the federal government, along with certain of the state governments, has continued to adopt an adversarial approach to indigenous land issues. An encouraging development is the reported willingness of governments in Perak and Selangor to tackle indigenous land rights issues through mediation rather than litigation. This paper summarizes seven court cases concerning alleged breaches of statutory rights and four cases dealing with native title at common law; it also looks at certain issues arising from the cases, as well as the responses of communities and governments to the various court judgments.

AbstractInternational criminal law, like all areas of law, must continue to evolve to reflect contemporary realities. This article demonstrates that the current subject matter jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court under the Rome Statute is very much an artefact of history, and it argues that the historical and reactive line that the statute draws between “core” international crimes and other serious international or transnational crimes is inadequate. In order to ensure that international criminal law continues to evolve in a reasoned and principled manner, states need to better articulate the criteria by which conduct is included within the category of “the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole.” Using a primarily inductive approach, the article considers a number of such criteria that have been considered over the years. It concludes that, when assessed in the context of their systematic and organized perpetration, many other serious international and transnational crimes raise some of the same concerns that underpin the current core international crimes, suggesting that it may be time for the international community to consider redrawing the line.

Art. 389.15 of the Criminal Procedural Code of the Russian Federation contains a closed list of grounds for reversing or altering court rulings. The one-sidedness and incompleteness of the investigation of the factual circumstances of the criminal case is not indicated as one of such grounds. A one-sided or incomplete investigation of the factual circumstances of the case taken place in the course of criminal proceedings can influence the justness of the sentence. This conclusion follows from the analysis of the court practice formed after the 2013 reform. One of the goals of this reform was to obtain a “definitive judgment” upon completion of the appeal. Despite this, during the implementation of the reform, Article 389.15 of the Criminal Procedural Code of the Russian Federation, which establishes the list of grounds for reversing or altering court rulings, was not brought into line with the objectives of the reform. The law does not provide for such a ground as an incorrect investigation by the court of the factual circumstances of the criminal case, despite the numerous facts of revealing this violation by the courts of controlling authority.

There has been a flood of scholarship over the years on whether there is a “right to privacy” in the Constitution of the United States. Griswold v. Connecticut (1965) was, of course, the Supreme Court decision that opened the floodgates to this river of commentary. A subject search for “privacy, right of” in the College of William and Mary's on-line library catalog located 360 book titles. A perusal of the leading law review bibliographic indices turned up still more. Whether the Constitution contains some sort of “right to be let alone” is plainly one of the central questions of contemporary constitutional discourse.

The State of Indonesia is a State of Law. But, in fact the ideals of the idea of the State of Law that was built by developing the legal tool itself as a system that is functional and just to achieve community welfare and social justice has not been optimally done. This is reflected in the new Environmental Permit issued by Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo (No. 660.1 / 6 of 2017 on Environmental Permit for Mining and Construction Activities of PT Semen Indonesia Plant) is considered to have injured the ideals of the law itself. The new Environmental Permit is contradictory to the content of the Review Judgment issued by the Supreme Court (Supreme Court Verdict Decision Number 99 PK / Tun 2016), because in the ruling it ordered that the Governor Replace the old Environmental Permit, which was issued in 2012 and did not issue New Environmental Permit. The verdict contains the basis of judges' consideration in deciding cases that have reflected fairness and legal certainty. The result of the research on the validity of the Environmental Permit Decree on the Review Judgment issued by the Supreme Court concluded that the decree should be invalid because it is not in line with the decision of the court which has permanent legal force.

An exhaustive review of our case law is required for a proper understanding of municipalities' civil liability for offences and quasi-offences. It appears indeed that there is no other alternative since, on one hand, the legislator is mute on number of important relevant questions and, on the other hand, municipalities, are governed by rules of public law. Our review covering a period of about eighty years, contains an analysis of the three « schools of thought » that succesively exerciced considerable influence upon our court decisions. The different « schools of thought » naturally emerged from the constant opposition of public and private law divided by a boundary line subject to fluctuation.

In line with the government's program to encourage lending to small businesses and the weak economic class which is the largest part of the Indonesian people. So it is expected that with credit based on fiduciary system can help both credit recipients and creditors. One of the parameters of a good material debt guarantee is when the right of guarantee can be executed quickly with a simple, efficient process and contains legal certainty. The specific target of this study is to explain the problem solving about the implementation of Fiduciary Guarantee Object Execution Based on the Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 18/PUU-XVII/2019 at PT Pegadaian KantorWilayah II Pekanbaru City.

OBJECTIVE: To report the case of a prolonged intravenous ketorolac continuous infusion given via a central line in a cancer patient with intractable bone pain. CASE SUMMARY: A 56-year-old Hispanic man with stage IV non-small-cell lung cancer and multiple bone metastases was admitted to the hospital for intractable pain inadequately controlled at home by conventional therapy. He was treated with an intravenous continuous infusion of ketorolac 120 mg in 250 mL of NaCl 0.9% infused over 24 hours. The ketorolac was given via a central line for 14 days in addition to fentanyl patient-controlled analgesia. Over this time period the patient reported his pain to be well controlled. His requests for bolus doses of fentanyl decreased dramatically and the dose of the continuous intravenous fentanyl was reduced by 22%. In addition, the total daily dose of ketorolac was reduced following a change from intermittent bolus dosing to a continuous infusion. DISCUSSION: The management of cancer pain secondary to bone metastasis is a difficult and challenging problem frequently encountered by the healthcare team. The use of nonsteroidal antiinflammatory drugs (NSAIDs) as adjuvant therapy is a common practice. However, many terminally ill patients are unable to take oral medications, thus limiting NSAID treatment options. Ketorolac tromethamine is approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) as a parenteral NSAID. As with other NSAIDs, the risk of adverse drug reactions must be considered when using this class of medication. The FDA has approved ketorolac for the short-term (=5 d) management of moderately severe acute pain that requires analgesia at the opioid level, usually in the postoperative setting. However, certain patients may benefit from long-term use exceeding the FDA-recommended guidelines of 5 days of maximum therapy. CONCLUSIONS: A prolonged central intravenous ketorolac continuous infusion was successful in treating a cancer patient with intractable bone pain secondary to widely metastatic non-small-cell lung cancer. OBJETIVO: Informar el caso de un paciente de cáncer con dolor en los huesos a quien se le administró una infusión continua de ketorolac intravenoso mediante una linea central. RESUMEN DEL CASO: Un paciente de 56 años del género masculino con un diagnóstico de cáncer del pulmón de célula no pequeña en etapa con múltiples metástasis a hueso fue admitido al hospital con dolor inadecuadamente controlado con terapia convencional. Fue tratado con una infusión continua de 24 horas de ketorolac 120 mg en 250 mL de cloruro de sodio es 0.9%. El ketorolac se administró mediante una línea central durante un total de 14 días. El paciente recibía fentanilo por la vía parenteral. El paciente informó que su dolor estuvo bien controlado durante ese tiempo. Sus pedidos de fentanilo disminuyeron dramáticamente y la dosis de este fármaco fue reducida por un 22%. La dosis total de ketorolac se redujo luego de cambiar de bolos intermitentes de fentanilo a una infusión continua. DISCUSIÓN: El manejo de dolor de cáncer debido a metástasis en hueso es un problema frecuente y dificil de resolver. El uso de antiinflamatorios no esteroidales como adyuvante es de practica común. Sin embargo, los pacientes terminales con frecuencia no pueden tomar medicamentos orales, limitando las opciones de tratamiento con antiinflamatorios no esteroidales. Ketorolac es un antiinflamatorio no esteroidal parenteral aprobado por la Administración de Drogas y Alimentos (ADA). Al igual que con otros antiinflamatorios no esteroidales, se debe considerar el riesgo de reacciones adversas cuando se utilizan esta clase de medicamentos. La ADA ha aprobado al ketorolac para el manejo de dolor agudo moderado a severo (≤5 días) usualmente en el escenario post operatorio. Sin embargo, algunos pacientes pueden beneficiarse del uso prolongado de ketorolac y exceder las guías de un máximo de 5 días recomendadas por ADA. CONCLUSIONES: Se informa un caso de un paciente con cáncer con dolor óseo secundario a metástasis de cáncer del pulmón de célula no pequeña que fue exitósamente manejado con una infusión continua de ketorolac. OBJECTIF: Rapporter le cas d'une perfusion intraveineuse prolongée de kétorolac administrée par voie centrale chez un patient cancéreux avec douleur osseuse. RÉSUMÉ DE CAS: Un homme de 56 ans atteint d'un cancer pulmonaire non à petites cellules de stade IV et présentant de nombreuses métastases osseuses est admis pour douleur intolérable et ajustement de celle-ci. Durant son hospitalisation, le patient a reçu une perfusion intraveineuse continue sur 24 heures de 120 mg de kétorolac dans 250 mL de chlorure de sodium 0.9%. Le kétorolac a été administré par voie centrale pour un total de 14 jours en plus d'une analgésie contrôlée par le patient au fentanyl. Durant cette période, la douleur du patient a été bien contrôlée. Ses besoins en bolus de fentanyl ont diminué dramatiquement et la dose du fentanyl continu a été réduite de 22%. De plus, la dose totale quotidienne de kétorolac a pu être diminuée suite au passage de l'administration intermittente bolus à la perfusion continue. DISCUSSION: Le soulagement de la douleur cancéreuse causée par les métastases osseuses représente un problème souvent rencontré dans notre système de santé. Les anti-inflammatoires non stéroïdiens (AINSs) sont fréquemment utilisés comme co-analgésiques. Cependant, de nombreux malades en phase terminale sont incapables de prendre une médication orale, limitant ainsi l'utilisation des AINSs. Le kétorolac tromethamine est un AINS parentéral approuvé par l'Administration des Drogues et Aliments (ADA). Comme avec les autres agents de cette classe, le clinicien doit tenir compte du risque d'effets secondares en employant ces médicaments. Il faut se rappeler que l'ADA a approuvé l'utilisation du kétorolac pour le soulagement à court terme (≤5 jours) de la douleur aiguë modérée à sévère post-opératoire nécessitant habituellement l'usage d'un narcotique analgésique. Cependant, certains patients peuvent bénéficier d'un usage prolongé excédant les recommandations d'un maximum de 5 jours émises par l'ADA.

By now (we mean 2020) digitalization has completely replaced the more general modernization and innovation from both the political vocabulary and the sci-entific agenda. It is difficult to say how long this trend will continue and what kind of socio-technological phenomenon will replace it. It can be cyberization, within which a person will begin to bring himself into line with the canons of the sci-fi cyberpunks and combine biological with technological (and digital at the same time) in his body, or vice versa, some kind of reactionary naturalization. Anyway, now the widespread adoption of digital technology is an indisputable and obvious fact. And this process applies to all spheres of societys life, without bypassing legal proceedings and out-of-court settlement of disputes (or in other words - alternative dispute resolution), which can be significantly improved using digital technologies. This article analyses the practice and legislative regulation of the use of digital technologies in various forms of legal proceedings and such types of out-of-court dispute resolution as arbitration and mediation. Comparative legal method allowed to compare Russian and foreign legislations as well as approaches to determining the permissible limits of the use of digital technologies, including their intellectual variety. Individual proposals have been formulated to improve Russian legislation.

Résumé Cette étude vise à mettre en évidence les bases épistémologiques et linguistiques de la nomenclature chimique de 1787, en partant des Mémoires présentés à l'Académie des Sciences par Lavoisier, Morveau, Fourcroy et Berthollet et du Traité de Chimie de Lavoisier (1789). Ces textes sont l'aboutissement d'une réflexion collective et pluridisciplinaire, dans la ligne de la philosophie de Condillac, qui fait d'une « langue bien faite » la condition d'une science véritable. Il ne s'agit donc pas d'une simple nomenclature nouvelle, mais d'une « méthode de nommer ». Un principe général est que les noms doivent être motivés, laissant transparaître la nature et la composition des corps chimiques (parallélisme entre le plan de l'expression et le plan du contenu). La suffixation, en rassemblant sous tel ou tel suffixe les « corps congénères » permettra d'identifier et de classer les substances découvertes et à découvrir. Accessoirement, on aura recours aux structures lexicales, particulièrement riches et maniables, de l'ancien grec. Enfin, pour maintenir le parallélisme dans les cas difficiles (combinaisons multiples d'éléments), les réformateurs vont réduire des unités lexicales à un court morphème chargé de les représenter, comme pyro pour empyreumatique et hydr(o)- pour hydrogène . C'est ce que l'auteur a appelé la « fonction de représentation », qui est aujourd'hui à l'œuvre dans tout le vocabulaire savant.

This paper discusses the legal ramifications of reservations to multilateral human rights treaties. It examines the approach of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), compared to that of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), in light of the general practice in international law relating to reservations and the International Law Commission’s commentary. The paper then discusses the scope for change and growth, given the nature of the two different approaches. Once it has set out the current law it describes the role of the evolving moral, social and political climate in society and the effect that it has on the conversation around human rights and treaty reservations. It answers three main questions around reservations: first, whether reservations are allowed; second, the conditions under which they are allowed; and third, if reservations are not allowed, whether the invalid reservation cancels a party’s membership of the treaty. Having answered these three questions, the paper draws to the conclusion that, ultimately, for international law to continue to be effective, state sovereignty must be given the utmost respect and importance in relation to reservations. With the current polarisation of the political climate, as is evidenced by the traditionally liberal states’ leaning towards conservative values, as in Britain and the United States, a push by the ECtHR to sever reservations from treaties and still bind the state will only alienate key players from the international stage. At face value, one may be inclined to think that the stringent protection of human rights values and limiting the reservations to such values is beneficial but, in reality, this would make participation in the international framework unappealing to states as their sovereignty would be infringed. Therefore, the ICJ’s approach is advantageous as it understands the role of reservations in achieving participation and it also understands the state practice element. Thus, in line with the ILC commentary and the ICJ’s judgements, the ECtHR’s recent rulings will not become the international law norm and state sovereignty with respect to reservations will continue to prevail.

In a consistent line of jurisprudence, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has now stated that, as a last resort, provisions of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (the Charter) can have horizontal direct effect. More specifically, this possibility occurs when a provision of the Charter has been given specific expression to from a directive. Whilst it has long been the case that directives in themselves continue to not have horizontal direct effect in EU law, there is no doubting that the horizontal direct effect of provisions of the Charter, which in turn are given specific expression to from a directive, is increasingly being found. This possibility of horizontal direct effect of the Charter is of striking significance for European Economic Area (EEA) law for two reasons. Firstly, there is no doctrine of direct effect in EEA law according to the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) Court; and secondly, the Charter is not incorporated into EFTA pillar of EEA law in any way. Given the potential for the widening divergence between EU law and EEA law on the existence of horizontal direct effect of the Charter when given specific expression to from a directive, with a homogeneity gap opening up, this article considers the ramifications for the EEA of such advances in EU law, and proposes some solutions for how these EU legal developments can be responded to within EEA law.

The Qur'an as an open book does not close the ongoing interpretation in accordance with the times, situations and conditions. This is important so that the Qur'an does not experience stagnation of meaning. The problem arises when some Muslim scholars do not have the courage to develop the meaning and interpretation of the Qur'an which is considered sinful and fears of changing the Qur'anic text. In other spaces, it turns out that the meaning of the Qur'an with the classical approach will be considered rigid, and untouchable. Abdullah Saeed captures how the efforts to interpret the Qur'an must continue and adapt to the times. Departing from the courage of the companions of the Prophet Muhammad in interpreting the verses about the law, it turns out that the law must be arrested in accordance with its laws, not just enforcing its laws. In line with Saeed, some scientists interpret the method and approach of the Qur'an to carry out concept renewals, from textual, semi-textual, contextual, and contextual progressive. Saeed defined himself to the interpreter with a contextual progressive approach. That is, the interpretive approach considers legal-legal ethics and value hierarchy. The reader should carry out a continuous process of interpretation of the text and be adapted to the socio-historical context.Alquran sebagai kitab terbuka tidak menutup interpretasi yang berkelanjutan sesuai dengan perkembangan zaman, situasi dan kondisi. Hal ini penting agar Alquran tidak mengalami kemandegan makna. Permasalahan muncul ketika sebagian sarjana Muslim tidak memiliki keberanian untuk mengembangkan makna dan penafsiran Alquran yang dinilai berdosa dan kekhawatiran merubah teks Alquran. Di ruang lainnya ternyata pemaknaan Alquran dengan pendekatan klasik akan dianggap kaku, rigit, dan tak tersentuh.Abdullah Saeed menangkap betapa upaya pemaknaan Alquran harus terus dilanjutkan dan disesuaikan dengan perkembangan zaman. Berangkat dari keberanian para sahabat Nabi Muhammad dalam menafsirkan ayat-ayat tentang hukum, ternyata hukum harus ditangkap sesuai dengan etis-hukumnya, tidak justru menegakkan legal-hukumnya. Senada dengan Saeed beberapa ilmuwan metode dan pendekatan tafsir Alquran mengadakan pembaruan-pembaruan konsepnya, dari tekstualis, semi-tekstualis, kontekstualis, dan progesif kontekstualis. Saeed mendefinisikan dirinya pada penafsir dengan pendekatan progesif kontekstualis. Artinya, pendekatan tafsirnya mempertimbangkan etis-legal teks dan hirarki nilai. Pembaca seharusnya melakukan proses interpretasi secara berkesinambungan (a continous process) terhadap teks dan disesuaikan dengan socio-historical context-nya.

Sebagai tindak pidana lanjutan (follow up crime), kedudukan tindak pidana pencucian uang dilihat berdasarkan terjadinya tindak pidana tersebut secara faktual. Akan tetapi, jika cara memandang Tindak Pidana Pencucian Uang sebagai follow up crime seperti itu dipertahankan dalam hal pembuktian, maka riskan untuk membuat tidak efektifnya pembuktian terhadap Tindak Pidana Pencucian Uang dalam keadaan-keadaan tertentu, utamanya dalam hal materiele dader tindak pidana asal tersebut sedang berstatus DPO. Oleh sebab itu, dimunculkanlah sebuah ide yang pada pokoknya menghendaki agar dalam keadaan demikian, masih dimungkinkan untuk dibuktikan tindak pidana pencucian uangnya. Konsep itu disebut dengan istilah independent crime, yang melihat kedudukan TPPU dari perspektif unsur esensial dari delik pencucian uang, dan dari perspektif pembuktian tindak pidana pencucian uang itu sendiri. Dan hal tersebut juga tidak menyalahi apa yang tertuang dalam Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No 90/PUU-XIII/2015, sebagaimana dalam ratio decidendi putusan tersebut Mahkamah menyatakan bahwa frasa "tidak wajib dibuktikan terlebih dahulu" bukan berarti tidak perlu dibuktikan sama sekali tindak pidana asalnya, namun TPPU tidak perlu menunggu lama sampai perkara pidana asalnya diputus atau telah memperoleh kekuatan hukum tetap.As a follow up crime, money laundering offences are seen factually based on the offences done. However, if this perspective about money laundering as a follow up crime is maintained in the trial process perspective, it would be very risky of making the Money Laundering’s proofs in the court. Some may become ineffective in certain circumstances, especially in term of the materiele dader of predicate offences have declared as a fugitive. For that reason, an idea is created which in essence allow to, in such circumstances, prove his/her money laundering offences. This concept is recognized as the concept of “independent crime”, which sees the crime of money laundering from the essential element of money laundering offense, and from the proofing perspective of the money laundering itself. This is also in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court number 90/PUU-XII/2015, where in the ratio decidendi of the decision, the Constitutional Court declared that the phrase “not obligated to be proven first” does not mean that there is no obligation at all to prove the original offense, instead it means that for it to continue its legal proceeding, but that does not have to wait for the original offense to be sentenced or has received permanent legal force.

The article considers the international legal regime of immunities and privileges of amicus curiae prosecutors of international criminal courts which are intended to ensure independent and unhindered performance of their functions in prosecuting crimes against the administration of justice. Due to the lack of doctrinal research in this field, whether in the domestic or foreign science of international law, the study is characterized by scientific novelty. Its empirical basis is constituted of the provisions of international treaties governing the immunities and privileges of staff of the ad hoc international criminal tribunals and the International Criminal Court. It is noted that today the state of international legal regulation of immunities and privileges of amicus curiae prosecutors is not quite satisfactory as it contains significant gaps. Two possible approaches to determining the scope of the immunities and privileges of amicus curiae prosecutors are identified: the first based on their status and the second – on the functions they perform. Their critical analysis leads to the conclusion that the functional approach is more in line with the principle of equality of arms in international criminal proceedings. As a result of its application, the scope of the immunities and privileges of amicus curiae prosecutors coincides with the scope of the immunities and privileges granted to staff of the Offices of Prosecutors at the international criminal tribunals.

This paper will discuss the role that Mergers and Acquisitions play in the global economy. It will deliberate on the challenges, benefits and issues of the implementation of these transactions in terms of legality, society and culture. It also contains an empirical enquiry that investigates the application of Mergers and Acquisitions in the presence of different social and cultural working environments. It also demonstrates attempts of entering into such transactions with incorrect intentions such as domination and the negative outcomes of such approach. Throughout this work, I will investigate the legal instruments governing these types of transactions in different areas of the world, specifically the European Union. It will touch on the legal instruments governing Mergers and Acquisitions in the European Union and will challenge the applicability of the fundamental freedoms of the European Union in light of the cross-border Mergers and Acquisitions directives. The paper will challenge the European Court of Justice’s approach to the Freedom of Establishment and the application of cross-border M&As. Finally, a clear demonstrateion of the fallbacks of the provisions of the Cross-Border Mergers Directives is provided as well as challenging the European legislature’s choices in drafting said directives. Unusual discrepancies between the directives and the fundamental freedoms of the European Union are shown, however these two which must always be in line with one another.

The sport of jūdō was intended as an activity “for all”. Since in 1996 a major sex abuse scandal broke out that involved a Dutch top jūdō coach and several female elite athletes, international media have identified many more abuses. To date no scholarly studies exist that have examined the nature, extent, and consequences of these anomalies. We intend in this paper to review and analyze sexual abuses in jūdō. To do so we offer a descriptive jurisprudence overview of relevant court and disciplinary cases, followed by a qualitative-analytical approach looking at the potential factors that prompt jūdō-related bullying and sexual harassment. Sex offenders may be attracted to jūdō because of: 1. the extensive bodily contact during grappling, 2. the easy access to voyeuristic opportunities during contest weigh-ins and showering, 3. Jūdō’s authoritarian and hierarchical structure as basis for ‘grooming’, 4. lack of integration of jūdō’s core moral component in contemporary jūdō coach and instructor education, and 5. its increasing eroticization by elite jūdō athletes posing for nude calendars and media and by specialized pornographic jūdō manga and movies. Cultural conceptions and jurisprudence are factors that affect how people perceive the seriousness and how these offences are dealt with. A survey of 19 cases of abuse in jūdō worldwide shows that cultural conceptions and jurisprudence cause that such cases are handled in a very heterogeneous way by the law and by the jūdō governing bodies. Jūdō clubs and organizations overall suffer from a lack of expertise, intellectual insight, ethical objectivity, and solid procedures of fairness for both victim and accused, in this way often failing in both sufficiently protecting the weak from sex offenders, and in educating and reintegrating past offenders through jūdō activities that do not involve their victim target groups. Jūdō’s moral philosophy implicitly attempts to offer a utilitarian answer as to how the jūdō community should deal with serious offences. These incidents, however, continue to show the limitations of jūdō‘s utopian “prosperity for all” objective. Key words: child abuse, criminals, judo, jurisprudence, legal cases, martial arts, sexual har-assment, sexual offenses.

The author studies the definitions and features of the concept of “beneficial ownership” and its application by Russian courts. Although the Russian civil law does not recognize the concept of beneficial ownership which comes from the English law of equity, this concept is beginning to be recognized by Russian judicial practice, in particular, in the recent resolutions of the Russian Supreme Court of the Russian Federation. The cases in question relate to the division of the joint property acquired by spouses during the marriage (the Russian courts consider the property (assets) of the offshore company or trust controlled by spouse (acting as a beneficiary) as a joint spouses’ property); recognition of the rights of beneficiary for challenging the decisions of the companies controlled by such beneficiary; levy of execution upon the property of the offshore companies and trusts controlled by beneficiary for the beneficiary’s debts. It is obvious that decisions of Russian courts are in the line with trends of development of foreign case law. One of the manifestations of the beneficial ownership concept in Russian law is the institute of “a person having factual right for the income”, fixed by Russian tax law. Considering the deoffshorization policy in Russia, it is obvious that this institute will continue to be reflected in the national tax law. The author attends to, inter alia, the questions of applicable law to beneficial ownership, including applicable law to the relations with offshore companies and trusts. In particular, the legal regime of foreign trust’s or offshore company’s property shall be determined by the law of the relevant foreign jurisdiction but not by the rules of Russian law.

The article analyzes the problem of succession in the ranks of Ekaterinburg’s merchant class and the variants of its solution used in the second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries. Succession is considered as a process of capital transfer by Ekaterinburg merchants to their heirs in order to continue the commercial and industrial affairs of the testator. The article discusses the methods of training merchants’ successors, including their use as employees and their inclusion in family companies as partners. Considerable attention is paid to studying the mechanism of inheritance transfer in emergency situations and conflicts that arose during inheritance process. The author explores the cases when the heirs on a female line (widows, daughters) acted as the successors of commercial and industrial affairs, the examples of involvement of sons-in-law in the management of family capital are also given. The article uses documents from the funds of the State Archive of the Sverdlovsk region (GASO), as well as the periodical press (newspapers “Permskie gubernskie vedomosti”, “Ekaterinburgskaya nedelya” and others). From archival materials, documents from the funds of the Ekaterinburg City Duma and the Ekaterinburg District Court are mainly used. The following conclusions are made. The procedure of transferring the inheritance by Ekaterinburg merchants to their successors was a complex and ambiguous process. Not all Ekaterinburg merchants managed to solve the problem of succession: for this reason, a number of family firms existed only during one generation. At the same time, many representatives of the city merchant class managed to solve the problem of succession by various ways, at least for 2–3 generations. The instability of merchant capital was largely a consequence of state policy, and to a lesser extent, the result of the unresolved problem of succession.

Abstract The Eurozone Crisis is not just a monetary and economic challenge. It is as well the first tremendous challenge of the European Community and as well the national institutions and constitutions of the member states not only within the Eurozone. On one side the European Commission, the European Parliament and the ECB with its endeavours to safeguard and stabilize the single currency EURO within the Eurozone, to support the suffering countries in the south (PIIGS) with its struggle against speculative hedge funds, to render financial relief measures to those countries and its financial industry. Irrespective the fact governments and citizens within that countries, less appear to appreciate or honor that measures (Troika, Financial checks and budgetary control) as efficient help to stabilize but condemn as form of European paternalism and patronage. On the other hand the countries and its citizenship especially in the north of the Eurozone to set a stop sign to the EU and the ECB. Therefore they stress the Maastricht criteria and cite the Art 125 of the TEU, which prohibits one nation to stand for or to be liable for the Government debts of another nation (no bail out). Especially in the German perspective the demarcation line appears to run along between the European Commission, European Central Bank and European Court on the European side and the Bundesverfassungsgericht, the Bundesbank on the national German side. Each of the institutions feels to be bound to its origin functions and principles and save the respective constitution and the task rendered by that constitution. For a better understanding it is essential to get aware of and to reinforce the constitutional role which the Grundgesetz awarded to the Bundesverfassungsgericht and the Bundesbank and the German citizenship placing their confidence in these institutions. Es soll konkret das Verhältnis zur Nichtbeistandsklausel No-Bail-out Klausel Art 125 AEUVertrag, den Europäischen Fiskalpakt / dem ESFS, ESM / dem OMT-Programm der EZB, möglichen Entwicklung des EU zur Haftungs- und Transferunion mit einem zukünftigen Haftungsautomatismus der Mitglieder, der Unterscheidung von gemeinsamer Währungspolitik und nationaler Wirtschaftspolitik, der drohenden Vergemeinschaftung von Staatsschulden einzelner EU-Länder, die Budgethoheit des nationalen Parlaments als freie Entscheidung über die Verwendung des nationalen Haushaltes untersucht werden. Mit allen diesen Fragen mussten sich das höchste Deutsche und Europäische Gericht in jüngster Vergangenheit intensiv beschäftigen.

There are great benefits to be had should the United States, one of the global leaders in economic strength and political power, ratify the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (“CRC”). The mystery of the United States’s ultimate reluctance to ratify the CRC, despite the nation’s central role in the drafting process, has been interrogated for years. Scholars and policy- makers have developed compelling narratives regarding obstacles to the United States’s ratification and implementation of the CRC. However well- reasoned the arguments for ratification are, there has been little progress in persuading the United States to ratify the CRC. While the work toward ratification should continue on every level, informal implementation before ratification would be advantageous and in line with historical methods of reform in the United States. One area that has been over- looked to the advantage of minority and vulnerable populations is domestic relations courts in the United States. In the United States, children’s rights advocacy work should be conducted like cause advocacy for historically disfavored groups to achieve legal recognition and protection of their rights. For example, parenting equality efforts were primarily focused on creating change in individual courts over time, allowing advocates to teach judicial officers and other legal decision-makers about positive outcomes for children of lesbian and gay parents while dispelling myths, misperceptions, and negative stereotypes about sexual minorities. Similarly, other disfavored parents, like working mothers, religious, and racial minorities, have used individual court cases to advocate and educate until new, progressive norms are adopted as national standards. Advocates for children’s rights should adopt institutional change theory and tailor cause advocacy efforts to implement the CRC principles in local domestic relations courts. Focusing on change from within institutions may shift legal norms more quickly, so children are recognized as fully human and thus rights holders in the United States, rather than relying on external legislative changes.

AbstractThe objective of this study was to develop a shared-care model to enable primary-care physicians to participate more fully in meeting the complex, multidisciplinary healthcare needs of patients with multiple sclerosis (MS).Design:The design consisted of development of consensus recommendations and a shared-care algorithm.Participants:A working group of 11 Canadian neurologists involved in the management of patients with MS were included in this study.Main message:The clinical management of patients with multiple sclerosis is increasing in complexity as new disease-modifying therapies (DMTs) become available, and ongoing safety monitoring is required. A shared-care model that includes primary care physicians is needed. Primary care physicians can assist in the early detection of MS of individuals presenting with neurological symptoms. Additional key roles for family physicians are health promotion, symptom management, and safety and relapse monitoring of DMT-treated patients. General principles of health promotion include counseling MS patients on maintaining a healthy lifestyle; performing standard screening measures; and identifying and treating comorbidities. Of particular importance are depression and anxiety, which occur in >20% of MS patients. Standard work-ups and treatments are needed for common MS-related symptoms, such as fatigue, pain, bladder dysfunction, sexual dysfunction, spasticity, and sleep disorders. Ongoing safety monitoring is required for patients receiving specific DMTs. Multiple sclerosis medications are generally contraindicated during pregnancy, and patients should be counseled to practice effective contraception.Conclusions:Multiple sclerosis is a complex, disabling illness, which, similar to other chronic diseases, requires ongoing multidisciplinary care to meet the evolving needs of patients throughout the clinical course. Family physicians can play an invaluable role in maintaining general health, managing MS-related symptoms and comorbidities, monitoring for treatment-related adverse effects and MS relapses, and coordinating allied health services to ensure continuity of care to meet the complex and evolving needs of MS patients through the disease course.RÉSUMÉ:Élaborer un modèle de soins partagés dans les cas de sclérose en plaques récurrente-rémittente.Objectif:Élaborer un modèle de soins partagés afin de permettre aux médecins de première ligne de mieux répondre aux besoins complexes et multidisciplinaires de patients atteints de la sclérose en plaques (SP).Conception :Recommandations résultant d’un consensus et élaboration d’un algorithme en matière de soins partagés.Participants :Un groupe de travail formé de onze neurologues canadiens impliqués dans la prise en charge de patients atteints de la SP.Message-clé :La prise en charge clinique de patients atteints de la SP est de plus en plus complexe dans la mesure où des médicaments modificateurs de l’évolution de la maladie (MMSP) deviennent accessibles et où un suivi permanent en matière de sécurité est nécessaire. Soulignons aussi qu’un modèle de soins partagés incluant les médecins de première ligne est nécessaire. Ces professionnels peuvent permettre un dépistage plus rapide de la SP chez des individus présentant des symptômes neurologiques. Ils peuvent aussi jouer un rôle de premier plan en matière de promotion de la santé, de soulagement des symptômes et de suivi de patients traités avec des MMSP en ce qui a trait à leur sécurité et à de possibles rechutes. Parmi les principes généraux de promotion de la santé, on peut inclure les suivants : offrir aux patients atteints de la SP des conseils leur permettant de maintenir de saines habitudes de vie ; adopter des mesures de dépistage standards ; identifier et traiter les comorbidités. À cet égard, l’anxiété et la dépression sont d’une importance particulière et sont fréquemment signalées (> 20 %) chez les patients atteints de SP. Des démarches d’investigation et des traitements standards sont nécessaires dans le cas des symptômes courants reliés à la SP, par exemple de la fatigue, des douleurs, une dysfonction vésicale, des dysfonctions sexuelles, de la spasticité et des troubles du sommeil. On l’a dit, un suivi permanent s’impose dans le cas de patients bénéficiant d’un traitement spécifique avec des MMSP. Les médicaments associés à la SP sont généralement contre-indiqués durant la grossesse de sorte qu’on devrait conseiller aux patients d’adopter des méthodes de contraception efficaces.Conclusions :La SP est une maladie complexe et invalidante qui, à l’instar d’autres maladies chroniques, exige des soins multidisciplinaires continus afin de répondre, en lien avec un tableau clinique précis, aux besoins en constante évolution des patients. Les médecins de première ligne peuvent jouer un rôle irremplaçable à plusieurs égards : dans le maintien d’une bonne santé ; le suivi et le soulagement des symptômes et des comorbidités reliés à la SP ; le suivi des rechutes et des effets indésirables associés aux traitements. N’oublions pas non plus la coordination des services paramédicaux afin d’assurer, durant l’évolution de la SP, une continuité des soins répondant aux besoins complexes et en constante évolution des patients atteints de cette maladie.

Depuis fin 2018, le fonctionnement de la revue Bois et Forêts des Tropiques a évolué. En remplacement de Jacques Tassin, Jean-François Trébuchon a pris la suite des opérations en tant que rédacteur en chef et coordinateur éditorial. Une équipe de rédaction a été constituée, incluant six rédacteurs scientifiques : Kévin Candelier, Antoine Galiana, Laurent Gazull, Valéry Gond, Jean Gérard et Jacques Tassin. Leur mission consiste à examiner le fond scientifique des manuscrits soumis, à piloter leur évaluation en double-aveugle avec l’aide de relecteurs internationaux du Nord et du Sud, et à accompagner les auteurs dans la rédaction finale lorsque l’article est retenu comme publiable. Le processus d’évaluation des manuscrits s’articule donc en trois temps : (i) avis du comité de rédaction sur la recevabilité du dossier de soumission vis-à-vis de la ligne éditoriale et de la note aux auteurs, (ii) pilotage de l’évaluation, de manière constructive et bienveillante, conduite en double-aveugle par les pairs, et (iii) vérification de la prise en compte des recommandations des pairs et accompagnement à la rédaction avant mise en édition et publication. Fin 2019, le Comité éditorial a été renouvelé. Il rassemble une trentaine de chercheurs internationaux, référents de renom, intervenant dans les zones tropicales et méditerranéennes, et affiliés à des universités ou des centres de recherche internationaux. Une nouvelle fois, ce comité associe des chercheurs du Nord et du Sud, jeunes ou confirmés, selon une parité du genre et un équilibre des continents. Leur engagement est de trois années et court de 2020 à 2022. Leur mission est (i) de veiller à la qualité du contenu de la revue, en lien avec les évolutions thématiques des recherches sur l’environnement de la forêt, de l’arbre et du bois, (ii) d’assurer ponctuellement le rôle de relecteur ou de suggérer d’autres relecteurs, et (iii) bien entendu de proposer des manuscrits, en tant que co-auteur ou simple « rabatteur ». Pour le respect des exigences éthiques et déontologiques inhérentes aux pratiques de recherche, la revue s’est dotée d’un logiciel de reconnaissance et d’analyse de plagiat et d’auto-plagiat. L’outil épaule l’équipe éditoriale pour émettre un premier avis sur le manuscrit. Afin de favoriser le libre accès aux publications, Bois et Forêts des Tropiques a substitué la licence CC-BY à la licence Creative Commons, offrant ainsi une grande liberté dans la réutilisation des manuscrits publiés. La préservation du droit d’auteur et du copyright, dans le respect des auteurs et de la revue, n’en est pas moins garantie. Pour faciliter l’accès et le repérage pour les auteurs et les lecteurs, Bois et Forêts des Tropiques a également fait évoluer le logiciel gérant le site web et la soumission d’articles en ligne, tout en maintenant son référencement dans les bases de données bibliographiques internationales. Enfin, notre revue reste gratuite, en accès libre et soutenue financièrement par le Cirad, conformément au mandat de partenariat porté par l’institution, au service de la publication de travaux de recherche assurés dans le domaine des sciences forestières, en soutien et en coopération avec la recherche au Sud. Publiée en français ou en anglais, elle demeure un tremplin pour les jeunes chercheurs et les chercheurs chevronnés œuvrant dans l’univers de la recherche appliquée.

In his paper The Dialectics in the Values of the 1996 Constitution Jan Swanepoel discusses various value statements in the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and focuses the attention on indications of a lack of coherence as far as these value statements are concerned. He does this against the background of some introductory perspectives on the 1996 Constitution. In this regard he points out that the 1996 Constitution, as successor to the 1993 Constitution with its set of thirty four constitutional principles, can be regarded as a document of political and ideological compromise. He points out that constitutions (and in particular the value statements in Bills of Rights) generally tend to be formulated rather broadly in order to promote flexibility and adaptability. He also focuses the attention on the fact that such a dialectic of values point to the variety of interests that has to be harmonized in a modern state, something which is unmistakably the case in South Africa with its heterogeneous society. The 1996 Constitution contains a variety of "value terms". A closer study of these terms does, however, indicate that these terms (value, principle, foundation, and the like) are not used in a very systematic or technical fashion. The problems regarding the value statements are, however, not only of a terminological nature. There are also some substantive problems, as becomes clear from a discussion of value terms in the Preamble and in Sections 1 and 7 of the 1996 Constitution. Swanepoel indicates that a tension exists between what can be called the "process" formulation in section 1(a) and the "state of affairs" formulation of the values in section 7(1). . While section 1(a) speaks of "the achievement of equality" and "the advancement of human rights and freedoms", section 7(1) simply makes mention of "equality" and "freedom". The dialectic between these twoformulations is discussed with reference to other relevant sections of the 1996 Constitution. The discussion is placed against the background of a so-called blank space in the1996 Constitution. While the 1993 Constitution characterized South Africa as a "constitutional state", the 1996 does not contain such a characterization. It is argued in this paper that the process phrasing in section 1 (a) ties in with a social democratic view of the state as an institution bringing about social change. The "state of affairs" phrasing of section 7(1) is, on the other hand, more in line with a liberal notion of a Rechtsstaat. The issue concerning what type of state South Africa is under the 1996 Constitution, will depend on which of the two poles in the above-mentioned dialectic the primary emphasis will be placed. Since the 1996 Constitution has been ratified by the Constitutional Court, it is regarded as extremely unlikely that the above-mentioned terminological problem will be rectified in future. Swanepoel provides a diagrammatic representation of the principle, values and objectives mentioned in the 1996 Constitution. Further research is envisaged concerning the possibility of developing a juridical model of reconciling the social-democratic and Rechtsstaat tendencies in the 1996 Constitution within the framework of a broader vision on the state’s task in bringing about justice.

Seime įregistruotas įstatymo „Dėl Lietuvos Respublikos Aukščiausiosios Tarybos – Atkuriamojo Seimo Pirmininko teisinio statuso“ projektas1, kuriame konstatuojama, kad 1990–1992 m. dirbusios Aukščiausiosios Tarybos – Atkuriamojo Seimo Pirmininkas yra valstybės vadovas. Seimo nariai projektą vertina nevienodai: vieni teigia, kad toks įstatymas yra būtinas, kiti tvirtina, kad jis prieštarauja Konstitucijai ir Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucinio Teismo (toliau Konstitucinio Teismo) 2002 m. birželio 19 d. nutarimui. Aukščiausiosios Tarybos – Atkuriamojo Seimo Pirmininko teisinis statusas mokslinėje literatūroje mažai nagrinėtas2. Aukščiausiosios Tarybos – Atkuriamojo Seimo Pirmininko teisinio statuso analizė ir jo įprasminimas įstatymu yra būtinas, siekiant užtikrinti teisinį aiškumą ir tikrumą bei įtvirtinti atkurtos nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės vadovo institucijos istorinį ir teisinį tęstinumą nuo to laiko, kai po Lietuvos nepriklausomybės atkūrimo 1918 m. vasario 16 d. buvo išrinktas pirmasis Lietuvos Respublikos Prezidentas. A draft Law “On the Legal Status of the Chairman of the Supreme Council-Reconstituent Seimas” has been registered at the Seimas, in which it is stated that the Chairman of the 1990–1992 Supreme Council-Reconstituent Seimas was the Head of State. The members of the Seimas are somewhat ambivalent about the draft law: some of them assert that such a law is necessary, whereas some others maintain that this law is in conflict with the Constitution and the Constitutional Court’s ruling of 19 June 2002. According to the Provisional Basic Law (Provisional Constitution), the Chairman of the 1990–1992 Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania was the highest official of the Republic of Lithuania with the powers to represent the Republic of Lithuania in international relations, to sign laws of the Republic of Lithuania and other acts passed by the Supreme Council, hold talks and sign international treaties of Lithuania, and submit them for ratification to the Supreme Council. He also had the powers to recommend candidates for the appointment or election to the posts of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Lithuania, the President of the Supreme Court of Lithuania, chairmen of divisions of this court, the Prosecutor General of the Republic of Lithuania, etc. The Provisional Basic Law (Provisional Constitution) does not contain the words “the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania shall be Head of State”, however, it does not mean that the independent State of Lithuania restored on 11 March 1990, purportedly, did not have any institution of its Head of State, and that the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania, purportedly, was not Head of State. The fact that the Chairman of the Supreme Council was Head of State is confirmed by the provision “[t]he Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania shall be the highest official of the Republic of Lithuania” of the Provisional Basic Law and by the powers provided for the Chairman of the Supreme Council. The compliance of the provisions of the draft Law “On the Legal Status of the Chairman of the Supreme Council-Reconstituent Seimas” with the Constitution of 1992 that is valid at present cannot be questioned on the grounds that, purportedly, this draft law is not in line with both the Provisional Basic Law of 1990 and such a concept of its provisions that were presented by the Constitutional Court in its ruling of 19 June 2002. This draft law should only be viewed through the prism of the Constitution of 1992 that is valid at present.

AbstrakKlausula baku nampak aturan atau syarat-syarat yang telah disiapkan ditetapkan lebih dahulu secara sepihak, sedangkan Penerapan praktik jual beli diketahui melahirkan kewajiban secara bertimbal balik kepada para pihak yang membuat perjanjian jual beli tersebut. Bagi penggiat usaha sesuai Pasal 1333 Kitab Undang-undang hukum perdata, mereka diwajibkan untuk menyerahkan suatu kebendaan yang menurut ketentuan haruslah kebendaan yang dapat diperdagangkan dan paling sedikit telah ditentukan jenisnya. klausula baku dalam praktik jual beli di toko-toko maubel di Keluharan Manongkoki Kabupaten Takalar berkembang, meskipun sistem jual beli secara lisan, tapi pola perkembangan klausula baku yang terterah pada sistem jual beli berdasarkan ketentuan kebutuhan pembeli. hukum Islam terhadap praktik klausula baku dalam jual beli, membolehkan suatu kebiasaan dijalankan selama tidak bertentangan dengan syariat Islam. Prinsip klausula baku take it or leave it sejalan dengan konsep khiyar yang berlaku dalam hukum Islam, yaitu kebebasan bagi pembeli untuk malanjutkan atau membatalkan suatu transaksi. masyarakat Manongkoki perlu meningkatkan kreativitas keterampilan membuat lemari, kursi dan meja agar banyak konsumen yang menyukai dan membelinya.Kata Kunci: Klausula Baku, Hukum Islam, Praktik jual beli. AbstractThe standard clause appears that the rules or conditions that have been prepared are unilaterally determined beforehand, while the application of the practice of buying and selling is known to give rise to obligations in return to the parties making the sale and purchase agreement. For business activists in accordance with Article 1333 of the Civil Code, they are required to submit a material which according to the provisions must be a tradable material and at least a specified type. standard clause in the practice of buying and selling in maubel shops in Keluharan Manongkoki Takalar Regency develops, even though the system of buying and selling verbally, but the pattern of development of standard clauses that are scattered on the buying and selling system based on the provisions buyer's requirements. Islamic law against the practice of standard clauses in buying and selling, allows a custom to run as long as it does not conflict with Islamic law. The principle of the take it or leave it standard clause is in line with the khiyar concept applicable in Islamic law, namely the freedom for the buyer to continue or cancel a transaction. Manongkoki community needs to improve their creativity in making cabinets, chairs and tables so that many consumers like and buy them.Keywords: Islamic Law, Modern Justice, Supreme Court.

Medical negligence claims have increased significantly over the last number of years. The trend is still ongoing and concerns have been raised about the impact of this increase on the medical industry. Medical practitioners are increasingly practising defensive medicine in an attempt to limit the risk of medical negligence claims being instituted against them. Medical negligence claims are instituted for a number of reasons, such as lack of communication between doctor and patient. Birth-related claims are instituted most frequently.This contribution investigates the possible reasons behind the increase in both the value and the number of medical negligence claims. The focus falls especially on the increase in the number of claims. The contribution considers a decline in the level of professionalism amongst medical practitioners as one reason behind the increase, followed by the possibility that lawyers may be responsible for the increase in claims. In addition, it is pointed out that patients are simply becoming more aware of their rights.The contribution further focuses on patient-centred legislation and pronouncements by courts that bolster patient autonomy and place patients in an ever stronger position to enforce their rights. Relevant provisions of the Constitution, the National Health Act, the Consumer Protection Act and the Children's Act are singled out for discussion, followed by a brief discussion of case law in line with themes identified in the aforementioned legislation.The contribution submits that the increase in medical negligence claims should not come as a surprise, considering the high regard that our courts had for patient autonomy even before the enactment of the 1996 Constitution. The Constitution and the above legislation now contain specific rights that patients, including child patients, can enforce. The best interests of the child principle embodied in both the Constitution and the Children's Act is very prominent in the medical context and impacts on the medical practitioner's responsibilities towards a child patient. The Constitutional Court relied on this principle in its recent judgment to the effect that claims for wrongful life (brought by a child with a disability), may possibly have a place in our law. If the claim for wrongful life is eventually confirmed, we will no doubt see a further increase in medical negligence claims. Patient-centred legislation and pronouncements by our courts that constantly reiterate the importance of patient rights arguably create very fertile ground for medical negligence claims. These are, as the contribution concludes, merely contributing factors to the phenomenon under investigation.

Purpose This paper aims to examine the anti-corruption policy of the Federal Executive Council of Nigeria, to determine whether the policy is working and/or has produced unintended effects. The Federal Executive Council is the body comprising all the Ministers of the Federation, including the President and Vice President. Design/methodology/approach The analysis took the form of a desk study, which analysed various documents and reports such as the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, 2008-2016, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (Establishment) Act, 2004, the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015, the UK’s Investigatory Powers Act, 2016, the Public Interest Disclosure and Witness Protection Bill, 2017 and the Financial Action Task Force Recommendations, 2012. Findings This paper determined that the anti-corruption policy of the Federal Executive Council of Nigeria could achieve its desired objectives if the following recommendations are implemented: research grants which are sent to Nigerian universities by international and corporate bodies should be exempted from the current treasury single account arrangement. This would enable universities to easily access the funds and disburse the same to qualified students. The Federal Government should follow the guidelines laid down in Section 270 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 for plea agreements. In other words, the prosecution should only offer a plea bargain to a person who has been charged with an offence. The prosecution should not receive and consider a plea bargain from a person who has not been charged with an offence. Any attempt to water down the effect of Section 270 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 may weaken the ongoing fight against corruption and money laundering because criminals will be encouraged to continue looting public funds. The Financial Action Task Force Recommendations (Recommendation 3) requires that criminal sanctions for natural persons convicted of money laundering should be effective, proportionate and dissuasive. The Federal Government of Nigeria should introduce a Bill to the National Assembly that would provide a clear framework for the use of investigatory powers by law enforcement, the security and intelligence agencies and other public authorities. This includes the interception of communications, the retention and acquisition of communications data, the use of equipment interference and the retention and use of bulk data by the security and intelligence agencies. The Bill must establish a number of safeguards against the arbitrary or unlawful use of investigatory powers by the executive. The UK’s Investigatory Powers Act, 2016, for example, established a number of safeguards for the retention and acquisition of communications data. Authorisations for obtaining communications data will have to set out why accessing the communications data in question is necessary in a specific investigation for a particular statutory purpose and how it is proportionate to what is sought to be achieved. A police officer who receives information from a whistleblower about money hidden in an apartment should apply to a Court or Justice of the Peace within the local limits of whose jurisdiction he/she is for the issue of a search warrant before conducting a search on the said premises. This procedure is in line with Section 143 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 and the Court of Appeal decision in Hassan v. E.F.C.C. (2014) I NWLR (Pt. 1389) 607 at 625. The Public Interest Disclosure and Witness Protection Bill, 2017 should be given accelerated consideration in the House of Representatives based on its urgency and significance for the Federal Executive Council’s whistleblowers policy. Research limitations/implications This paper focusses on the anti-corruption policy of the Federal Executive Council of Nigeria from 29 May 2015 to 10 June 2017. It does not address the older policies. Originality/value This paper offers a critical analysis of the new anti-corruption policy of the Federal Executive Council of Nigeria. The paper will provide recommendations on how the policy could be strengthened. This is the only paper to adopt this kind of approach.

Formulation of the problem. In the chamber-vocal genre, the composer exists in two images: he is both the interpreter of the poetic composition and the author of a new synthetic music and poetic composition. The experience of the style analysis of one of the best examples of Ukrainian vocal lyrics of the first third of the 20th century shows that the cycle op. 20 characterizes the mature style of the composer, which was formed, on the one hand, under the influence of European Romanticism. On the other hand, the essence of the Ukrainian “branch” of the Western European song-romance (“solo-singing”) is revealed by the prominent national song-romance intonation, filled with not only a romantic worldview, but also with some personal sincerity, chastity, intimate involvement with the great in depth and simplicity poetry line, read from the individual position of the musician. The paradox is as follows. Although Pushkin’s poetry is embodied in a “holistic adequacy” (A. Khutorskaya), and the composer found the fullest semantic analogue of the poetic source, however, in terms of translating the text into the Ukrainian language, the musical semantics changes its intonation immanence, which naturally leads to inconsistency of the listeners’ position and ideas about the style of Russian romance. We are dealing with inter-specific literary translation: Pushkin’s discourse creates the Ukrainian romance style and system of figurative thinking. The purpose of the article is to reveal the principle of re-semantization of the intonation-figurative concept of the vocal composition by V. Kosenko (in the context of translating Pushkin’s poetry into the Ukrainian language) in light of the theory of interspecific art translation. Analysis of recent publications on the topic. Among the most recent studies of Ukrainian musicology, one should point out the dissertation by G. Khafizova (Kyiv, 2017), in which the theory of modelling of the stylistic system of the vocal composition as an expression of Pushkin’s discourse is described. The basis for the further stylistic analysis of V. Kosenko’s compositions is the points from A. Hutorska’s candidate’s thesis; she develops the theory of interspecific art translation. The types of translation of poetry into music are classified according to two parameters. The exact translation creates integral adequacy, which involves the composer’s finding a maximally full semantic analogue of the poetic source. The free translation is characterized by compensatory, fragmentary, generalized-genre adequacy. Presenting the main material. The Zhitomir period for Viktor Kosenko was the time of the formation of his creative style. Alongside the lyrical imagery line, the composer acquired one more – dramatic, after his mother’s death. It is possible that the romances on the poems of A. Pushkin are more late reflection of this tragic experience (op. 20 was created in 1930). “I Loved You” opens the vocal cycle and has been dedicated by A. V. Kosenko. The short piano introduction contains the intonation emblem of the love-feeling wave. The form of the composition is a two part reprising (А А1) with the piano Introduction and Postlude. The semantic culmination is emphasized by the change of metro-rhythmic organization 5/4 (instead of 4) and the plastic phrase “as I wish, that the other will love you” sounding in the text. Due to these melodies (with national segments in melo-types, rhythm formulas and harmony) V. Kosenko should be considered as “Ukrainian Glinka”, the composer who introduced new forms and “figures” of the love language into the romantic “intonation dictionary”. In general, V. Kosenko’s solo-singing represents the Ukrainian analogue of Pushkin’s discourse – the theme of love. The melos of vocal piece “I Lived through My Desires” is remembered by the broad breath, bright expression of the syntactic deployment of emotion. On the background of bass ostinato, the song intonation acquires a noble courage. This solo-singing most intermediately appeal to the typical examples of the urban romance of Russian culture of the 19th century. “The Raven to the Raven” – a Scottish folk ballad in the translation by A. Pushkin. V. Kosenko as a profound psychologist, delicately transmits the techniques of versification, following each movement of a poetic phrase, builds stages of the musical drama by purely intonation means. The semantics of a death is embodied through the sound imaging of a black bird: a marching-like tempo and rhythm of the accompaniment, with a characteristic dotted pattern in a descending motion (like a raven is beating its wings). The middle section is dominated by a slow-motion perception of time space (Andante), meditative “freeze” (size 6/4). The melody contrasts with the previous section, its profile is built on the principle of descending move: from “h1” to “h” of the small octave (with a stop on S-harmony), which creates a psychologically immersed state, filled by premonition of an unexpected tragedy. In general, the Ukrainian melodic intonation intensified the tragic content of the ballad by Pushkin. The musical semantics of V. Kosenko’s romances is marked by the dependence on the romantic “musical vocabulary”, however, it is possible to indicate and national characteristics (ascending little-sixth and fifth intervals, which is filled with a gradual anti-movement; syllabic tonic versification, and other). Conclusion. The romances (“solo-singings”) by V. Kosenko belongs to the type of a free art translation with generalized-genre adequacy. There is a re-semantization of poetic images due to the national-mental intonation. Melos, rhythm, textural presentation (repetitions), stylization of different genre formulas testify to the rare beauty of Kosenko’s vocal style, spiritual strength and maturity of the master of Ukrainian vocal culture. Entering the “Slavic song area”, the style of Ukrainian romance, however, is differenced from the Russian and common European style system of figurative and intonation thinking (the picture of the world).

Formulation of the problem. The opera “Siberia” by U. Giordano is one of the most interesting in his creative work. The composer is considered to be a bright representative of the verismo (“Mala Vita”, “Marina”, “Andrea Chenier”, “Theodora”); his later creativity is represented by comedies (in particular, “Madame Saint-Germaine”), the opera-novella (“The King»”), and the opera of the mature period called “Siberia” reflects the boundary tendencies. The main characters (Stephana, Gleby, her pimp, and Vassili, an officer who is in love with Stephana) also appear as ambiguous characters. The action is reinforced not only by the love triangle, but also by the unfolding of the tragedy of two people on the background of the tragedies of many (the scenes of the deporting of the convicts and the penal settlement) and against the background of the Easter holiday (by contrast). After the premiere the opera was performed in many theatres, that why it is interesting to consider the variants of its interpretation, in particular, in the Italian stage versions, and a look at this opera not only from the historical point of view, but also in the context of the Italian tradition and performing reception during its stage life. The purpose of the research is to present a comparative analysis of the interpretation of the image of Vassili from the opera “Siberia” by U. Giordano for the identification of its constant and mobile features, in the context of the author’s thought and the contemporary tendencies of performing art. Analysis of recent publications on the topic of the article. U. Giordano’s creative work is presented systematically in the study of M. Morini (1968), where he collected articles not only written by himself, but also by other researchers of the composer’s creative work. We have used the correspondence by the composer with his librettist L. Illika and the critical reviews (by A. Beloni, G. Cesari, A. Bruno, and R. Carugati) on the first performances of the opera in Italy and Paris. However, the analysis of the performance the opera material by U. Giordano is almost absent. The results of the study. While writing the opera, U. Giordano significantly reduced the libretto, changed the final and strengthened the volitional features of the character of Vassili. He longed for a “powerful explosion” from his hero in Act 3 (when he fallen in jealousy of Stephana), and, in general – drama, passion and emotionality. These features should be reflected in the staging. We have presented the comparative analysis of the Vassili’s image scenic embodiment in two Italian settings in Milan performed by Amedeo Zambon (1974) and Viacheslav Lesik (2014). The comparison has led to the following conclusions. A. Zambon is highly skilled in the vocal technique, has a clean, crystal timbre of the voice, in which the high frequencies prevails; his voice is perceived by the listener as light, flexible and full of optimism. The important feature of his performing is the rhythmic freedom. So, in the themes related to lyrics, feelings of love, the soloist holds the musical sounds longer than it is indicated in the composer text. In the themes associated with doom, drama, on the contrary, he reduces the duration of the notes. With equal lengths of notes, the soloist often makes a dotted line, and if a dotted line already wrote by composer, he further exacerbates, emphasizes it. In emotional episodes, the singer uses marcato accents and agogical deviations in almost every sound of the phrase, thus emphasizing the most sensitive states of the human soul. Therefore, the “theme of death” (Act 2) perceives in a special way, when the voice of the singer sounds here almost without a dynamic expression and in a rigidly rhythmic way, with an emphasis on each of notes. V. Lesik’s voice sounds more forced, has a vibrato with wide amplitude, the resounding “juicy” timbre, saturated with a wide spectrum of overtones. Compared with the performance by A. Zambon, the party of this soloist contains less the moments of overt emotional expression; he sings all of the phrases rhythmically and with a large “drag”, breadth. There are never changes in the rhythmic patterns, the soloist performs all the eighth and quaternary notes as it is provided by the composer and is indicated in the musical text. Strict observance of the instructions in the musical text is one of the characteristic features of V. Lesik’s performance. For example, he sings “the theme of love” from the First Act without the emphasizing of the three first notes, performing the half-lengths without delays, and on the rises to high notes almost does not make fermatas. The latter is, in our opinion, a rare phenomenon, since the vocal operatic tradition has developed in such a way that the soloists should be to demonstrate their skills and make a stop on the extreme notes of the range, giving the audience a chance to get the pleasure from this technical method. Conclusions. So, let us summarize. According to the traditions of verismo, the constant features of the interpretation of opera hero image are the loftiness of expression and high level of emotionality related to the great force of a voice and the virtuoso vocal technique. The distinctive (mobile) features of interpretation are, in one hand, the rhythmic freedom, free attitude to the text, vocalization of the recitatives, flexible phrase splitting (A. Zambon); in other hand, more disciplined, accurate observance of musical text with a smaller spectrum of tempo-dynamic varieties, gradations and the great importance of pauses (V. Lesik). As a result, there is the impression of greater youth and sensuality of the embodied character (A. Zambon) and his greater experience, equableness of mind, courage, in general, more vital reality of the personage (V. Lesik). The prospect of further study of the topic is associated with a steady interest in the late operas by U. Giordano, in particular – to the opera “Siberia”, due to that its performing analysis actualizes. The experience of comparing the performers with different cultures of singing, as well as the aspect of interaction the opera traditions and contemporary performing traits may be of interest. In general, owing to the performing interpretation, the meaningful senses of this most interesting opera from the creative work by U. Giordano deepen essentially.

RESUMENCon el presente trabajo se pretende, sobre el soporte bibliográfico que registra la trayectoria del gremio sartorial, aportar un enfoque inédito proporcionado por las fuentes archivísticas y documentales para la época: la identificación, relación y análisis de la función ejercida por los sastres de los reyes y de aquellos vinculados al estamento nobiliario en la horquilla cronológica seleccionada, comprendida entre los años 1450 y 1615, fecha del primer y último documento trabajados en este sentido. Esta línea de investigación nos permitirá descubrir desde individuos con deseos de medrar en la escala social, como los sastres andantes y estantes en corte, hasta un subgrupo más consolidado marcado por la continua insatisfacción de las deudas por parte de la nobleza. Secciones archivísticas como el Registro General del Sello, Cámara de Castilla, Registro de Ejecutorias o Consejo de Estado, pertenecientes a variados archivos estatales españoles, nos servirán para proporcionar una nutrida nómina, en relación diacrónica, de los sastres vinculados a la Corona castellana en este periodo. Por otro lado, se destacará el proteccionismo regio hacia la figura de este artesano cercano a las élites de poder, ejemplificándolo en figuras concretas. Finalmente se apuntarán las posibilidades de la documentación analizada para conocer en profundidad, y de la mano de fuentes históricas primarias, aspectos de la historia del vestido regio y del de los empleados de la corte.PALABRAS CLAVE: sastres, reyes, nobles, Corona de Castilla, 1450-1615ABSTRACTThe aim of the present work is, on the basis of the literature that records the trajectory of the sartorial profession, to offer a new approach provided by the archival and documentary sources of the time: the identification, relation and analysis of the function exerted by tailors to kings and to those linked to the nobility. This line of research will allow us to discover people ranging from individuals seeking to climb the social ladder, such as tailors living at the court, to a more consolidated subgroup marked by the continued non-payment of debts by the nobility. Archival sections such as the General Registry of the Seal, Chamber of Castile, Registry of Executives or Council of State, belonging to various Spanish state archives, will provide us with a long list, in diachronic terms, of the tailors linked to the Castilian Crown between 1450 and 1615, the dates of the first and last documents used for this purpose. Furthermore, I shall highlight royal protectionism vis-à-vis the figure of this craftsman close to the elites, offering specific examples. 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(coord.), II Semana de estudios Medievales, Nájera, 2009, pp.155-190.Juárez-Almendros, E., “Don Quijote y la moda: El legado de Carmen Bernis”, Cervantes: Bulletin of the Cervantes Society of America, 24.1 (2004), pp. 137-142.López García, J. M., El impacto de la corte en Castilla: Madrid y su territorio en la época moderna, Madrid, siglo XXI de España, 1998.Marchant Rivera, A., “Los sastres en los Procesos de fe del tribunal de distrito de la Inquisición de Toledo (1483-1597)”, Documenta & Instrumenta, 12 (2014), pp. 95-116.Martínez Carreño, A., “Sastres y modistas: notas alrededor de la historia del traje en Colombia”, Boletín Cultural y Bibliográfico, vol. 28, n. 28 (1991), pp. 61-76.Mediero Velasco, M. I., “El impacto de la corte sobre la villa de Madrid”, Pasea por Madrid: historia, turismo cultural y tiempo libre, 7 (2015), pp. 39-57.Monner Sans, R., De sastres: entretenimiento paremiológica, Talleres de la Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1909.Nieto Sánchez, J. 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C., Gremios y artesanos en Madrid, 1550-1650: la sociedad de trabajo en una ciudad cortesana preindustrial, Madrid, CSIC, 2005.

Theoretically, the Byzantine Emperor was, just like in the times of the Roman Empire, chosen on the basis of his personal qualities and merits ? by the grace of God, of course. Practically, the factors which determined the ascension of a person to the throne were much more complex, the methods of gaining power being multifarious. In consequence, the political philosophy was confronted with the question of whether it is virtue (aret?) or origin (g?noz) that defines an Emperor. Independently of this rather theoretical question, however, and despite the claims that the personal qualities are decisive in the choice of the Emperor, the origin of the ruler played an important role in the consciousness of the Byzantines of all epochs. This is why great attention was paid to the creation of family trees, especially in the cases when the Emperor was of low origin (homo novus) or when it was for some reason necessary to strengthen his legitimacy. The choice of the genealogy was not random: since it carried a clear political message, it was of utmost importance with whom the Emperor in power would be associated and whose historical deeds or legendary personality would serve as a moral model. Also important is the fact that the search of a "good family" was as a rule triggered by the need to confirm one's own virtue. Thus, genealogies often reflect a certain system of values, usually emphasizing morality, courage in war, care for the welfare of the country, piety, etc. The choice of the archetype depended, of course, on the needs of the ruler for whom the genealogy was created. All this allows us to consider legendary genealogies as an expression of the imperial ideology. Notwithstanding their chronological diversity, the Byzantine imperial genealogies display very similar characteristics, i.e. they contain stereotypical elements, many of which had been established already in the first centuries of the Eastern Empire. In the early Byzantine period, when Christianity was still young, Emperors were frequently associated with pagan gods and semi gods, like Jupiter, Mars or Hercules. The Roman tradition of the eastern part of the Empire is also reflected in the fictive genealogies, so that the Emperors often chose Western Emperors or illustrious personalities and families of the Republican Era as their ancestors. The convention of establishing genealogical relations with the past rulers or their families (e.g. Claudius Gothicus, Trajan, the Flavii) served on one hand to create the impression of continuity and legitimacy, and on the other, to affirm the proclaimed system of values, since individual Roman Emperors had by that time become the prototypes of certain values (so Nerva stood for tranquility, Titus for philanthropy, Antoninus for high morality, Hadrian for justice and legality, Trajan for a successful military leader). In the same fashion, the creation of the family ties with persons from the Roman republican past, like the members of the family of the Scipios or Gnaeus Pompeius, was instrumental in the emphasizing of not only noble origin but also virtue. Interestingly enough, whereas the bonds with the Roman state are permanently evoked, the exempla from the Greek history play only a minor role in legendary genealogies (mostly Corinthians and Spartans, sometimes even mythical nations, like Homer's Pheacians). The central position of the Roman ideology is also reflected in the tendency to establish direct geographical connections between the origin of the ruler and either Rome itself or one of the Western provinces, so that the motif of migration is often found in the genealogies. On the other hand, Byzantine writers sometimes tended to boast with their knowledge of the history of the Ancient Orient, connecting famous personalities (like Artaxerxes) or dynasties (Achaemenids, Arsacids) with the Emperor whose genealogy they were composing. A special place in legendary genealogies is occupied by Constantine the Great. Almost as a rule, the genealogies postulate a kinship with him, often confirming it with the alleged physical resemblance. Depending on the purpose of the genealogy, certain purported features of Constantine's character were emphasized, so that he is alternately mentioned as a protector of the Christian faith, a triumphant military leader, or as a wise administrator of the Empire. Apart from that, the motifs of founding the new Capital and the migration of the Roman patrician families to Constantinople represent important topoi in this literary genre. The two most fascinating specimens of legendary genealogies in the Byzantine literature ? those of Basil I the Macedonian and Nikephoros III Botaneiates ? show that the choice of the elements of which the genealogy is composed (personality, family, dynasty) is at the same time a strong indication of the reason why it was composed in the first place. The genealogy of Basil the Macedonian was doubtlessly conceived by more than one person. It is quite certain that the idea to compose it originally came from Photios and was taken over by Basil's descendents ? his son Leo VI and his grandson Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. The core of Basil's legendary genealogy is the story of his origin from the Parthian-Armenian dynasty of Arsacids (an indication of the Armenian origin of the founder of the Macedonian dynasty?). Constantine Porphyrogennetos elaborated this story further, describing in some detail the fate of Arsac's descendents, to whom Basil was allegedly related on his father's side, in the Byzantine Empire. This, of course, does not mean that he forgot to create connections between his grandfather and the standard legendary ancestors, like Constantine the Great (on Basil's mother's side) and Alexander the Great (the common ancestors of both Basil's parents). This apocryphal family tree certainly has its roots in the fact that the founder of the Macedonian dynasty was a parvenu of low origin, whose ascent to the throne was maculated by the murder of his predecessor and benefactor Michael III: apart from providing Basil with the noble origin, the genealogy was supposed to strengthen his right to the crown. One should keep in mind, though, that Basil's genealogy was written in the time of "Macedonian renaissance", so that its content is doubtlessly partly a product of the erudition of the compilers. In the course of time, legendary genealogies were enriched with new elements, stemming from the Byzantine history in the narrower sense of the word. The genealogy of Nikephoros III Botaneiates, compiled by Michael Attaleiates in the second half of the 11th century, is a good illustration to this. In contrast to Basil the Macedonian's genealogy, it is interwoven with real historical data, so that it cannot be called 'legendary' in its entirety. It would probably be more appropriate to call it a genealogy of both the Phokades and the Botaneiatai, since its core is made up of an invented story of the origin of the famous Byzantine family of Phokades, from which the family of Botaneiatai purportedly stems. The genealogy is clearly divided into three parts. In the first part, Attaleiates develops a theory according to which the Phokades are descendents of the Roman patrician families of Fabii and Scipios. The second part is devoted to the elaboration of the genealogical connection between the Phokades and the Botaneiatai, a tour deforce achieved by the claim that the latter are direct descendents of Nikephoros II Phokas, who is not only the central figure of this part in his capacity as an ancestor of Nikephoros III, but also as a model of a virtuous Emperor. Comparable to the habit of other writers to single out one or another characteristic trait of Constantine the Great according to their needs, Attaleiates concentrates on Nikephoros Phokas' military qualities, which are similar to those possessed by his "descendent" Botaneiates, and emphasizes the physical resemblance between the two rulers. In all likelihood, the part on the genealogy of the Phokades, as well as the story of Nikephoros Phokas, were taken over from an earlier tradition dealing with this renowned family, which Attaleiates implicitly mentions when he says that he had used 'an old book' and some other writings. As indicated above, the last, third, part of the genealogy, devoted to the deeds of Nikephoros Botaneiates' father and grandfather, does not fit the narrow definition of a legendary genealogy, despite the exaggerations Attaleiates uses in order to satisfy the demands of the genre. The description of Nikephoros Botaneiates' family tree represents merely an excursus within Attaleiates' History, but its composition has nevertheless an internal coherence and logic. Namely, all parts of the genealogy (the histories of the Fabii/Scipios, Phokades, and Botaneiatai) have one characteristic in common: the stories of the military deeds of the members of these families are used as an illustration of the military virtues of Nikephoros III. Since the hidden intention of the panegyric for Nikephoros III Botaneiates is to justify his usurpation of the throne, it is clear that a genealogy in this form ? especially the section pertaining to Nikephoros Phokas and his kinship with the usurper's father and grandfather ? represents a good basis for a legalistic interpretation of the coup d'?tat of 1078. The permeation of legendary genealogies with the Byzantine history is not confined only to individual Emperors which, like Nikephoros II Phokas, get assigned the role of the ancestor and moral model: some aristocratic families, most often the Phokades and the Doukai, also became moral exempla, serving to prove the reputation and the nobility of the ruler. As in the case of the Phokades, there is also a legendary tradition surrounding the family of Doukai, which made them a kind of model family: Being related to them became a measure of nobility, since it allowed the less prominent families to occupy a more distinguished place on the hierarchy of the Byzantine nobility. The prominence certain family names achieved ? mostly those of the families which created a dynasty ? led from the beginning of the 12th century until the fall of the Empire to free adoption and combination of more different surnames (mostly Doukai, Komnenoi, Angeloi, Palaiologoi, Kantakouzenoi, etc.). This, in turn, led to the creation of fictitious family trees. This kind of apocryphal construction of one's own origin was characteristic not only of the Byzantine culture but rather represented a very common phenomenon in the medieval world. In the medieval Serbia, for instance, its dissemination was fostered by the translation of the writings of the Byzantine chroniclers (Georgios Monachos, John Malalas, Constantine Manasses, and John Zonaras), so that legendary genealogies, written according to the Byzantine pattern, became an expression of the wish to include one's own history into the flow of the world history. Finally, a note on the reception of this genealogical line of thought. Parallel to the fictitious genealogies, there also existed a consciousness about them: Just like the development and the functional load of genealogies reveals a lot about the attitudes of the Byzantines towards power, so do the Byzantine writers who often criticize and ridicule the genealogies of individual Emperors. .

Abstract This article examines the Supreme Court of Canada’s judgment in Uber Technologies Inc v Heller from an international commercial arbitration perspective, focusing on two specific issues. The first issue is the Court’s application of a provincial domestic, rather than international, arbitration statute to Uber and Heller’s international arbitration agreement, on the ground that the agreement is not ‘commercial’. The article argues that this finding is not in line with international arbitration instruments and practice. The second issue is the Court’s interpretation and application of the competence–competence principle, which permits arbitral tribunals to decide their own jurisdiction. The article maintains that the Court’s approach does not offend this principle, but that the Court provides insufficient guidance to lower Canadian courts on how to implement this approach in future cases. The article concludes that the Court’s decision, while far-reaching in many respects, should not disturb the enforcement of routine international commercial arbitration agreements in Canada. The decision may have implications, however, for arbitration agreements contained in international contracts—particularly standard form contracts—that might give rise to employment disputes, such as those in the gig economy, or that contain terms that may seem to bar a party’s access to the arbitral process.

The article concerns the legal issues of the “Conscientious objection”, primarily that of substantiation of the question –whether an individual’s act, motivated by religious or non-religious beliefs and denying to observe certain legal requirements, will gain legal protection; The Author represents all related issues, factors and circumstances, that should be taken into account and the corresponding scheme of the analysis and substantiation, with several important crossroads. By the Author, it is too important to fi nd a good, proper direction on each stage and continue until the following crossroad. The Author shows, what these crossroads are in practice, and issues that should be discussed and analyzed on each stage. Through this prism the Georgian legal approach is analyzed in the article, namely, the decision of the Georgian Constitutional Court of June 4, 2020, so called “a case of ID cards” – Nana Sepiashvili and Ia Rekhviashvili v. Parliament of Georgia and Minister of Justice of Georgia. The case concerns the applicant’s denial to receive and use new ID card, containing electronic chip. For the applicants, the electronic chip represents the effective mean for massive control over the people. They share the widespread orthodox Christians’ opinion, that chip represents the sign of the Beast, despite the fact, that Holly Synod of Georgian Orthodox Church disclaimed such an opinion. There is shown in the article, what issues and questions have been considered and examined by the Constitutional Court, in which way and succession; By Author, The Court took a very delicate approaches and was able to fi nd a very proper way of substantiation in spite of multiplicity of the pro et contra arguments, different factors and controversial issues. The Author concludes, that the Georgian approach is in line with the European and American case-law, but, at the same time, it develops a new principle and methodology, that facilitates the proper adjudication of the “conscientious objection” cases and reaching a fair balance between the individual rights and public interests. To the Author, the Georgian Constitutional Court has further developed already existing approaches, particularly, in the direction of positive obligation of a State. The Court differentiated the positive obligation of a State in the process of elaborating the new legislation and positive obligation which may arise after the legislation became operative. The first one implies an obligation to predict the risk of appearance of a conscientious objection towards new legislation, possible negative side effects in case of disobedience, inter alia, the burden, that can be imposed over an individual’s religious rights, and, finally, to make relevant exemptions from new regulations, if reasonable and necessary. But the second one implies a positive obligation of a State to respond adequately the de facto situation and administer all necessary measures in order to eliminate the damage and other negative effects that individual suffers as result of disobedience based on his/her belief. In the abovementioned case, the Court saw the State’s positive obligation to respond the de facto situation notwithstanding the fact, that it did not fi nd the challenged law unconstitutional.

The article focusing on “Consumer’s contractual protection scope in European directive and Georgia’s judicial space” determines the consumer’s legal place in the contractual space, where both parties’ autonomy exists in the most effective way. It is the truth that expressing the will gives the consumer power to avoid exploitative arrangements, nevertheless, the “weaker party” is often deprived of the opportunity to get acquainted with every article of the agreement at the pre-contract negotiation stage. Moreover, the customer is often left with no choice but to join the contract. Precisely the government should balance the rights of weak and strong sides, it must protect citizens from unfair contractual terms. In 2014 Georgia took a big step towards European integration when it signed the Association Agreement. The 13th chapter obligates the country to protect and ensure the realization of consumer’s rights. In the article, we review specific EU directives with the comparative-legislative methods, that establish principal definitions of protection against unfair contractual terms to the countries. The article also contains directives about consumer rights and conceptual issues of the credit line directives. The article demonstrates the interpretation of the court of justice, the approach to national legislation and international practice, that will ultimately help the target group to understand and protect the principles of consumer rights. The presented article is a big step forward to strengthening the field of “consumer rights”.

the article States that the ethics of a lawyer is an important component of the legal ethics; stated that the legal profession has as its object the person, affects its interests, rights, private life, so the study of moral aspects and problems of advocacy is today of paramount importance; marked by such key concepts as morality, law, ethics, justice, duty, good, evil, conscience, responsibility, honor, dignity, humanity; noted that part of ethics, legal ethics is a scientific discipline whose subject is the manifestation of morality in justice and law enforcement; marked what is the value of legal ethics is that it gives the moral nature of the activities for implementation of justice, the implementation of the prosecutorial, investigative work and other activities carried out by professional lawyers; States that legal ethics contributes to the proper formation of consciousness, attitudes of members of the legal profession, focusing them on rigorous compliance with moral norms; stated that today is the actual context of the conversation separately about the ethics of judges, investigative ethics, ethics counsel; noted that the specifics of advocacy requires a balance in the service of a lawyer; noted, what legal ethics is designed to ensure the performance of lawyer's duties honestly, competently and in good faith, to form proper level of public confidence in the legal profession as a representative of civil society and personally to the lawyers; noted that the basis of the relationship of the lawyer and the client is trust; noted that the attorney has no right to own, not coordinated with the client the position of the defence, counsel should pay special attention to the client, who is in custody, fee practice a lawyer shall take into consideration a number of factors; the caveats regarding the prohibition resumania of participants in the process; indicate their objections against the wrong actions of the investigator or body of inquiry, the lawyer is obliged to clothe in a legal form and contribute to the formation of a respectful attitude to the court as a branch of government; provided that an advocate shall be prohibited to violate professional ethics, and the need to build relationships with colleagues in the profession on standards of decency and respect to help Junior colleagues; to respect the dignity, prestige and business reputation of other lawyers to form a decent line of their own positions and behavior and have compelling personal point of view.

Given significant technological advances, the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in 2018 permitting U.S. states to offer and regulate sports wagering, and multiple international governments already regulating and licensing sports wagering operators, sports wagering will likely continue to grow exponentially. This expanding landscape of sports wagering may pose public health problems. This literature review provides a description of our current knowledge of sports gambling behaviour among adults, adolescents, and athletes, including prevalence rates and factors associated with problem gambling sports bettors. We highlight new issues that are surfacing, particularly the interaction between online betting, sports viewing, live betting, mobile technology, and sports fantasy gambling. We also address future research directions, including the need for longitudinal studies to clarify factors that contribute to the onset and maintenance of sports-related problem gambling, to examine the impact of major league sports leagues and professional teams that partner with gambling operators and casinos on gambling behaviour, and the need to assess public policy and treatment approaches.RésuméCompte tenu des progrès technologiques importants, de la décision rendue par la Cour suprême des États-Unis en 2018 autorisant les États américains à proposer et à réglementer les paris sportifs et des multiples réglementations gouvernementales internationales les autorisant, les paris sportifs continueront probablement de croître de manière exponentielle. Or, ce domaine de paris sportifs en pleine expansion peut poser des problèmes de santé publique. Cet examen de la littérature contient une description de nos connaissances actuelles sur le comportement au jeu sportif chez les adultes, les adolescents et les athlètes, notamment les taux de prévalence et les facteurs associés aux parieurs sportifs du jeu problématique. Nous mettons en lumière des problèmes émergents, notamment l’interaction entre les paris en ligne, l’écoute de joutes sportives, les paris en direct, la technologie mobile et les jeux de hasard fantastiques. Y sont également abordés l’orientation des recherches futures, notamment la nécessité d’études longitudinales visant à clarifier les facteurs qui contribuent aux débuts et à la poursuite du jeu compulsif lié au sport, un examen de l’impact sur le comportement de jeu des collaborations entre des ligues sportives majeures et des équipes professionnelles et des opérateurs de jeux et des casinos, ainsi que les secteurs d’intérêt concernant les politiques publiques et le traitement.

ABSTRACTBackground: Despite the recent increase in opioid overdoses across Canada, few pharmacy-led initiatives have been implemented to address issues related to opioid prescribing in the hospital setting.Objectives: The primary objective of this study was to develop a clinical tool, intended for use by hospital pharmacists and informed by best practices from the literature, that would provide a structured approach to enhancingthe safety of opioid prescribing. The secondary objective was to collect pharmacists’ opinions about the feasibility and utility of this tool.Methods: A comprehensive literature search and pharmacist focus group analysis provided content for development of a candidate clinical tool. This tool was then piloted by clinical pharmacists working on generalmedical and surgical units in a single hospital. Pharmacists participating in the pilot were invited to complete an online survey concerning their perceptions of the tool. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the survey results.Results:The literature search and focus group analysis led to development of a candidate clinical tool that focused on Medication review, Optimization, Reassessment, and Education (MORE). It included key risk factors relating to opioid safety, along with suggested mitigating strategies. The MORE tool was piloted for 3 weeks by 14 clinical pharmacists, 9 of whom responded to the subsequent survey. Five respondents indicated that the clinical tool increased their ability to identify risk factors. Five respondents also noted an increase in their ability to identify possible interventions. Most respondents felt that the tool was useful and that it would be feasible to integrate it into their practice; however, they noted that a more streamlined version could improve ease of use.Conclusions: The MORE tool was well received by clinical pharmacists. Implementation of the tool into routine practice requires additional changes to improve ease of use. Suggestions for modifying and streamlining the tool will be incorporated into future versions.RÉSUMÉContexte : Malgré l’augmentation récente des surdoses d’opioïdes au Canada, peu d’initiatives menées sous la houlette de pharmacies ont été mises en place sur les enjeux potentiels liés à la prescription d’opiacés en milieu hospitalier.Objectifs : L’objectif principal de cette étude visait à élaborer un outil destiné aux pharmaciens d’hôpitaux, s’inspirant des meilleures pratiques rapportées dans la documentation, qui fournirait une approche structuréepour améliorer la sécurité de la prescription d’opioïdes. L’objectif secondaire consistait à recueillir les opinions des pharmaciens sur la faisabilité et l’utilité d’un tel outil.Méthode : Des recherches bibliographiques étendues ainsi qu’une analyse de groupes de discussion de pharmaciens ont fourni le contenu necessaire à l’élaboration d’un outil clinique expérimental. Ensuite, cet outil a été testé par des pharmaciens cliniciens travaillant dans des unités médicales générales et chirurgicales au sein d’un seul hôpital. Les pharmaciens participant au projet pilote ont été invités à répondre à une enquête en ligne sur leur perception de l’outil. Des statistiques descriptives ont permis d’analyser les résultats de l’enquête.Résultats : Les recherches bibliographiques et l’analyse des groupes de discussion ont débouché sur le développement d’un outil clinique nommé MORE [pour Medication review, Optimization, Reassessment, and Education, ou Examen, optimisation, réévaluation et éducation aux médicaments]. Il comprenait des facteurs de risque liés à la sécurité des opioïdes ainsi que des suggestions de stratégies d’atténuation. Quatorzepharmaciens cliniciens, dont neuf ont répondu à l’enquête qui a suivi, ont testé le MORE pendant trois semaines. Cinq répondants ont indiqué que l’outil clinique augmentait leur capacité à déterminer les facteurs de risque. Cinq ont également noté une meilleure capacité à déterminer les interventions possibles. La plupart des répondants ont estimé que l’outil était utile et qu’il serait possible de l’intégrer dans leur pratique; cependant, ils ont aussi noté qu’une version simplifiée pourrait faciliter son utilisation.Conclusions : Les pharmaciens cliniciens ont bien accueilli l’outil MORE. Sa mise en oeuvre dans la pratique courante exige cependant des changements supplémentaires pour faciliter son utilisation. Les versions à venir tiendront compte des propositions visant à le modifier et à le simplifier.

The article is devoted to the issue of theoretical and practical problems of inconsistency of criteria in determining the jurisdictions of administrative and commercial courts. Article 124 of the Constitution of Ukraine emphasizes that the jurisdiction of courts extends to any legal dispute. According to Article 18 of the Law of Ukraine "On the Judiciary and the Status of Judges", courts specialize in civil, criminal, commercial, administrative cases, as well as cases of administrative offenses. The adoption and entry into force of the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Procedure in 2005 became especially relevant in resolving the issue of jurisdiction of cases involving the subject of power, and hence the separation of civil, commercial, in some cases even criminal from administrative jurisdictions has become problematic in some cases. In addition, judicial reforms, which have been and continue to be an attempt to bring the judiciary into line with European standards, have amended the Constitution of Ukraine, as well as various pieces of procedural law. Today, there are problems with a single approach to determining administrative jurisdiction. Such ambiguous issues can further lead to violations of constitutional human rights, such as the right to a fair trial within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law. After all, in practice there are often cases when judges refuse to initiate proceedings on the grounds that a particular dispute belongs to the jurisdiction of another court or cases where several judges are hearing homogeneous cases, which will indicate the imperfection of the law and the need for more accurate regulation of legislative norms. Despite the different approaches to the theoretical analysis of this issue and the diversity of opinions, the only thing that remains is that the problems of delimitation of jurisdictions lead to human rights violations, and therefore there is an urgent need to improve legislation. It should be noted that the issue of delimitation of cases between administrative and commercial courts in determining the rules of jurisdiction of cases repeatedly arises when appealing the decisions of the Antimonopoly Committee of Ukraine. The topic of delimitation of jurisdictions in resolving public law disputes is extremely relevant and important, because the wrong delimitation of jurisdictions can and does lead to violations. There are quite significant problems of delimitation of jurisdictions based on the criteria specified in both the the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Procedure and the Code of Civil Procedure of Ukraine, because they do not correspond to each other and do not agree with each other. Since such criteria are not decisive in distinguishing disputes, this is a practical problem not only for participants in public disputes, but also for judges. Such uncertainty leads to a violation of convention rights, including the right to judicial protection. After all, each part of the judicial system must be defined and effectively conduct proceedings within a particular court.That is why it determines the actual study of this issue.

ABSTRAKDisparitas pidana juga sering dihubungkan dengan independensi hakim. Model pemidanaan yang diatur dalam perundang-undangan (perumusan sanksi pidana maksimal) juga ikut memberi andil. Dalam menjatuhkan putusan, hakim tidak boleh diintervensi pihak manapun. Rumusan masalah yang dikaji dalam penelitian ini adalah pertama, bagaimanakah disparitas putusan hakim jika dihubungkan dengan asas Nulla Poena sine lege dalam memberi batasan pada hakim dihubungkan dengan Pasal 4 Ayat (1) Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No. 48 Tahun 2009 tentang Kekuasaan Kehakiman. Kedua, apa dasar pertimbangan hakim dalam menjatuhkan putusan pidana terhadap pelaku tindak pidana narkotika di Wilayah Hukum Pengadilan Bangkinang khususnya pada Tahun 2019. Dalam melakukan penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan metode penelitian sebagai berikut, jenis dan sifat penelitian dari sudut metode yang di pakai dalam penelitian ini, maka penelitian ini berupa penelitian hukum normatif atau kepustakaan Dengan teknik pengumpulan data studi dokumen dan studi kepustakaan. Studi dokumen merupakan langkah awal dari setiap penelitian hukum (baik normatif maupun yang sosiologis) karena penelitian hukum selalu bertolak dari premis normatif, Sedangkan sifat penelitian ini adalah deskriptif, artinya penulis mencoba memberikan gambaran secara rinci mengenai disparitas putusan hakim pengadilan negeri bangkinang dalam perkara tindak pidana narkotika.Dilihat dari dua pokok pembahasan dan penelitian diatas maka penulis dapat menyimpulkan, pertama, disparitas putusan hakim jika dihubungkan dengan asas nulla poena sine lege dalam memberi batasan pada hakim dihubungkan dengan Pasal 4 Ayat (1) Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia No. 48 Tahun 2009 Tentang Kekuasaan Kehakiman: Asas nulla poena sine lege terdapat dalam pasal 1 kuhp guna memberikan batasan agar hakim tidak sewenang-wenang dalam memberikan putusan pemidanaan, akan tetapi dalam praktiknya hakim bebas memberikan putusan tanpa intervensi, Asas nulla poena sine lege warisan belanda tidak selaras dengan pasal 4 ayat 1 undang-undang republik indonesia no. 48 tahun 2009 tentang kekuasaan kehakiman. Kedua, dasar pertimbangan hakim dalam menjatuhkan putusan pidana terhadap pelaku tindak pidana narkotika di wilayah hukum pengadilan bangkinang khususnya pada tahun 2019, hakikatnya pertimbangan hakim hendaknya juga memuat tentang hal-hal sebagai berikut: Pokok persoalan dan hal-hal yang diakui atau dalil-dalil yang tidak disangkal. Adanya analisis secara yuridis terhadap putusan segala aspek menyangkut semua fakta / hal-hal yang terbukti dalam persidangan. Kata kunci: disparitas; putusan hakim; tindak pidana narkotikaABSTRACTCriminal disparity is also often associated with the independence of judges. The criminal punishment model regulated in legislation (the formulation of maximum criminal sanctions) also contributes. In passing a decision, a judge may not be intervened by any party. The formulation of the problem examined in this study is firstly, how is the disparity in the decision of the judge if it is related to the principle of Nulla Poena sine lege in giving limitations to the judge related to Article 4 Paragraph (1) of the Law of the Republic of Indonesia No. 48 of 2009 concerning Judicial Power. Second, what is the basis of the judge's judgment in imposing a criminal decision on narcotics offenders in the Legal Area of the Bangkinang Court, especially in 2019.In conducting this research, the author uses the following research methods, types and nature of research from the point of view of the method used in this study, then this research is in the form of normative legal research or literature. Document study is the first step of any legal research (both normative and sociological) because legal research always departs from the normative premise, while the nature of this research is descriptive, meaning that the writer tries to give a detailed description of the disparity in decisions of the district court judges in criminal cases narcotics.Judging from the two points of discussion and research above, the writer can conclude, first, the disparity in the decision of the judge if it is related to the principle of nulla poena sine lege in giving limits to the judge connected with Article 4 Paragraph (1) of the Republic of Indonesia Law No. 48 of 2009 concerning Judicial Power: The principle of nulla poena sine lege is contained in article 1 of the Kuhp in order to provide a limitation so that judges are not arbitrary in giving criminal decisions, but in practice judges are free to give decisions without intervention, the nulla poena sine lege principle is not inherited from the Dutch legacy. in line with article 4 paragraph 1 of the law of the Republic of Indonesia no. 48 of 2009 concerning judicial authority. Second, the basic consideration of judges in issuing criminal decisions against narcotics offenders in the jurisdiction of the Bangkinang court, especially in 2019, in essence the judges' considerations should also contain the following matters: Principal issues and matters that are recognized or arguments that are recognized not denied. There is a juridical analysis of the verdict on all aspects concerning all facts / proven matters in the trial.Keywords: disparity; judge decision; narcotics crime

Cute pictures of animals feature as an inoffensive and adorable background to the contemporary online experience with cute content regularly shared on social media platforms. Indeed the demand for cuteness is so strong in the current cultural milieu that some animals become recognisable animal celebrities in the process (Hepola). However, despite the existence of this professionalisation in some sections of the cute economy, amateurs produce the majority of cute content that circulates online. This is largely because one of the central contributors to this steady stream of cute animal pictures is the subforum Aww, hosted on the online community Reddit. Aww is wholly dedicated to pictures of cute things and allows users to directly submit cute content directly to the site. Aww is one of the default subforums that new Reddit users are automatically subscribed to and is immensely popular, featuring over 4.2 million dedicated subscribers as well as untold casual visits. The section is self-described as: “Things that make you go AWW! -- like puppies, and bunnies, and so on...Feel free to post pictures, videos and stories of cute things” ("The cutest things on the internet!"). Users upload cute animal photos that they have taken and wait for the Reddit community to vote on their favourite pictures. The voting mechanism helps users to acknowledge their favourite posts, with the most popular featured on the front page of Aww (for a detailed critique of this process see van der Nagel 2013). The user-generated model of the site means that instead of visitors being confronted with a formally curated selection of cute animal photos, Aww offers a constantly changing mixture of amateur, semi-pro and professional content. Aww - and Reddit more generally - stand as an emblematic example of participatory culture (Jenkins 2006), with users playing an active role in the production and curation of online content. However, given the commercial nature of many user-generated content sites, this amateur media activity is becoming increasingly subject to intellectual property claims and conflicts (see Burgess; Kennedy). Across the internet there are growing tensions between website operators and amateur producers. As Jenny Kennedy (132) notes, while these platforms promote a public rhetoric of “sharing”, these corporate narratives “downplay their economic power” and imply “that they do not control the practices contained within their sites”. Subsequently, the expectations of users regarding how content is managed and organised can differ substantially from the corporate goals of social media companies. This paper contributes to the growing body of literature interested in the politics of amateur media production (see Hunter and Lastowka; Benkler; Burgess; Kennedy) by exploring the emergence of attribution norms and informal enforcement measures in and around the Aww online community. In contrast to professional content creators, amateurs often have fewer resources on hand to protect their copyrighted work and are also challenged by a pervasive online rhetoric that suggests that popular content essentially “belongs to the Internet” (Douglas). A number of communities on Reddit have questioned the company’s handling of amateur content with users suggesting that Reddit actively seeks to de-contextualise original content and not attribute original creators. By examining how amateur creators and online communities regulate content online, I interrogate the power relations that exist between social media platforms and users and explore how the corporate rhetoric of participatory culture interacts with the legal framework of copyright law. This article also contributes to existing legal scholarship on communities of practice and norms-based intellectual property systems. This literature has explored how social norms effectively regulate the protection of, among other things, recipes (Fauchart and Von Hippel), fashion design (Raustiala and Sprigman) and stand-up comedy routines (Oliar and Sprigman), in situations where copyright law does not function as an effective regulatory mechanism. Often these norms are in line with copyright law protections, but in other cases they diverge from these legal principles. In this paper I suggest that particular sections of Reddit function in a similar way, with their own set of self-governing norms, and that these norms largely align with the philosophical aims of copyright law. The paper begins by outlining a series of recent debates that have occurred between amateur media creators and Reddit, before exploring how norms are regulated on Reddit subforums Aww and Karma Court. I then offer some brief conclusions on the value of paying attention to how social norms structure forms of “sharing” (see Kennedy) and provide a useful way for amateur media producers to protect their content without going through formal legal processes. Introducing Reddit and the Confused Politics of Amateur Content Reddit is a social news site, a vibrant community and one of the most popular websites online. It stands as the most visible iteration of a long-standing tradition of user-generated and managed news, one that goes back to websites like Slashdot, which operated in the mid to late-90s. Founded in 2005 Reddit was launched after only one funding round of venture capital, receiving $100k in seed funding from Y Combinatory (Miller). Despite some early rivalry between Reddit and competitor site Digg, Reddit had enough potential to be purchased by Condé Nast for an estimated $20 million (Carr). Reddit’s audience numbers have grown exponentially in the last few years, with the site currently receiving over 5 billion page views and 114 million unique visitors per month (“About Reddit”). It has also changed focus significantly in the last few years with the site now “as much about posting interesting or funny pictures as it is about news” (Sepponen). Reddit hosts a number of individual subforums (called subreddits), which focus on a particular topic and function essentially like online bulletin boards. The front-page of Reddit showcases the most popular content from across the whole website, and user-generated content features heavily here. Amateur media cannot spread without the structural support of social media platforms, but this support is qualified in particular ways. Reddit stands as a paradigmatic case. Users on Reddit are “incentivized to submit direct links to images, because viewers can get to them more easily” (Douglas) and the website encourages amateur creators to use a preferred content server – Imgur – to host images. The Imgur service provides a direct public link to an image – even bypassing the Reddit discussion page – and with its free hosting and limited ads it has become a popular service and is used by most Reddit users (Slater-Robins). For the majority of Reddit users this is an unproblematic partnership. Imgur is free, effective and fast. However, a vocal minority of Reddit users and amateur creators claim that the partnership between Reddit and Imgur has created the equivalent of an online ghetto (Douglas).As Nick Douglas explains, when using services like Imgur there is no requirement to either provide an external link to a creators website or to attribute the creator, limiting the ability for an amateur creator to gain exposure. It also bypasses existing revenue streams that may have been set up by creators, including ad-supported websites or online stores offering merchandise. As a result creators have little opportunity to benefit either economically or reputationally from this system. This occurs to such an extent that “there are actually warnings against submitting your own [original] work” to particular subforums on Reddit (Douglas). For example, some forum moderators require submissions to either “link directly to a specific image file or to a website with minimal ads” (“Reddit Pics”). It is in this context, that the posting of original content without attribution is not actively policed. There are a number of complaints circulating within the Reddit community about these practices (see “Ok, look people. I know you heart Imgur, but webcomics? Just link to the freaking site”; “The problem with reddit”). Many creators have directly protested against this aspect of Reddit’s structural organisation. Blogger Benjamin Grelle (a.k.a The Frogman) and writer Chris Menning are two notable examples. Grelle’s protest was witty and dramatic. He wrote a blog post featuring a picture of an email he sent to Imgur offering the company a choice: send him a huge novelty check for $10,000 or alternatively, add a proper attribution system that allows artists, photographers and content creators to properly credit their work. Grelle estimates that his work generated around $20,000 in ad revenue for Imgur; however the structure of Reddit and Imgur meant he earned little income from the “viral” success of his content. Grelle claimed he was happy for his work to be shared, but attribution meant that it was more likely a fan would follow the link to his website and provide him with some financial recompense for his work. Unsurprisingly, Grelle didn’t receive a paycheck and so in response has developed a unique way to gain exposure. He has started to insert himself into his work, “[s]o when you see a stolen Frogman piece, you still see Ben Grelle’s face” (Douglas). Chris Menning posted a blog about being banned from Reddit, hoping to bring to light some of the inequalities that persist around Reddit’s current structure. He began by noting that he had received a significant amount of traffic from them in the past. He had responded in kind by looking to create original content for particular subforums, knowing what a particular community would enjoy. However, his habit of providing the link to his own website along with the content he posted saw him get labelled as a spammer and banned by administrators. Menning chose not to fight the ban:It seems that the only way I could avoid [getting banned] is if I were to relinquish any rights to my original content and post it exclusively to Imgur. In effect, reddit punishes the creation of original content, and rewards content theft (Menning). Instead he decided to quit Reddit, claiming that Reddit’s approach would carry long-term consequences as the platform provided little incentive for creators to produce wholly original content. It is worth noting that neither Menning nor Grelle turned to legal avenues in order to gain financial restitution. Considering the nature of the practices they were complaining about, compensation in the form of an injunction or damages would have certainly been possible. In Benjamin’s case, a user had combined a number of his copyrighted works into one image and posted the image to Imgur without attribution --this infringed Grelle’s copyright in his work as well as his moral right to be attributed as the creator of the work. However, the public comments of both creators suggest that despite the possibility of legal success, their issue was not so much to do with their individual cases but rather the broader structural issues at play within Reddit. While they might gain individually from a successful legal challenge, over the long term Reddit would continue to be a fraught place for amateur and semi-professional content creators. Certain parts of the Reddit community appear to be sympathetic to these issues, and the complaints of dissenting users like Menning and Grelle have received active support from some users and moderators on the site. This has led to changes in the way content is being posted and managed on Aww, and has also driven the emergence of a satirical user-run court entitled Karma Court. In these spaces moderators and members establish community norms, regularly police the correct attribution of works and challenge the de-contextualisation of content overtly encouraged by Reddit, Imgur and other subforums. In the following section I will examine both Aww and Karma Court in order to explore how these norms are established and negotiated by both moderators and users alike. reddit.com/r/aww: The Online Hub of Cute Animal Pictures As we have seen, the design of Reddit and Imgur creates a number of problems for amateur creators who wish to protect their intellectual property. To address these shortcomings, the Aww community has created its own informal regulatory systems. Volunteer moderators play a crucial role: they establish informal codes of conduct for the Aww community and enforce various rules about how the site should be used. One of these rules relates to attribution. Users are asked to to “post original content whenever possible or attribute original content creators” ("The cutest things on the internet!"). Due to the volunteer nature of the work and the size of the Aww sub-reddit, moderator enforcement is haphazard. Consequently, responsibility falls on the wider user community to self-police. Despite its informal nature, this process manages to facilitate a fairly consistent standard of attribution. In this way it functions as an informal method of intellectual property protection. It is worth noting however that this commitment to original content is not solely due to the moral character of Aww users. A significant motivation is the distribution of karma points amongst Reddit users. Karma, which represents your good standing within the Reddit community, can be earned through user likes and votes – these push the most popular content to the front page of each subforum. Thus karma stands as a numerical representation of a user’s value to Reddit. This ostensibly democratic system has the paradoxical effect of fuelling intellectual property violations on the site. Users often repost other users’ jpegs, animated gifs, and other content, in order to reap the social and cultural capital that comes with posting a popular picture. In some cases they claim authorship of the content; in other cases they simply re-post content that they feel “belongs to the internet” (Douglas). Some content is so popular or pervasive online (this content that is often described as “viral”) that users feel there is little reason or need to attribute content. This helps to explain the persistence of ownership and attribution conflicts on Reddit. In the eyes of some users and moderators the management of these rights and the correct distribution of karma are seen to be vital to the long-term functioning of site. The karma system offers a numerical representation of each contributor’s value. Re-posting already successful content and claiming it as your own challenges the proper functioning of the karma system and potentially ‘inhibits the innovative potential of contributions (Richterich). On Aww the re-posting of original content is viewed as a taboo act that breaches these norms. The poster is seen to have engaged in deceptive conduct in order to gain karma for their user profile. In addition there is a strong ethic that runs through these comment threads that the original creator deserves attribution. There is a presumption that this attribution is vital in order to increasing the possible marketability of the posted content and to recognise and courage creators within the community. This sort of community-driven regulation contrasts with the aforementioned site design of Reddit and Imgur, which frustrates effective authorship attribution practices. Aww users, in contrast, have shown a willingness to defend what they see as the intellectual property rights of content creators.A series of recent examples outline how this process works in practice. User “moonlikeme123” posted a picture of a cat with its hands on the steering wheel of a car. The picture was entitled “we don’t need to ask for directions, Helen”. During the same day, three separate users had identified the picture as a repost, with one noting that the same picture was already on the front page of Aww. “moonlikeme123” received no karma points for the picture. In a second example, the user “nibblur” posted a photo of a kitten “hunting” a toy mouse. Within a day, one enterprising user had identified the original photographer – “torode”, an amateur photographer – and linked to his Reddit profile (see fig. 2) ("ferocious cat hunting its prey: aww."). One further example: on 15 July 2013 “Cuzacelmare” posted a picture of two dogs comforting each other – an image which had originally been posted by “lauface”. Again, users were quick to point out the lack of attribution and the attempt to claim someone else’s content as their own (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww). It is worth noting that some Reddit users consider attributing content to be entirely without benefit. Some deride karma as “meaningless” and suggest that as a significant amount of content online is regularly reposted elsewhere, there is little harm done in re-posting what is essentially amateur content destined to be lost in the bowels of the internet. For example, the comments that follow Cuzacelmare’s reflect an ambivalence about reposting, suggesting that users weigh up the benefits of exposure gained by the re-posting against the lack of attribution granted and the increasingly decontextualized nature of the photo itself:Why does everyone get so bitchy about reposts. Not everyone is on ALL the time or has been on Rreddit since it was created. I mean if you've seen it already ignore it. It's just picture you aren't forced to click the link. [sic] (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww”)We're arguing semantics, but any content that gets attention can benefit the creator, whether it's reddit or Youtube (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww”) Such discussions are common on comment threads following re-posts by other users. They underline the conflicted status of this ephemeral media and the underlying frictions that are part of these processes. These discussions underline the fact that on Reddit the “sharing” (Kennedy) and “spreading” (Jenkins et al.) of content is not seen as an unquestioned positive but rather as a contestable structural feature that needs to be constantly negotiated and discussed. These informal methods of identification, post-hoc attribution and criticism in comment threads have been the long-standing method used to redress questions of attribution and ownership of content on Reddit. However in recent times, Reddit users have turned to satirical methods of formal adjudication for particularly egregious cases. A sub-reddit, Karma Court, now functions as an informal tribunal in which punishment is meted out for “the abuse of karma and general contemptible actions heretofore identified as wrongdoing” (“Constitution and F.A.Q of the Karma Court”). Due to its double function as both an adjudicator and satire of users overly-invested in online debates, there is no limit to the possible “crimes” a user may be charged with. The following charges are only presented as guidelines and speak to common negative experiences on online: (1). Douchebaggery - When one is being a douche.(2). Defamation - Tarnishing another redditor's [user’s] username.(3). Public Indecency - When a user flexes his or her 'e-peen' with the intent to shame other users.(4). OhShit.exe - Intentional reposting that results in reddit Gold.(5). GrandTheft.jpg - Reposting while claiming credit for the post.(6). Obstruction of Justice - Impeding or interfering with an investigation, such as submitting false screenshots, deleting evidence, or providing false evidence to the court.(7). Other - Literally anything else you want. We like creative names for charges.(“Constitution and F.A.Q of the Karma Court”) In Karma Court, legal representation can be sourced from a list of attorneys and judges, populated by users who volunteer to help adjudicate the case. They are required to have been a Reddit member for over six months. The only punishment is a public shaming. Interestingly Karma Court has developed a fair reposting clause that attempts to manage the complex debates around reposting and attribution. Under the non-binding satirical clause, users are able to repost content if it has not featured on the front page of a sub-reddit for seven or more days, if the re-poster acknowledges in the title or description that they are re-posting or if the original poster has less than 30,000 link karma (which means that the original poster has not substantially contributed to the Reddit community). If a re-poster does not adhere by these rules and claims a re-post as their own original content (or “OC”), they can be charged with “grandtheft.jpg” and brought to trial by another Reddit user. As one of the most popular subforums, a number of cases have emerged from Aww. The aforementioned re-poster “Cuzacelmare” (“I am bringing /U/ Cuzacelmare to trial …”) was “charged” through this process and served with a summons after denying “cute and innocent animals of that subreddit of their much deserved karma”. Similar cases to do with re-posting without attribution on Aww involve “FreshCorio” (“Reddit vs. U/FreshCorio …”) and “ninjacollin” (“People of Reddit vs. /U/ ninjacollin”) who were also brought to karma court. In each case prosecutors were adamant that false authorship claims needed to be punished. With these mock trials run by volunteers it takes time for arguments to be heard and judgment to occur; however “ninjacollin” expedited the legal process by offering a full confession. As a new user, “ninjacollin” was reprimanded severely for his actions and the users on Karma Court underlined the consequences of not identifying original content creators when re-posting content. Ownership and Attribution: Amateur Media, Distribution and Law The practices outlined above offer a number of alternate ways to think about amateur media and how it is distributed. An increasingly complex picture of content attribution and circulation emerges once we take into account the structural operation of Reddit, the intellectual property norms of users, and the various formal and informal systems of regulation that are appearing on the site. Such practices require users to negotiate complex questions of ownership between each other and in relation to corporate bodies. These negotiations often lead to informal agreements around a set of norms to regulate the spread of content within a particular community, suggesting that the lack of a formal legal process in these debates does not mean that there is an absence of regulation. As noted throughout this paper, the spread of online content often involves progressive de-contextualisation. Website design features often support this process in the hopes of encouraging content to spread in a fashion amenable to their corporate goals. Considering this tendency for content to be decontextualized online, the presence of attribution norms on subforums like Aww is significant. Instead of remixing, spreading and re-purposing content indiscriminately, users retain a concept of ownership and attribution that tracks closely to the basic principles of copyright law. Rather than users radically redefining concepts of attribution and ownership, as prefigured in some of the more utopian accounts of participatory media, the dominant norms of the Reddit community extend a discourse of copyright and ownership. As well as providing a greater level of detail to contemporary debates around amateur media and its viral or spreadable nature (Burgess; Jenkins; Jenkins et al), this analysis offers some lessons for copyright law. The emergence of norms in particular Reddit subforums which govern the use of copyrighted content and the use of a mock court structure suggests that online communities have the capacity to engage in forms of redress for amateur creators. These organic forms of copyright management operate adjacent to formal legal structures of copyright law. However, they are more accessible and practical for amateur creators, who do not always have the money to hire lawyers, especially when the market value of their content might be negligible. The informal regulatory systems outlined above may not operate perfectly but they reveal communities who are willing to engage foundational conversations around the importance of attribution and ownership. Following the existing literature (Fauchart and Von Hippel; Raustiala and Sprigman; Schultz; Oliar and Sprigman), I suggest that these online social norms provide a useful form of alternative protection for amateur creators. Acknowledgements Thanks to Ramon Lobato and Emily van der Nagel for comments and productive discussions around these issues. I am also grateful to the two anonymous peer reviewers for their assistance in developing this argument. References “About Reddit.” Reddit, 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/about/›. Benkler, Yochai. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006. 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Falsely Claims It Is His Cakeday for Good Measure.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 12 Apr. 2013. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/r/KarmaCourt/comments/1c7vxz/reddit_vs_ufreshcorio_user_uploads_popular_repost/›. “Reddit Pics.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/r/pics/›. Richterich, Annika. “’Karma, Precious Karma!’ Karmawhoring on Reddit and the Front Page’s Econometrisation.” Journal of Peer Production 4 (2014). 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://peerproduction.net/issues/issue-4-value-and-currency/peer-reviewed-articles/karma-precious-karma/›. Schultz, Mark. “Fear and Norms and Rock & Roll: What Jambands Can Teach Us about Persuading People to Obey Copyright Law.” Berkley Technology Law Journal 21.2 (2006): 651 – 728. Sepponen, Bemmu. “Why Redditors Gave Imgur a Chance.” Social Media Today, 20 July 2011. Slater-Robins, Max. “From Rags to Riches: The Story of Imgur.” Neowin, 21 Apr. 2013. 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L’aide humanitaire désigne les opérations d’assistance matérielle et humaine apportée aux victimes de catastrophes naturelles et de guerres. Son origine se situe dans la tradition philanthropique et caritative occidentale. Pour ce qui concerne les situations de conflit, elle suit la ligne du mouvement de la Croix-Rouge, à l’origine des Conventions de Genève dictant la conduite à adopter par les pays, notamment la protection des civils, des membres d'organisations humanitaires, des blessés ou encore, des prisonniers de guerre. Souvent appariée à l’aide au développement, l’aide humanitaire s’en différencie par son caractère urgentiste et à court terme. Elle est cependant mise en œuvre en grande partie par les mêmes organisations internationales qui se sont déployées dans le monde à partir de l’Occident après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et les indépendances, et dans de nombreux cas, se prolonge au-delà du temps de l’urgence en touchant des domaines relatifs aux inégalités et à l’injustice sociale au nom de la protection des populations considérées comme vulnérables. Un certain nombre de règles et de principes s’y appliquent, définis par le Droit international humanitaire et le corpus juridique plus large des droits humains. L’intervention humanitaire fait l’objet de recherches anthropologiques spécifiques depuis les années 1990, période à laquelle, avec l’effondrement du bloc soviétique et la globalisation, les règles définissant l’humanitaire et le développement ont profondément changé, se caractérisant notamment par une internationalisation, une professionnalisation et une institutionnalisation des agences et des interventions (Atlani-Duault 2009). Les travaux qui s’y intéressent ont repris certains des questionnements propres à l’anthropologie du développement, par exemple autour de l’implication de la discipline au sein de son objet d’étude, et interrogent l’humanitaire en termes de gouvernementalité (Pandolfi 2002; Agier 2008), d’économies morales (Fassin 2010) ou encore de relations d’altérité (Saillant 2007). Plus récemment, l’approche défendue par Goodale et Merry (2007, 2009) pour une anthropologie critique et engagée des droits humains, a permis d’aborder l’humanitaire sous un nouvel angle. En embrassant les droits humains de leur émergence à leurs pratiques dans une perspective dynamique entre global et local, cette approche permet en effet de dépasser le clivage entre relativisme et universalisme. L’humanitaire, en tant que pratique transnationale des droits humains, est ainsi envisagé dans la globalité de son champ, dans sa praxis — de ses intentions à sa mise en œuvre — ainsi que dans sa complexité et au cœur de ses « circuits » (Saillant 2007) entre discours, représentations, et pratiques. À la base de l’humanitaire, on trouve à la fois l’humanisme, l’universalisme, la compassion, et la générosité. C’est plus particulièrement les figures de victimes et de souffrance (Boltanski 1993) qui justifient l’intervention et initient un lien (Saillant 2007). Plus qu’un droit d’intervention tel qu’il est défini par l’impératif humanitaire, il y a même quelque chose d’une injonction à intervenir, renforcée par le cadre juridique dans lequel l’intervention humanitaire s’inscrit. Par ailleurs, le caractère social de la souffrance introduit dans le régime humanitaire des valeurs plus politiques, notamment l’égalité, la justice sociale, la solidarité, l’échange, la démocratie, la paix. Mais même si l’ancrage moral est fort, l’application des valeurs n’est pas sans rencontrer d’écueils, notamment dans leur confrontation au terrain. Ainsi, non seulement le politique s’approprierait les valeurs de l’humanitaire, mais du fait de cette collusion, les valeurs de l’humanitaire seraient bafouées par le politique, affaiblissant ainsi les deux. Les imbrications militaro-humanitaires et politico-humanitaires qui en découlent sont décrites et dénoncées par de nombreux anthropologues (Pandolfi 2000, 2006; Fassin 2006; Juhem 2001; Koddenbrock 2012). En plus du débat sur l’ingérence, l’indépendance des ONG vis-à-vis des États, et plus généralement la neutralité de l’intervention humanitaire, sont dans ce sens loin d’être établies. Pourtant, pour Didier Fassin qui s’interroge sur le gouvernement humanitaire, entre ONG et États, « le partage des principes, les emprunts rhétoriques ou la circulation des acteurs signalent moins une instrumentalisation hypocrite de l’urgence, qu’un réaménagement transversal des lieux et des logiques de pouvoir. […] Faire ce constat, ce n’est pas déstabiliser le travail des organisations humanitaires en montrant qu’il est autre chose que ce pour quoi il se donne. C’est probablement penser autrement le politique, en particulier s’efforcer de comprendre ce que peut être un gouvernement non gouvernemental. » (Fassin 2006 : 15-19) Une des questions qui se posent est celle de l’universalité des souffrances à la base de l’intervention. Fassin et Bourdelais (2005), lorsqu’ils abordent les constructions de l’intolérable, montrent combien la définition de l’intolérable est une affaire d’économie morale, ce qui met à mal les absolus universalistes en la matière. Si on considère que les droits humains sont largement définis à partir de concepts occidentaux, les interventions humanitaires déployées au nom de leur universalisme tendraient ainsi à agir de manière hégémonique, en imposant une vision occidentale aux quatre coins du monde. C’est le cas, par exemple, des interventions au nom des droits de l’enfant qui, selon Pupavac (2001), défendent un modèle d’enfance mettant en porte-à-faux les pays n’ayant pas connu le développement économique des pays occidentaux dans lequel il s’inscrit. Pour éviter cela, les rédacteurs de droits humains qui cherchent à atteindre des propositions consensuelles acceptables et applicables universellement aboutissent généralement à une éthique confuse qualifiée par Read (2002) de « mitan brouillon » [ma traduction]. La figure de souffrance au centre de l’intervention, est à la source d’un autre paradoxe de l’humanitaire. Le problème fondamental tient dans l’incapacité de soigner et de témoigner à la fois. En effet, comme le montrent Malkki (1996) et Agier (2008), en reprenant la formule utilisée par Agamben (1998), dans son mouvement salvateur, le régime humanitaire réduit les personnes à qui il s’adresse à leur condition de « vulnérables », à une « vie nue », afin d’effacer le contexte qui pourrait poser obstacle à l’intervention -par exemple, dans le cas de conflits armés, suspendre l’histoire, s’abstenir de porter un jugement pour sauver des vies. Or, on le comprend, même si elle permet à l’équivalent contemporain du Bon Samaritain d’agir sans contrainte afin de préserver la vie au sens biologique, cette opération bafoue la prétention humaniste de l’intervention, en extrayant les personnes de leurs appartenances sociale, historique, culturelle, religieuse et politique, leur ôtant potentiellement toute forme de dignité. Ainsi, la souffrance qui est à la base de l’intervention s’imposerait et s’inscrirait dans les corps, excluant toute autre dimension, agissant d’une manière totalitaire. D’autres terrains offrent cependant d’autres perspectives sur la question, par exemple ceux décrits par Shepler (2014), Agier (2008), Saillant (2007), lorsque les bénéficiaires de l’aide, plutôt que de se comporter en victimes contraintes par une identité imposée ou déniée, s’approprient des discours, négocient les pratiques et vernacularisent les concepts. Pour être en mesure d’appréhender l’humanitaire dans sa diversité, sa complexité et sa globalité, l’approche anthropologique continue à être d’une grande pertinence, à condition de se renouveler. Désormais, l’engagement des anthropologues vis-à-vis des droits humains est affirmé par la Declaration on Anthropology and Human Rights de l’AAA en 1999 qui mentionne à la fois l’intérêt de l’anthropologie pour cet objet d’études spécifique et son engagement pour la promotion et la protection des droits des peuples. Sur le plan éthique, le défi est donc de chercher la position la plus « juste » à la fois aux côtés des peuples ou individus dans le besoin, mais aussi dans la réorientation ou l’élaboration de textes et politiques d’intervention. Sur un plan épistémologique, il convient de prendre en compte l’humanitaire au-delà de la façade monolithique qu’il présente et de s’affranchir des attentes culturalistes des intervenants. Une juste place est à trouver entre activisme, témoignage, défense, plaidoyer, ou encore accompagnement et médiation, avec une attention particulière à l’ouverture d’espaces aux participants (intervenants et bénéficiaires) pour mettre en avant leurs voix plutôt que celle des chercheurs.

We Break Up, I Publish: Theorising and Emotional Processing like Taylor Swift In 2007 after the rather painful end of my first long-term same-sex relationship I asked myself two questions (and like a good graduate student wrote a paper about it that was subsequently published): (1) what is love; (2) and if love exists, are queer and straight love somehow different. I asked myself the second question because, unlike my previous “straight” breakups (back when I honestly thought I was straight), this one was different, was far more messy, and seemed to have a lot to do with the fact that my then fresh ex-boyfriend and I had dramatically different ideas about how the relationship should look, work, be codified, or if it should or could be codified. It was an eye-opening experience since the truth that these different ideas existed—basically his point of view—really only “came out” in my mind through the act and learning involved in that breakup. Until then, from a Queer Theory perspective, you could have described me as a “man who had sex with men,” called himself homosexual, but was so homonormative that if you’d approached me with even a light version of Michel Foucault’s thoughts on “Friendship as a Way of Life” I’d have looked at you as queerly, and cluelessly, as possible. Mainstream Queer Theory would have put the end of the relationship down to the difference and conflict between what is pejoratively called the “marriage-chasing-Gay-normaliser,” represented by me, and the “radical-Queer(ness)-of-difference” represented by my ex-boyfriend, although like a lot of theory, that misses the personal (which I recall being political...), and a whole host of non-theoretical problems that plagued that relationship. Basically I thought Queer/Homosexual/Lesbian/Transgendered and the rest of the alphabet soup was exactly the same as Straight folks both with respect to a subjective understanding of the self, social relations and formations, and how you acted or enacted yourself in public and private except in the bedroom.. I thought, since Canada had legalised same-sex marriage, all was well and equal (other than the occasional hate-crime which would then be justly punished). Of course I understood that at that point Canada was the exception and not the rule with respect to same-sex rights and same-sex marriage, so it followed in my mind that most of our time collectively should be spent supporting those south of the border or overseas who still faced restrictions on these basic rights, or out-and-out violence, persecution and even state-sanctioned death for just being who they are and/or trying to express it. And now, five years on, stating that Canada is the exception as opposed to the rule with respect to the legalisation of same-sex marriage and the codification of same-sex rights in law has the potential to be outdated as the recent successes of social movements, court rulings and the tenor of political debate and voting has shifted internationally with rapid speed. But it was only because of that breakup that these theoretical and practical issues had come out of my queer closet and for the first time I started to question some necessary link between love and codification (marriage), and how the queer in Queer relationships does or potentially can disrupt this link. And not just for Queers, but for Straight folk too, which is the primary point that should be underlined now and is addressed at the end of this paper. Because, embittered as I was at the time, I still basically agree with the theoretical position that I came to in that paper on love—based on a queering of the terms of Alain Badiou—where I affirmed that love resisted codification, especially in its queer form, because it is fidelity to an act and truth between two or more partners which resists the rigid walls of State-based codification (Potts, Love Hurts; Badiou, Ethics and Saint Paul). But as one of the peer reviewers for this paper rightly pointed out, the above distinctions between my ex and myself implicitly rely upon a State-centric model of rights and freedoms, which I attacked in the first paper, but which I freely admit I am guilty of utilising and arguing in favour of here. But that is because I am interested, here, not in talking about love as an abstract concept towards which we should work in our personal relationships, but as the state of things, and specifically the state of same-sex marriage and the discourse and images which surrounds it, which means that the State does matter. This is specifically so given the lack of meaningful challenges to the State System in Canada and the US. I maintain, following Butler, that it is through power, and our response to the representatives of power “hailing us,” that we become bodies that matter and subjects (Bodies That Matter; The Psychic Life of Power; and Giving An Account of Oneself). While her re-reading of Althusser in these texts argues that we should come to a philosophical and political position which challenges this State-based form of subject creation and power, she also notes that politically and philosophically we have yet to articulate such a position clearly, and I’d say that this is especially the case for what is covered and argued in the mainstream (media) debate on same-sex marriage. So apropos what is arguably Foucault’s most mature analysis of “power,” and while agreeing that my State-based argument for inclusion and rights does indeed strengthen the “biopolitical” (The History of Sexuality 140 and 145) control over, in this case, Queer populations, I argue that this is nonetheless the political reality with which we are working in and analyzing, and that is my concern here. Despite a personal desire that this not be the case, the State or state sanctioned institutions do continue to hold a monopoly of power in conferring subjecthood and rights. To take a page from Jeremy Bentham, I would say that arguing from a position which does not start from or seriously consider the State as the current basis for rights and subjecthood, though potentially less ethically problematic and more in line with my personal politics, is tantamount to talking and arguing about “nonsense on stilts.” “Caught in a Bad Romance?” Comparing Homonationalist Trajectories and the Appeal of Militarist Discourse to LGBT Grassroots Organisations In comparing the discourses and enframings of the debate over same-sex marriage between Canada in the mid 1990s and early 2000s and in the US today, one might presume that how it came to say “I do” in Canada and how it might or might not get “left at the altar” in the US, is the result of very different national cultures. But this would just subscribe to one of a number of “cultural explanations” for perceived differences between Canada and the US that are usually built upon straw-man comparisons which then pillorise the US for something or other. And in doing so it would continue an obscuration that Canada, unlike the US, is unproblematically open and accepting when it comes to multicultural, multiracial and multisexual diversity and inclusion. Which Canada isn’t nor has it ever been. When you look at the current discourse in both countries—by their key political representatives on the international stage—you find the opposite. In the US, you have President Barack Obama, the first sitting President to come out in favour of same-sex marriage, and the Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, setting same-sex rights at home and abroad as key policy planks (Gay Rights are Human Rights). Meanwhile, in Canada, you have Prime Minister Stephen Harper, in office since 2006, openly support his Conservative Party’s “traditional marriage” policy which is thankfully made difficult to implement because of the courts, and John Baird, the badly closeted Minister of Foreign Affairs, who doesn’t mention same-sex rights at home or with respect to foreign relations—unless it is used as supplementary evidence to further other foreign policy goals (c.f. Seguin)—only showing off his sexuality outside of the press-gallery to drum up gay-conservative votes or gay-conservative fundraising at LGBTQ community events which his government is then apt to pull funding for (c.f. Bradshaw). Of course my point is not to just reverse the stereotypes, painting an idyllic picture of the US and a grim one of Canada. What I want to problematise is the supposed national cultural distinctions which are naturalised when arguments are made through them as to why same-sex marriage was legalised in Canada, while the Defense of Marriage Act still stands in the US. To follow and extend Jasbir Puar’s argument from Terrorist Assemblages, what we see in both same-sex marriage debates and discourses is really the same phenomenon, but, so far, with different outcomes and having different manifestations. Puar contends that same-sex rights, like most equalising rights for minority groups, are only granted when all three of the following conditions prevail: (1) in a state or narrative of exception, where the nation grants a minority group equal rights because “the nation” feels threatened from without; (2) only on the condition that normalisation (or homonormalisation in the case of the Queer community) occurs, with those who don’t conform pushed further from a place in the national-subject; (3) and that the price of admission into being the “allowed Queer” is an ultra-patriotic identification with the Nation. In Canada, the state or narrative of exception was an “attack” from within which resulted in the third criterion being downplayed (although it is still present). Court challenges in a number of provinces led in each case to a successful ruling in favour of legalising same-sex marriage. Appeals to these rulings made their way to the Supreme Court, who likewise ruled in favour of the legalisation of same-sex marriage. This ruling came with an order to the Canadian Parliament that it had to change the existing marriage laws and definition of marriage to make it inclusive of same-sex marriage. This “attack” was performed by the judiciary who have traditionally (c.f. Makin) been much less partisan in appointment or ruling than their counterparts in the US. When new marriage laws were proposed to take account of the direction made by the courts, the governing Liberal Party and then Prime Minister Paul Martin made it a “free vote” so members of his own party could vote against it if they chose. Although granted with only lacklustre support by the governing party, the Canadian LGBTQ community rejoiced and became less politically active, because we’d won, right? International Queers flocked to Canada—one in four same-sex weddings since legalisation in Canada have been to out of country residents (Postmedia News)—as long as they had the proper socioeconomic profile (which is also a racialised profile) to afford the trip and wedding. This caused a budding same-sex marriage tourism and queer love normalisation industry to be built around the Canada Queer experience because especially at the time of legalisation Canada was still one of the few countries to allow for same-sex marriages. What this all means is that homonationalism in Canada is much less charged. It manifests itself as fitting in and not just keeping up with the Joneses when it comes to things like community engagement and Parent Teacher Association (PTA) meetings, but trying to do them one better (although only by a bit so as not to offend). In essence, the comparatively bland process in the 1990s by which Canada slowly underwent a state of exception by a non-politically charged and non-radical professional judiciary simply interpreting the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms at the provincial and then the federal level is mirrored in the rather bland and non-radical homonationalism which resulted. So unlike the US, the rhetoric of the LGBT community stays subdued unless there’s a hint that the right to same-sex divorce might get hit by Conservative Party guns, in which case all hell breaks loose (c.f. Ha). While the US is subject to the same set of logics for the currently in-progress enactment of legalising same-sex marriage, the state of exception is dramatically different. Puar argues it is the never-ending War on Terror. This also means that the enframings and debate in the US are exceptionally charged and political, leading to a very different type of homonationalism and homonationalist subject than is found in Canada. American homonationalism has not radically changed from Puar’s description, but due to leadership from the top (Obama, Clinton and Lady Gaga) the intensity and thereby structured confinement of what is an acceptable Queer-American subject has become increasingly rigid. What is included and given rights is the hyper-patriotic queer-soldier, the defender of the nation. And what reinforces the rigidity of what amounts to a new “glass closet” for queers is that grassroots organisations have bought into the same rhetoric, logic, and direction as to how to achieve equality as the Homecoming advertisement from the Equal Love Campaign in Britain shows. For the other long-leading nation engaged in the War on Terror narrative, Homecoming provides the imagery of a gay member of the armed services draped in the flag proposing to his partner at the end of duty overseas that ends with the following text: “All men can be heroes. All men can be husbands. End discrimination.” Can’t get more patriotic—and heteronormative with the use of the term “husbands”—than that. Well, unless you’re Lady Gaga. Now Lady Gaga stands out as a public figure whom has taken an explicitly pro-queer and pro-LGBT stance from the outset of her career. And I do not want to diminish the fact that she has been admirably effective in her campaigning and consistent pro-queer and pro-LGBT stance. While above I characterised her input above as leadership from the top, she also, in effect, by standing outside of State Power unlike Obama and Clinton, and being able to be critical of it, is able to push the State in a more progressive direction. This was most obviously evidenced in her very public criticism of the Democratic Party and President Obama for not moving quickly enough to adopt a more pro-queer and pro-LGBT stance after the 2008 election where such promises were made. So Lady Gaga plays a doubled role whereby she also acts as a spokesperson for the grassroots—some would call this co-opting, but that is not the charge made here as she has more accurately given her pre-existing spotlight and Twitter and Facebook presence over to progressive campaigns—and, given her large mainstream media appeal and willingness to use this space to argue for queer and LGBT rights, performs the function of a grassroots organisation by herself as far as the general public is concerned. And in her recent queer activism we see the same sort of discourse and images utilised as in Homecoming. Her work over the first term of Obama’s Presidency—what I’m going to call “The Lady Gaga Offensive”—is indicative: she literally and metaphorically wrapped herself in the American flag, screaming “Obama, ARE YOU LISTENING!!! Repeal ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ and [have the homophobic soldiers] go home, go home, go home!” (Lady Gaga Rallies for Repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell). And presumably to the same home of otherness that is occupied by the terrorist or anything that falls under the blanket of “anti-American” in Puar’s critique of this approach to political activism. This speech was modelled on her highly successful one at the National Equality March in 2009, which she ended with “Bless God and Bless the Gays.” When the highly watched speeches are taken together you literally can’t top them for Americanness, unless it is by a piece of old-fashioned American apple-pie bought at a National Rifle Association (NRA) bake-sale. And is likely why, after Obama’s same-sex “evolution,” the pre-election ads put out by the Democratic Party this year focused so heavily on the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” and the queer patriotic soldier or veteran’s obligation to or previous service in bearing arms for the country. Now if the goal is to get formal and legal equality quickly, then as a political strategy, to get people onside with same-sex marriage, and from that place to same-sex rights and equal social recognition and respect, this might be a good idea. Before, that is, moving on to a strategy that actually gets to the roots of social inequality and doesn’t rely on “hate of ‘the other’” which Puar’s analysis points out is both a byproduct of and rooted in the base of any nationalist based appeal for minoritarian rights. And I want to underline that I am here talking about what strategy seems to be appealing to people, as opposed to arguing an ethically unproblematic and PC position on equality that is completely inclusive of all forms of love. Because Lady Gaga’s flag-covered and pro-military scream was answered by Obama with the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” and the extension of some benefits to same-sex couples, and has Obama referring to Gaga as “your leader” in the pre-election ads and elsewhere. So it isn’t really surprising to find mainstream LGBT organisations adopting the same discourse and images to get same-sex rights including marriage. One can also take recent poll numbers from Canada as indicative as well. While only 10 percent of Canadians have trust in political parties, and 17 and 16 percent have trust in Parliament and Prime Minister Harper respectively, a whopping 53 percent have trust in the Canadian Forces (Leblanc). One aspect that undergirds Puar’s argument is that especially at a "time of war," more than average levels of affection or trust is shown for those institutions that defend “us,” so that if the face of that institution is reinscribed to the look of the hyper-patriotic queer-soldier (by advertising of the Homecoming sort which is produced not by the State but by grassroots LGBT organisations), then it looks like these groups seem to be banking that support for Gays and Lesbians in general, and same-sex marriage in specific, will further rise if LGBT and Queer become substantively linked in the imagination of the general public with the armed forces. But as 1980s Rockers Heart Asked: “But There’s Something That You Forgot. What about Love?” What these two homonationalist trajectories and rhetorics on same-sex marriage entirely skip over is how exactly you can codify “love.” Because isn’t that the purpose of marriage? Saying you can codify it is like grasping at a perfectly measured and exact cubic foot of air and telling it to stay put in the middle of a hurricane. So to return to how I ended my earlier exploration of love and if it could or should be codified: it means that as I affirm love, and as I remain in fidelity to it, I subject myself in my fundamental weakness constantly to the "not-known;" to constant heartbreak; to affirmations which I cannot betray as it would be a betrayal of the truth process itself. It's as if at the very moment the Beatles say the words 'All you need is love' they were subjected to wrenching heartbreak and still went on: 'All you need is love...' (Love Hurts) Which is really depressing when I look back at it now. But it was a bad breakup, and I can tend to the morose in word choice and cultural references when depressed. But it also remains essentially my position. If you impose “till death or divorce do us part” on to love you’re really only just participating in the chimera of static love and giving second wind to a patriarchal institution which has had a crappy record when it comes to equality. It also has the potential to preserve asymmetrical roles “traditional marriage” contains from when the institution was only extended to straight couples. And isn’t equality the underlying philosophical principle and political position that we’re supposedly fighting for if we’re arguing for an equal right to get married? Again, it’s important to try and codify the same rights for everyone through the State at the present time because I honestly don’t see major changes confronting the nation state system in Canada or the US in the near future. We remain the play-children of a digitally entrenched form of Foucaultian biopower that is State and Capital directed. Because while the Occupy Wall Street movements got a lot of hay in the press, I’ve yet to see any substantive or mainstreamed political change come out of them—if someone can direct me to their substantive contribution to the recent US election I’d be happy to revise my position—which is likely to our long term detriment. So this is a pragmatic analysis, one of locating one node in the matrices of power relations, of seeing how mainstream LGBT political organisations and Lady Gaga are applying the “theoretical tool kits” given to us by Foucault and Puar, and seeing how these organisations and Gaga are applying them, but in this case in a way that is likely counter to authorial intention(s) and personal politics (Power/Knowledge 145, 193; Terrorist Assemblages). So what this means is that we’re likely to continue to see, in mainstream images of same-sex couples put out by grassroots LGBT organisations, a homonationalism and ideological construction that grows more and more out of touch with Queer realities—the “upper-class house-holding PTA Gay”; although on a positive note I should point out that the Democratic Party in the US seems to be at least including both white and non-white faces in their pre-election same-sex marriage ads—and one that most Queers don’t or can’t fit themselves into especially when it comes down to the economic aspect of that picture, which is contradictory and problematic (c.f. Christopher). It also means that in the US the homonationalism on the horizon looks the same as in Canada except with a healthy dose of paranoia of outsiders and “the other” and a flag draped membership in the NRA, that is, for when the queer super-soldier is not in uniform. It’s a straightjacket for a closet that is becoming smaller because it seeks, through the images projected, inclusion for only a smaller and smaller social sub-set of the Lesbian and Gay community and leaves out more and more of the Queer community than it was five years ago when Puar described it. So instead of trying to dunk the queer into the institution of patriarchy, why not, by showing how so many Queers, their relationships, and their loving styles don’t fit into these archetypes help give everyone, including my “marriage-chasing-Gay-normaliser” former self a little “queer eye, for all eyes.” To look at and see modern straight marriage through the lenses and reasons LGBT and Queer communities (by-and-large) fought for years for access to it: as the codification and breakdown of some rights and responsibilities (i.e. taking care of children); as an act which gives you straightforward access to health benefits and hospital visitation rights; as an easy social signifier for others of a commitment to another person that doesn’t use diluted language like “special friend;” and because when it comes down to it that “in sickness and in health” part of the vow—in the language of a queered Badiou, a vow can be read as the affirmation of a universal and disinterested truth (love) and a moment which can’t be erased retrospectively, say, by divorce—seems like a sincere way to value at least one of those you really care for in the world. And hopefully it, as a side-benefit, it acts as a reminder but is not the actuality of that first fuzzy feeling which (hopefully) doesn’t go away. But I learned my lesson the first time and know that the fuzzy feeling might disappear as it often does. It doesn’t matter how far we try and cram it into any variety of homonationalist closets, since it’ll always find a way to not be there, no matter how tight you thought you’d locked the door to keep it in for good if it wants out. Because you can’t keep emotions by contract: so at the end of the day the logical, ethical and theoretically sound position is to argue for the abolition of marriage as an institution. However, Plato and others have been making that argument for thousands of years, and it still doesn’t seem to have gained popular traction. And we also need to realise, contrary to the opinion of my former self and The Beatles, that you really do need more than love as fidelity to an event of you and your partner’s making when you are being denied your partners health benefits just because you are a same-sex couple, especially when those health benefits could be saving your life. And if same-sex marriage codification is a quick fix for that and similar issues for those who can fit into the State sanctioned same-sex marriage walls, which admittedly leaves some members of the Queer community who don’t overlap out, as part of an overall and more inclusive strategy that does include them then I’m in favour of it. That is, till the time comes that Straight and Queer can, over time and with a lot of mutual social learning, explore how to recognise and give equal rights with or without State based codification to the multiple queer and sometimes polyamorous relationship models that already populate the Gay and Straight worlds right now. So in the meantime continue to count me down as a “marriage-chasing-Gay.” But just pragmatically, not to normalise, as one of a diversity of political strategies for equality and just for now. References Badiou, Alain. Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil. New York: Verso, 2001. ———. Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism, Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003. Bradshaw, James. “Pride Toronto Denied Federal Funding.” The Globe and Mail. 7 May. 2012 ‹http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/toronto/pride-toronto-denied-federal-funding/article1211065/›. Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge,1990. ———. 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