Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Limitations of parties' autonomy'

Thesis (MPhil (Philosophy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ABSTRACT: The European Enlightenment secured man’s freedom from doctrinal thought. Scientific progress and technological innovation flourished in the 18th Century, radically changing the lives of all. Man’s mastery and transformation of his environment was matched by revolutionary political reform, resulting in the dissolution of empire and the transfer of power into the hands of the people. Social transformation saw the city-states of pre-modern man supplanted by a globalized community whose existence grew from time and space distantiation facilitated by the new technologies and the development of symbolic forms. These sweeping social, political and ideological changes of the 18th Century fostered the belief that man’s transformative authority was indeed his to command. Man believed he had a right to self-governance and to autonomous decision-making. Kant described moral autonomy as the freedom men have to show rational accountability for their actions and he saw in men a dignity beyond all price because of this moral autonomy. Personal autonomy is seen as the expression of the free will of individuals and is justifiably constrained by the need to respect the interests and agency of others. The principle of autonomy, in the context of medical practice, was not clearly articulated until the early 20th century. Prior to this, the ethical practice of medicine relied upon the beneficent intentions of the practitioners. The limits to patient autonomy have been delineated largely by issues of social justice based upon the need to share scarce resources fairly among members of society. However, autonomy remains a dominant principle and is most clearly exemplified by the process of informed consent obtained prior to any medical intervention. This thesis provides a conceptual analysis of autonomy in the context of informed consent. Following this, several different clinical scenarios are examined for evidence of justifiable limitations to patient autonomy. Each scenario is examined in the light of different moral theories including deontology, utilitarianism, communitarianism and principlist ethical reasoning. Kantian ethical reasoning is found to be resilient in rejecting any limitation to the autonomy principle whereas each of the other theories allow greater scope for morally-justified curtailment of individual autonomy. The thesis concludes with reflection on post-modern society in which the radicalization of what began with the European Enlightenment sees the transformation of pre-modern society into a global community in which epistemological certainty is no longer available. In this environment, the emerging emphasis on global responsibility requires ethical accountability, not only when individuals secure transactions between one another but also between individuals and unknown communities of men and women of current and future generations. The thesis concludes that patient autonomy is justifiably limited in South African medical practice because of issues related to social justice but that the impact of the new genetic technologies and post-modernity itself may in future set new limits to individual patient autonomy.
OPSOMMING: Die Europese Verligting het die mensdom bevry van verstarde, dogmatiese denke. Wetenskaplike en tegnologiese ontwikkelinge het tydens the 18de Eeu die lewens van almal radikaal verander. Die mens se bemeestering en transformasie van sy omgewing het gepaard gegaan met revolusionêre politieke hervormings wat gelei het tot die ontbinding van tradisionele politieke ryke en die oordrag van mag aan die mens. Sosiale transformasie het veroorsaak dat die politieke ordeninge van voor-moderne mense deur ‘n globale gemeenskap vervang is wat ontstaan het as gevolg van onder meer die ontkoppeling van tyd en plek (Giddens), en wat deur nuwe tegnologiese ontwikkelings en die ontstaan van simboliese vorms moontlik gemaak is. Hierdie uitgebreide ontwikkelinge het die idee laat ontstaan dat niks vir die 18de Eeuse mens onmoontlik is nie. Die mens het geglo dat hy ‘n reg het op self-bestuur en outonome besluite. Kant het die morele outonomie van die mens beskou as sy vryheid om verantwoordlikheid te neem vir sy eie rasioneel-begronde handelinge en verder het hy ‘n besondere waardigheid in die mens geïdentifiseer vanweë sy morele outonomie. Omdat ‘n mens hierdie eienskap besit, beskik hy oor ‘n hoër waardigheid as alle alle ander lewensvorme. Persoonlike outonomie is die uitoefenimg van die vrye wil van die individu en word om geregverdigde redes beperk deur die regte van ander mense. Die beginsel van outonomie met verwysing na mediese etiek het nie voor die begin van die 20ste eeu prominent geword nie. Voor hierdie tyd het mediese etiek staatgemaak op die goeie voorneme van die praktisyn. Die grense van individuele outonomie word nou bepaal deur die noodsaak van sosiale geregtigheid. Al is dit die geval, bly die beginsel van outonomie die belangrikste beginsel in die etiese debat en word meestal gesien as ‘n deel van die proses van ingeligte toestemming. Hierdie tesis verskaf ‘n omvattende ontleding van outonomie met betrekking tot ingeligte toestemming. Daarna word verskillende kliniese gevalle beskryf en ontleed, en verskeie etiese teorieë gebruik om die wyse waarop pasiënt outonomie reverdigbaar ingekort behoort te word, te bespreek. Die teorie van Kant is in staat om enige inkorting van outonomie in alle gevalle the weerstaan. Elkeen van die ander teorieë verskaf redes waarom die outonomie van individuele pasiënte legitiem ingekort mag word. Hierdie werk sluit af met besinning oor die post-moderne gemeenskap wat ‘n globale samelewing moet aanvaar sowel as die ontoereikenheid van enige kenteoretiese sekerheid. Die ontwikkelende verantwoordelikheid vir die totale mensdom in hierdie wêreld veroorsaak dat individue nie meer slegs moet besluit oor die morele verhouding met sy medemens nie, maar ook oor sy verhouding met mense van gemeenskappe wat geskei is in tyd en ruimte, insluitend sy verhouding met die mense van toekomstige generasies. Hierdie werk sluit af met die gevolgtrekking dat pasiënt outonomie regverdigbaar beperk word in die Suid Afrikaanse mediese praktyk deur die noodsaaklikheid van sosiale geregtigheid. Die verwagte impak van nuwe genetiese tegnologieë en die ontwikkeling van ‘n post-moderne gemeenskap mag nuwe beperkings bring vir pasiënt outonomie.

Nowadays, arbitration is increasingly defined by its procedural flexibility and suitability to adapt to the needs and circumstances of different parties in different situations. In so being, arbitration employs the agreement to arbitrate as the device through which parties can utilise this procedural flexibility to create an exceptionally party-oriented process. Consequently, the drafting of these agreements and the choices concluded by the parties in them can very much determine whether a particular process is going to produce an efficient and effective outcome or rather frustrate the intentions of the parties and, generally, the objectives of international commercial arbitration. This thesis looks into the most influential decisions/choices made by the parties during the drafting stage of their arbitration agreements and attempts to underline the best practical and legal techniques to approach these decisions within today’s modern regulations of international commercial arbitration. The thesis begins its analysis by examining the separate procedural nature of arbitration agreements in comparison to the substantive nature of ordinary contracts. Such examination revealed that the separability of arbitration agreements produces certain consequences that can potentially uphold arbitration agreements in situations where the main contract was found illegal, non-existent, or invalid, for instance. A clear recognition of the distinct nature of arbitration agreements and the effects of that on the status of arbitration clauses, specifically, can provide the parties, from the very beginning, with rather precise expectations as to the future status of their arbitration agreement. In focus on the role of parties’ autonomy in producing timely awards, it was essential to analyse the different limitations that could restrict this autonomy and, possibly, frustrate the expectations and intentions of the parties. Such analysis revealed that these limitations were limited to incapacity, non-arbitrability, waiver of right to arbitrate, as well as public policy and mandatory rules of law. Finally, in scrutinising the most influential choices which parties can make in their arbitration agreement to positively and effectively create an intelligent international arbitration settlement, it was found that these choices mainly consisted of the choice of the seat of arbitration, the arbitrators, the language of the arbitration, and the law(s) applicable to the arbitration. Throughout this thesis, it is argued that through the consensual nature of international arbitration along with the autonomy bestowed upon its parties, the latter can have a better chance of achieving a practically and legally efficient settlement.

This thesis explores how the law deals with the patient's right to refuse treatment, evaluating the issue in the context of capable, incapable and involuntary patients. The thesis shows how the consent requirement, and consequently the right to refuse, derives from the law's adherence to the principle of individual autonomy which, this thesis demonstrates, is underpinned by Millian liberal theory. Within this view, the requirement for capacity is fundamental. The thesis shows that capacity acts as gate keeper for the right of autonomy, determining whether or not the right will be respected in each individual's case. Therefore, an appreciation of the inter-relationship between the principle of autonomy and the requirement for capacity is essential. The thesis uses the term "autonomy paradigm" to describe this inter-relationship. The two components of the autonomy paradigm are set out in the first two chapters of the thesis. The primary aim of the thesis is to establish the limitations of the autonomy paradigm. It identifies two difficulties with the paradigm. The first is that the paradigm is premised on a binary division of patients into the categories of capable and incapable, with incapable patients regarded as largely irrelevant within the model. The consequences of this aspect of the paradigm are explored in chapters 3 and 4 of the thesis. The second difficulty is that the process of capacity assessment is not the value-free, neutral procedure that the autonomy paradigm requires. In reality, patients are not determined to be capable or incapable without reference to the nature of the decisions they are making and the consequences of these decisions for them. Thus, the autonomy paradigm is based on an idealised view of the capacity requirement which cannot be delivered in practice. For these reasons, a more realistic view of the autonomy paradigm must be taken.

Dentre as instituições democráticas, os partidos políticos são as que gozam de menor confiança e prestígio perante a sociedade. Ainda assim, levando em consideração o papel essencial que desempenham no processo político democrático, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar como o Direito pode contribuir para o fortalecimento dos partidos políticos brasileiros e para a reversão do atual quadro de descrença. Com esse escopo, o primeiro capítulo tratará da evolução histórica das agremiações que atuaram no cenário político nacional e da legislação partidária elaborada em cada período, a fim de identificar as origens dos problemas enfrentados atualmente e em que medida as leis já elaboradas foram suficientes para conter os desvios. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo, discorrerá sobre as principais funções exercidas pelos partidos nas arenas eleitoral e legislativa, bem como sobre a estrutura e funcionamento interno dos três maiores partidos nacionais, por meio da leitura dos seus Estatutos, com o intuito de apreender as falhas e êxitos resultantes de sua atuação. No terceiro capítulo, serão abordados o fenômeno da desconfiança e seus efeitos sobre a democracia, bem como o papel das leis na correção dos desvios, tomando como exemplo seu desempenho em outras áreas do Direito. Após, passaremos à análise dos entraves impostos à legislação partidária no Brasil, em especial a tutela excessiva da autonomia partidária. Por fim, tendo a legislação estrangeira como referência, faremos algumas sugestões com o intuito de aprimorar a atuação dos partidos políticos pátrios. Consciente de que o Direito não tem condições de resolver isoladamente as mazelas que assolam o sistema partidário brasileiro, cujas raízes estão profundamente fincadas na sociedade, esse trabalho procurará demonstrar que a Ciência Jurídica pode, ao menos, dar início às mudanças necessárias, seja incentivando os comportamentos corretos, seja proibindo e punindo os comportamentos desviados
Even though the political parties are the less prestigious and credible amongst democratic institutions, due to its unique role in the democratic political process this thesis aims to analyze how Law can contribute to the strengthening of the Brazilian political parties and to the regain of its credibility. Having this into account, the first chapter will examine the parties historical evolution on the Brazilian political scenario along with the related legislation of each period, focusing on identifying the origins of the currently problems and the role of the legislation on solving them. Afterwards, the second chapter will discuss the main functions of the political parties on the legislative and electoral arenas and the internal structure of the three main Brazilian political parties, trying to focus on the flaws and achievements of their performance. The third chapter will study the trust issues between political parties and their voters along with its effects on democracy and the role of the legislation on political parties, in comparison to its performance on the other legal areas. After this, it will be analyzed the barriers imposed to the Brazilian legislation on political parties, especially the excessive supervision of party autonomy. Finally, taking the foreign legislation as a reference, some suggestions will be made in order to improve the Brazilian political parties performance. Considering that Law, on its own, is unable to solve the Brazilian political parties issues, this paper aims to demonstrate that the importance of Legal Science is to initiate the necessary chances, stimulating proper behavior or punishing improper demeanor.

Magister Legum - LLM
Surrogacy on many occasions is referred to a million-dollar industry. Just like many countries, South Africa has prohibited commercial surrogacy, thus South Africa only permits altruistic surrogacy. The prohibition has consequences for third parties such as surrogacy agencies and surrogacy facilitators, as their right to occupation freedom which is guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, is limited. No right is absolute, any right can be limited if it can be proved that it is in the best interest of the public. The prohibition on commercial surrogacy is argued to be in the best interest of the public as it can lead to the exploitation of women and the commodification of children.

Over the last decade, investment treaty arbitration has been confronted with relatively extensive and fundamental criticisms. The problem with the system in fact boils down to a misconception by tribunals of the nature of investment treaty arbitration. Many scholars and tribunals have perceived and treated investment treaty arbitration as a reciprocal arrangement with a private function. This is so mainly because of the way they formulate the establishment of investment treaty arbitration. To put it simply, it has been though that investment treaty arbitration, similar to international commercial arbitration, is founded upon a reciprocal contract made through a merger of intentions of the host State and the foreign investor. This perception would necessarily lead to the application of the principle of party autonomy as the main governing principle over the process of arbitration; a principle that is well tailored to adjudications with private function. Contrary to this, a careful examination of the nature of investment treaty arbitration reveals not only the public dimensions of the system, but also the unilaterality of the framework on which the system stands. These two characteristics require a shift in paradigm; otherwise, the system will expose to more and more legitimacy crises. The present research, therefore, tends to make a clear distinction between the two systems of international commercial and investment treaty arbitration, and explore the implications of this paradigm-shifting for the process of investment treaty arbitration, in particular, the way tribunals interpret the instrument of consent and the autonomy of tribunals in the course of the arbitration.

En vertu de la règle du principe dispositif qui s’applique au procès administratif, le litige est la chose des parties : la matière de l’instance est fixée par les écritures que les parties rédigent et qu’elles soumettent au juge administratif. L’essence de l’office de ce juge consiste à trancher le litige en répondant juridiquement aux prétentions et à l’argumentation développées par les parties dans leurs écritures. L’étendue de son intervention est donc tributaire de la formulation des écritures qu’il devrait se borner à interpréter littéralement, et ce même lorsqu’elles sont maladroitement rédigées. Pourtant, le juge s’autorise à les interpréter extensivement ou restrictivement. Les raisons qui président à ce choix sont incertaines. L’un des enjeux de cette recherche est de les clarifier. Elle doit aussi déterminer l’étendue de ce pouvoir, et notamment son caractère – est-ce une faculté ou une obligation ? –, les éléments des écritures susceptibles d’être interprétés, les parties dont les écrits peuvent être appréciés, les méthodes mobilisées, ou encore ses limites et les contrôles auxquels il est soumis. Mais, à cause du rôle central des écritures dans le procès administratif, leur interprétation peut avoir d’importantes conséquences sur cette instance. Certaines interprétations peuvent même la déstabiliser. La recherche doit donc envisager les mécanismes permettant de corriger ces déséquilibres. En interprétant les écritures des parties, le juge participe à la fixation de la matière de l’instance. Dès lors, cette étude doit, plus fondamentalement, contribuer à déterminer l’auteur de cette substance : les parties ou le juge ?
According to the principle of party autonomy that rules the administrative trial, the litigation is the thing of the parties: the disputed matter is set out in the contentious writings the parties submit to the administrative judge. The essence of the office of this judge is to settle the disputed by legally answering the claims and arguments developed by the parties in their written pleadings. The scope of his intervention is therefore dependent on the wording of the contentious writings, which the judge should confine himself to literally interpreting, even when they are badly written. However, he allows himself to interpret them extensively or restrictively. The reasons for this choice are uncertain. One of the stakes of this research is to clarify them. It must also determine the scope of that power, and in particular its character - is it a possibility or an obligation? -, the elements of the written submissions likely to be interpreted, the parties whose writings can be assessed, the methods used, or its limits and the controls to which it is subject. But, because of the central role of the written pleadings in the administrative process, their interpretation can have important consequences on this instance. Some interpretations can even destabilize it. This research should therefore consider ways to correct such imbalances. In interpreting the parties’ written submissions, the judge participates in the determination of the disputed matter. Consequently, this study must, more fundamentally, contribute to determining the author of this matter: the parties or the judge?

En France, sous l'impulsion de la loi du 4 mars 2002 relative aux droits des malades et à la qualité du système de santé, des modifications profondes de la relation de soin en faveur d'une participation plus active des patients ont été engagées imposant un repositionnement de chaque acteur de cette relation. La loi précise que l'implication des patients dans les processus de prise de décision doit être recherchée y compris lorsque les patients présentent des limitations de leurs capacités de décision. L'affirmation de ces droits va de pair avec la reconnaissance de capacités de décision aux patients et le développement d'une décision médicale partagée. Elle entraîne néanmoins, lorsque ces capacités sont atteintes, des difficultés concrètes dans le recueil du consentement du patient et/ou de ses représentants légaux et aidants. Il est aujourd'hui reconnu que les besoins en santé orale des patients présentant des limitations durables de leurs capacités de décision sont non satisfaits et augmentés par rapport à la population générale. Ces inégalités de santé résultent de nombreux obstacles dans l'accès aux soins et à la prévention, mais aussi dans la prise en charge, et alors que le principe d'égal accès au soin de tous les citoyens est reconnu comme un fondement juridique national. Cette situation constitue une perte de chance pour ces personnes d'autant plus qu'une santé bucco-dentaire dégradée peut avoir, au-delà des conséquences locales, des répercussions sur la santé générale et plus particulièrement sur la qualité de vie et l'intégration sociale. Ces difficultés cumulées quotidiennement conduiraient donc à privilégier des thérapeutiques symptomatiques sans réflexion de l'ensemble des acteurs autour d'une réhabilitation fonctionnelle globale. Pourtant, il est reconnu que la lutte contre les inégalités de santé passe par le développement d'une prise en charge globale de la santé. S'appuyant sur une participation des différents acteurs et notamment des patients aux prises de décision, celle-ci prévoit un décloisonnement entre les domaines relevant du sanitaire, du social et de l'éducatif pour un continuum par priorité. Ce travail, par une recherche qualitative et participative, a pour objectif d'explorer les raisons des limitations de réponse thérapeutique auprès de chaque acteur de la relation de soin - les patients, les aidants et les chirurgiens-dentistes. Une fois celles-ci mieux comprises, les différentes représentations sont confrontées et les tensions éthiques qui s'y dégagent discutées. Puis, des pistes d'évolution de la prise en charge de la santé orale, et au-delà, des évolutions sociétales sont proposées pour espérer à terme réduire les inégalités de santé
In France, under the impulse of the Law of 4 March 2002 on patients' rights and the quality of the health system, deep changes have been undertaken in the care relationship for a more active participation of patients. This imposes a repositioning of each individual involved in the relationship. The law specifies that the involvement of patients in decision-making should be sought even when they present limitations of their decision-making abilities. The affirmation of these rights is consistent with the recognition of patients' decision-making abilities and the development of a shared decision. Nevertheless, when the limits of these abilities are reached, it leads to practical difficulties in the consent of patients and/or legal guardians and caregivers. It is now recognized that the oral health needs of patients with enduring limitations of their decision-making abilities are not satisfied, and are increased compared to those of the general population. These health inequities result from many barriers in access to care and prevention, but also during care, and yet the principle of equal access to care for all citizens is recognized as a national legal principle. This situation constitutes a loss of opportunity for these people - especially as, beyond its local impacts, impaired oral health may have impacts on their overall health and particularly on their quality of life and social integration. These limitations, which accumulate day after day, may lead to symptomatic therapies being favoured without concerted thinking on a global functional rehabilitation. Yet it is recognized that the fight against health inequalities requires the development of comprehensive overall health care. This means that, relying on the participation of the different stakeholders including patients in decision-making, the barriers separating areas concerning health, social and educational care have to be abolished for a continuum by priority. The aim of this work is to explore, by qualitative and participatory research, the reasons for the limitations of the therapeutic response from each member of the care relationship - patients, caregivers and dentists. Once these reasons have been better understood, the different representations are considered face to face and the ethical tensions that emerge are discussed. Then, ways in which the management of oral health can be improved and, beyond this evolution, ways in which society could change are proposed with the ultimate hope of reducing health inequalities

Si les Kurdes du Rojava (terme par lequel ils désignent le Kurdistan de Syrie après 2011) ont pu, comme leurs frères d’Irak dans les années 1990, profiter de l’affaiblissement du pouvoir central pour gagner une autonomie de facto, leurs orientations sont très différentes. Ce travail vise à étudier celles-ci et à évaluer défis et possibilités politiques futures s’offrant à eux. Un premier travail d’archives a examiné l’ancienneté de la présence des Kurdes en Syrie et les racines historiques de leurs revendications politiques présentes, focalisé particulièrement sur l’évolution des tribus kurdes et à leur sédentarisation rapide durant la période mandataire française (1920-1946) et les premières revendications politiques (notamment le mouvement autonomiste de 1937 en Haute Djézireh). La situation politique des Kurdes dans la Syrie de l’indépendance (1946) à la révolution (2011), a été largement déterminée par la prédominance du nationalisme arabe. L’étude des orientations des différents partis politiques kurdes, notamment dans la période de 2011 à aujourd’hui, a été menée à partir des sources et surtout de nombreux séjours de terrain, permettant de rencontrer des responsables politiques, et à partir desquels une cartographie inédite du Rojava a été élaborée. Ce mouvement, qui, au niveau international, opte après la bataille de Kobané (2014) pour l’insertion dans la coalition anti-Daech, se caractérise localement à la fois par une volonté de dépassement du nationalisme kurde et une stratégie de développement d’alliances avec les communautés non-kurdes
Kurds of Rojava (as they have been designing Kurdistan of Syria since 2011) were able, as their Iraqi brethren from the 90s onwards, to take advantage of a weakened central government to gain de facto autonomy, with, however, very different orientations. This research aims to study these and to evaluate political challenges and opportunities awaiting them. We relied on archival work to study the history of Kurdish presence in Syria and the roots of their present political demands, particularly during the French mandate (1920-1946), with the fast evolution and settlement of the Kurdish tribes and the first political expression (in particular the 1937 autonomist movement in Upper Djezireh). Next we studied the political situation of the Kurds in Syria from independence (1946) to revolution (2011), a situation that we think was largely determined by the predominance of Arab nationalism. Studying the orientations of the Kurdish political parties in the period from 2011 to today was carried out through numerous field trips, during which we met political leaders and collected data allowing us to build an original cartography of Rojava. We concluded that this movement, which, at international level, chose after the Kobane battle to integrate the anti-ISIS coalition, is locally characterised by both a drive to move on from Kurdish nationalism and a strategy of alliance with non-Kurdish communities

L’étude des institutions financières fédérales ont la plupart du temps, été l’objet de travaux de recherche portant sur des pays développés et plus particulièrement sur le système américain. Cependant, l’adoption et l’évolution du système fédéral par d’autres pays comme le Mexique, reste encore très peu connues. Ces dernières années, le système fédéral mexicain a suscité de nombreuses critiques de la part des gouvernements locaux, lesquels dénoncent un haut niveau de centralisation du pouvoir fiscal de la fédération. Ils plaident pour une reconfiguration du système où aurait lieu un véritable partage du pouvoir fiscal entre les trois niveaux gouvernementaux à savoir ; la fédération, les Etats fédérés et les municipalités. Néanmoins, des réformes ont été mises en place pour augmenter la décentralisation des ressources financières mais pas de la dévolution du pouvoir d’imposition. Un processus de centralisation gouvernemental qui semble s’installer progressivement depuis l’adoption du modèle fédéral, exige ainsi une reconsidération de son évolution. Le fédéralisme financier au Mexique est une thèse qui analyse non seulement la structure financière du pays, mais qui cherche aussi des réponses afin de comprendre quelles sont les causes et comment le système fédéral est devenu un fédéralisme centralisé. Quels sont les outils juridiques qui ont permis le fonctionnement de ce système fédéral en neutralisant l’autonomie locale et la concurrence entre les autorités gouvernementales? Pourquoi est-il difficile de changer de direction ou de concevoir une réforme de grande ampleur qui pourrait rénover les relations intergouvernementales? Les réponses à de tels questionnements nous amènent à une conception plus large et plus vaste que l’analyse juridique de la structure fédérale ne suffirait pas à expliquer même si celle-ci constitue la base légitime d’une telle organisation politique. En effet, il existe toute une organisation de relations formelles et informelles nées des relations du pouvoir qui mènent à un fonctionnement conflictuel, aggravé par une hétérogénéité régionale. Sous cette perspective, l’organisation institutionnelle de l’Etat est le résultat de plusieurs facteurs où les intérêts de groupes du pouvoir est indissociable de la pratique centralisée du fédéralisme, suivi d’une répétition de crises économiques et d’une tendance à contrôler depuis le centre la gestion publique nationale. Toutefois, dévoiler le fonctionnement de ce système fédéral n’est pas simplement dû à la multiplicité des facteurs qui interagissent dans sa conception. L’intérêt de notre recherche est justement d’interpréter le fonctionnement conflictuel du fédéralisme financier mexicain
Over the past few years, the Mexican federal system has borne the brunt of numerous criticisms from local government which denounces a high level of centralised fiscal power in the Federation. They advocate a restructuring of the system where a genuine sharing of fiscal power would be instituted between the three levels of government, those being: the Federal Government, the State Government and the Municipalities.Although some reforms have been implemented to increase the decentralisation of financial resources, this has not been the case with taxation power. The process of governmental centralisation, which seems to have progressively taken hold since the adoption of the federal model, demands a reconsideration of its evolution.Financial federalism in Mexico is a thesis which not only analyses the financial structure of the country, but also seeks answers to better understand how the federal system became a centralised federalism and what the causes are. Why is it difficult to change direction or to conceive of a large-scale reform which could reform intergovernmental relations?The responses to such questioning will lead us to a broader conception of the subject where a legal analysis of the federal structure alone will not suffice to explain it, even if this does constitute the legitimate basis of such a political organisation.Indeed, a structure of formal and informal relations exists (power relations) which leads to a conflictual functioning of the system, exacerbated by regional heterogeneousness. From this perspective, the institutional organisation of the State is the result of several factors where the interests of power groups are an integral part of the centralised practice of federalism, followed by a series of economic crises and a tendency to control the management of public affairs from the centre of government.However, uncovering the functioning of this federal system is not simply due to the multitude of factors interacting in its construct. The interest of our research is to interpret the conflictual functioning of financial federalism in Mexico

Le principe du contradictoire post-arbitral en matière d’arbitrage international est établi dans la majorité des systèmes juridiques. Toutefois, les décisions des juges étatiques montrent que l’adhésion générale à ce concept masque d’importantes différences concernant sa portée et son application. Cette thèse ne vise point à établir une description théorique du contenu du principe, elle propose une analyse qualitative, dont l’objectif essentiel est la vérification de son individualité, et non le fait qu’il est une simple application du principe civiliste classique. Loin de constater l’adoption définitive d’un concept arbitral autonome, la solution retenue démontre l’opportunité et, donc, le besoin de sa légitimation, ayant un impact direct sur la circulation des sentences arbitrales internationales. En fin de compte, hors de tout encadrement statique, il y a lieu de détecter, à travers la progression de l’étude, une évolution logique et une activité d’apurement au niveau du droit comparé. Cette évolution, d’un principe classique vers un concept arbitral international, à lecture contractuelle et non-statutaire, contenant une règle d’égalité, puis vers un outil technique en état de disparition, ne peut que dévoiler la période d’agonie dans laquelle se place le concept en cause. Cet aboutissement ne contribue pas seulement à souligner les errements conceptuels préjudiciables en jurisprudence comparée, il concourt également à marquer l’un des traits les plus émancipatoires du processus arbitral international. Dans cette optique, une telle conjoncture participerait à l’accélération de la privatisation de la justice arbitrale internationale
The post-arbitral adversarial principle in international arbitration is established in most legal systems. However, decisions of state judges show that general support for this concept masks significant differences in terms of its scope and application. This thesis does not aim to outline a theoretical description of the principle’s content ; it provides a qualitative analysis, the main objective of which is to ascertain its individuality, and not the fact that it is a mere application of the classic civil principle. Far from establishing the definitive adoption of an autonomous arbitral concept, the solution demonstrates the appropriateness and, therefore, the need for its legitimation, and has a direct impact on the movement of international arbitral awards. Ultimately, beyond any static framework, through the progress of the study, a logical development and regularisation activity with respect to comparative law should be detected. This development, from a classical principle to an international arbitration concept, to a contractual and non-statutory reading, containing a rule of equality, and thereafter to a technical tool which is disappearing, can only reveal the death throes in which the concept in question finds itself in. This outcome not only serves to highlight the detrimental conceptual errors in comparative case law, it also helps to mark one of the most emancipatory features of the international arbitration process. In this respect, such a situation would contribute to the accelerated privatisation of international arbitration proceedings

Copyright is conventionally justified as an incentive to produce and disseminate works of authorship. We can justify and theorise copyright more richly, not least because empirical evidence does not support the incentive narrative. Rather than focussing on quantitative matters such as the number of works incentivised and produced, we should consider copyright's qualitative influence on culture. A threshold objection to such an approach is the risk of cultural paternalism. This objection can be overcome. Rather than specifying paternalistic standards of merit for works, we can target the conditions under which their creation and consumption takes place. I argue, firstly, that we should adopt the following high-level principles: (i) that the conditions of creation and consumption of works should be conducive to democratic deliberation (democracy) and (ii) that they should facilitate the development of human capabilities (autonomy). Secondly, I propose that we pursue three mid-level objectives, which are helpful indicia of democracy and autonomy: - a fair and wide distribution of communicative and cultural power (inclusiveness); - diversity in the content and perspectives available to the public (diversity); and - conditions that permit authors and users of works to engage rigorously with the conventions of the media in which they operate (rigour). It is often said that copyright obstructs important qualitative objectives, like freedom of expression, and that we could better pursue these goals by weakening copyright and relying on non-proprietary alternatives. My approach produces a more optimistic, but also more complicated, view of copyright. While copyright's qualitative influence is not optimal, reductions in the strength and scope of copyright sometimes produces conditions and incentive structures that are worse for inclusiveness, diversity and rigour than stronger copyright. For example, both attention and wealth are highly concentrated in networked information economies driven by free sharing of content, and this is bad for diversity or inclusiveness. Online business models, based on surveillance of users' consumption of free works, are corrosive of autonomy and democracy. Merely removing copyright-based restrictions on the sharing of works is not a panacea for copyright's ills. A qualitative theory such as mine equips us to better understand and calibrate more richly the trade-offs involved in copyright policy decisions, and encourages us to treat copyright as part of a broader, qualitatively-oriented information and cultural policy.

Der Zerfall des sozialistischen Jugoslawien ließ aus seinen acht föderalen Einheiten sieben neue Staaten ent-stehen. Die einzige bislang unerforschte Ausnahme ist dabei die Autonome Provinz Vojvodina, die weiterhin ein Teil Serbiens bleibt, wenn auch mit einer erheblich eingeschränkten Autonomie. Insbesondere Fragen nach Qualität bzw. Quantität der Autonomie waren Gegenstand heftiger politischer Auseinandersetzungen in der Vojvodina seit Ende der 1980er Jahre. Die politischen Unterschiede zwischen den „Autonomisten“ in der Provinz, die sich auch in den 1990ern für eine breite Autonomie einsetzten, und der Belgrader Zentralregierung, deren Macht auf der Idee eines starken vereinten Serbiens beruhte, wurden von den ersteren zunehmend als historisch vorbestimmte kulturelle Differenzen ausgelegt, die hier als „Phantomgrenzen“ untersucht werden. In Form verschiedener symbolisch verknüpfter Aussagen über die historische Besonderheit der Bevölkerung, Wirtschaft und Kultur der Vojvodina wurden die politischen Forderungen nach mehr Autonomie wiederholt bekräftigt. Diese wiederum wurde auch als Schutz vor dem und Gegenmodell zum erstarkten serbischen Nationalismus der „Ära Milošević“ dargestellt. Im Laufe der inzwischen mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte fügten sich diese Deutungen zu einem neuen Autonomiediskurs zusammen. Wie dieser entstand, d.h. welche Akteure wie und zu welchen Zwecken die Phantomgrenzen der Vojvodina wieder auftauchen ließen, sowie welche Bedeutung die Autonomieidee in der Umbruchszeit der 1990er Jahre im Alltag der Menschen in der Vojvodina erlangte, sind zentrale Forschungsfragen der Fallstudie. Sie bietet damit nicht nur neue empirische Erkenntnisse zur Geschichte des jugoslawischen Staatszerfalls und der postsozialistischen Zeit in Südosteuropa, sondern ermöglicht mit dem verwendeten Modell der „Phantomgrenzen“ auch neue Einblicke in und allgemeine Aussagen über das Wiederauftauchen von Geschichte und historischen Grenzen in Osteuropa nach 1989.
The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight federal units. The only exception, until now unexplored, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, which remains a part of Serbia, although with a substantially restricted autonomy. Notably questions about the quality and quantity of autonomy have been a subject of heavy political conflicts in Vojvodina since the end of the 1980s. Political differences between the „autonomists“ in the province, who also during the 1990s advocated a broad autonomy, and the central government in Belgrade, whose power was based on the idea of a strong unified Serbia, the former increasingly presented as historically predetermined cultural differences, which are explored here as “phantom borders”. The political claims for more autonomy were thus repeatedly reinforced in terms of various symbolically connected statements about the historical distinctiveness of the population, economy and culture of Vojvodina. The autonomy in turn was also represented as an instrument of protection against and alternative model to the growing Serbian nationalism during the “Milošević era”. In the course of meanwhile more than two decades these interpretations merged into a new autonomy discourse. How this emerged, i.e. which agents made how and for what purposes the phantom borders of Vojvodina reappear, as well as what relevance the idea of autonomy gained during the period of radical change in the 1990s in everyday life of the people in Vojvodina are the central research questions of the case study. It hereby offers not only new empirical findings about the history of the breakup of the Yugoslav state and the post-socialist period in Southeastern Europe, but due to the used model of “phantom borders” also permits new insights into and general conclusions about the reappearance of history and historical borders in Eastern Europe after 1989.

碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
100
As we know, India is an emerging democratic nation and the national economy racing rapidly in a decade. However, Indian society is surrounded by population, poverty, famine, environment and religious conflicts. Unfortunately, after almost 60 years’ efforts from the government, the democracy still has a lot of troubles and critics in India. BJP established in1980, hopes India to become a single nation and single religion country. BJP wants to use Hindu religion rules and values to solve today’s riots in Indian nation and society. The BJP party represents the “Hindu nationalism” a religious nationalism in India. BJP is the most famous nationalist-religious party in south Asia. BJP’s manifesto of “Hindu nationalism” also known as “Hindu fundamentalism” openly oppose to Muslim and Western and betrays the INC secular national principle. The article uses the Identity and system those two ways to answers the following questions: why BJP can take the power in1996-2004? What strategies and policies did BJP use to promote the party and appeal people? Did any positive and negative affection on India during that time? What role does democracy play in this situation?

碩士
國立臺灣大學
法律學研究所
106
In Taiwan, researches related to union autonomy are rare. However, administrative interpretations and court decisions that can be connected to union autonomy do exist. This thesis is attempted to figure out the concept of union autonomy and the concrete issues of it, so the rules of other groups are also collected. This result of such collection and study reveals that for trade union, the criteria of discipline sanction’s validity and the concept of union decromacy remain vague, which also refers to the necessacity of comparative study of Japan, the country that deeply influences labor law in Taiwan. After the study on Japan’s labor law, this thesis advocates that the frame for corporate sanction’s validity could also apply on union’s disciplinary sanction, for that trade union is also one kind of juridical association. As for union democracy, due to the shortage of related research and data, the development of union democracy in Japan becomes enlightment for Taiwan.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Musicology and Ethnomusicology.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-268). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11596

OF DISSERTATION IN ENGLISH Doctoral Student: JUDr. Kateřina Juřicová Topic of Dissertation: Limitations on Freedom of Contract in the Civil Law Supervisor of Dissertation: Prof. JUDr. Jan Dvořák, CSc. Doctoral Programme of Study: Theoretical Legal Sciences - Civil Law, Univerzita Karlova, Právnická fakulta, katedra občanského práva Date of Closing of Dissertation: 31.12.2019 The dissertation covers the limitations on freedom of contract in civil law and provides with the summary and following analysis of both general and specific limitations on freedom of contract in civil law. The general limitations consist of mandatory rules and stipulations prohibited by law. As part of the analysis of the general limitations both character and distinction between mandatory and non-mandatory rules are analyzed, as well as the criteria for the provisions to be designated as mandatory such as statutory prohibition, stipulations contrary to good morals, public order or the law concerning the status of persons, including the right to protection of personality rights. Similarly, the list of specific limitations on self-authorship describes legal relationships between landlord and tenant, employer and employee or consumer and entrepreneur, various cases in the community property of spouses or contracts with minors,...

Despite Brazil’s importance in the world economy and its increasing participation in foreign trade, there is considerable legal uncertainty regarding the law applicable to international commercial contracts involving Brazilian parties because Brazilian judicial courts do not respect parties’ freedom to choose the governing law, thus this determination is only made by a judge, according to Private International Law rules of the forum. Applying these rules, this study demonstrates that there are at least three potential legal regimes: the Brazilian law, the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods, and a foreign domestic sales law. Making use of the American law as the foreign law, a comparative analysis of these three legal regimes regarding contract formation demonstrates that their approaches are very distinct, and this confirms the legal uncertainty. In order to reduce this problem, three different strategies are proposed to the Brazilian government.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito apresentada à Faculdade de Direito
Esta dissertação tem como objeto a análise do papel dos contratos comerciais internacionais para o desenvolvimento e aplicação da nova lex mercatoria, bem como a sua relevância no âmbito do procedimento arbitral. Com a globalização, as caraterísticas e necessidades dos negócios comerciais mudaram, cenário no qual o estudo dos contratos internacionais ganhou maior importância, principalmente em razão da imprescindibilidade de maior dinamismo e flexibilidade na área do jurídico para o desenvolvimento do comércio internacional. Nesse contexto, o princípio da autonomia das partes aplicado aos contratos internacionais ganha especial relevância neste estudo, tendo em vista que permite às partes a escolha do direito que será aplicado tanto em relação ao direito substantivo, quanto em relação ao ordenamento jurídico que regerá o procedimento conclitual entre as partes. O referido princípio, já reconhecido na legislação de diversos Estados, possibilita a vinculação do instrumento contratual internacional a quaisquer ordenamentos jurídicos, nacionais ou não. Assim, sob a perspetiva do pluralismo jurídico, observa-se que a nova lex mercatoria, que nasceu como expressão da societas mercantil, atualmente constitui um ordenamento transnacional, desvinculado de um território geográfico e com desenvolvimento apenas no espaço jurídico. Dessa forma, caberá a análise da sua evolução, fontes normativas, sujeitos, bem como os limites impostos pela ordem pública dos Estados.Com a possibilidade de desenvolvimento de um ordenamento jurídico pelos entes privados, deve-se refletir acerca das veementes críticas feitas pelos antimercatoristas que se fundam, em síntese, na ausência dos elementos necessários para a sua definição como um ordenamento jurídico completo. Por fim, será analisada a aplicabilidade da lex mercatoria no âmbito das arbitragens transnacionais e os efeitos que os laudos arbitrais fundados nesse sistema causam no ordenamento jurídico interno dos Estados. Ponderadas as conclusões feitas ao longo do presente estudo, serão apresentadas sugestões com o objetivo de oferecer maior viabilidade para a aplicação da nova lex mercatoria nos dias atuais.
This dissertation aims to analyze the international commercial contracts for the develop-ment and application of the new lex mercatoria, as well as its relevance in the arbitration procedure and its effects in the legal framework of the States.In the context of globalization, the characteristics and needs of the commercial business have changed, in which the study of international contracts has gained more importance, mainly due to the indispensability of greater dynamism and flexibility in the legal frame-work for the development of international trade. In this context, the principle of party au-tonomy applied to international contracts is particularly relevant in this study, since it al-lows the parties to choose the right that will be applied both in terms of substantive law and in relation to the legal order that will govern the relationship between the parties in case of conflicts.This principle, already recognized by the legislation of several States, makes it possible to link the international contractual instrument to any national or non-national legal system. Thus, from the perspective of legal pluralism, it is observed that the new lex mercatoria, which was born as an expression of mercantil societas, is nowadays a transnational order, separated from a geographical territory and developed only in the juridical space. In this way, it will be the analysis of its evolution, normative sources, subjects, as well as the limits imposed by the public order of the States.With the possibility of developing a legal system by private entities, one must reflect on the vehement criticisms made by antimercatoristas that are based, in synthesis, in the absence of the elements necessary for its definition as a complete legal order.Finally, the applicability of lex mercatoria in the context of transnational arbitrations will be examined and the effects that any reports based on this system cause in the internal le-gal order of the States. Considering the conclusions made throughout the present study, suggestions will be presented with the objective of offering greater viability for the applica-tion of the new lex mercatoria in the present day.

The interim Constitution and the 1996 South African Constitution are products of a compromise between various political parties, mainly those that advocated for a unitary system, for example the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) were the leading proponents , anti the parties that advocated for a federal constitution, the significant ones being the Inkatha Freedom Party (lFP), the National Party (NP) and the Democratic Party (DP). The interim Constitution and the 1996 South African Constitution contain both unitary and substantial federal characteristics. The study deals with the origins of the federal idea and how the concept federalism is understood and applied internationally, and draws out some key characteristics that are common in federal constitutions so as to measure the interim Constitution and the 1996 South African Constitution against such common characteristics. The conclusion deals with recommendations of how the substantial federal characteristics could be effectively managed through intergovernmental relations
Political Science
M.A. (African Politics)

Przedmiotem dysertacji jest analiza zagadnień związanych ze swobodą umów stron stosunku pracy przy kształtowaniu jego treści. Obecny kształt swobody umów stron stosunku pracy przy kształtowaniu jego treści powstał w zasadniczych zrębach w momencie wprowadzania Kodeksu pracy, w innych uwarunkowaniach ustrojowych, społecznych i gospodarczych. Zmiany, jakie dokonały się w tym czasie, mają charakter fundamentalny, co stwarza nową przestrzeń dla dyskusji o swobodzie umów w prawie pracy. W tej perspektywie sformułowano cztery główne pytania badawcze. Pierwsze pytanie dotyczyło ustalenia charakteru prawnego stosunku pracy i jego związku z prawem publicznym oraz prywatnym. Kolejne pytanie dotyczyło ustalenia normatywnych podstaw obowiązywania zasady swobody umów w indywidualnym prawie pracy oraz mechanizmu jej funkcjonowania. W następnej kolejności postawiono pytanie o zakres swobody umów w odniesieniu do poszczególnych elementów treści stosunku pracy. Wreszcie, czwarte pytanie dotyczyło ustalenia, czy zasada swobody umów powinna zostać uznana za kierunkową zasadę prawa pracy. Niezależnie od problemów badawczych, kompleksowa analiza swobody umów stron stosunku pracy przy kształtowaniu jego treści miała także na celu uporządkowanie materiału normatywnego dotyczącego tej problematyki. Przeprowadzona analiza doprowadziła do sformułowania następujących wniosków. Po pierwsze, jakkolwiek nie jest możliwe całościowe zakwalifikowanie prawa pracy wyłącznie do prawa publicznego bądź prywatnego, powyższy wniosek nie dotyczy stosunku pracy, który jest stosunkiem zobowiązaniowym (pomimo, iż zawiera elementy ingerencji publicznej). Po drugie, granice swobody umów przy kształtowaniu treści stosunku pracy częściowo określone zostały w sposób odmienny, niż w prawie cywilnym, chociaż z wykorzystaniem mechanizmów cywilistycznych. Swoboda, przysługuje stronom także w obszarze tzw. ochrony pracy, chociaż jest ona znacznie bardziej ograniczona. Po trzecie, pomimo iż podstawę obowiązywania swobody umów przy kształtowaniu treści stosunku pracy stanowi art. 3531 k.c. w związku z art. 300 k.p., zasada swobody umów w jej cywilistycznym wydaniu nie stanowi zasady kierunkowej w obszarze kształtowania treści stosunku pracy, w którym swoboda została przyznana w zakresie, jaki jest konieczny do efektywnej realizacji stosunku pracy lub nie zagraża równości stron stosunku pracy i godności pracownika i w którym obecna jest ingerencja państwa w zakresie, jaki jest uzasadniony ochroną równości stron stosunku pracy i godności pracownika. Dysertacja została podzielona na cztery części obejmujących osiem rozdziałów. W części pierwszej (Rozdziały I i II) przedstawiono proces historyczny, w trakcie którego doszło do wyodrębnienia prawa pracy jako samodzielnej gałęzi prawnej, zakres przedmiotowy pojęcia stosunek pracy oraz źródła kształtowania jego treści. Druga część pracy (Rozdział III) została poświęcona przedstawieniu zakresu swobody umów w zobowiązaniowym stosunku prawa cywilnego oraz ukazaniu tła aksjologicznego i normatywnego, uzasadniającego obowiązywanie zasady swobody umów. Zasadniczą treść dysertacji zawarto w trzeciej części (Rozdziały IV – VII), w której dokonano kompleksowej analizy norm prawnych dotyczących swobody umów. Rozważania teoretyczne zawarte w pierwszych trzech częściach pracy zostały w części czwartej (Rozdział VIII) wykorzystane do praktycznej analizy poszczególnych elementów treści stosunku pracy. Dopełnieniem pracy jest zakończenie, w którym zawarto syntetyczne podsumowanie i wnioski szczegółowe. W pracy posłużono się historyczną oraz formalno – dogmatyczną metodą badawczą, a ich wybór został podyktowany celami dysertacji.
The subject of the dissertation is the analysis of issues related to the freedom of contract of parties to an employment contract. The basic framework of the current scope of the freedom of contract of parties to an employment contract to shape its content was created when the Labor Code was introduced, in different political, social and economic conditions. There have been fundamental changes since then creating a new background for discussions on the freedom of contract in employment law. Therefore, four main research questions were formulated. The first question pertains to determination of the legal nature of an employment contract and its connections with public and private law. The second question concerns determination of the normative basis for the principle of freedom of contract in individual employment law and its functioning mechanism. Next, a question was raised about the scope of the freedom of contract in respect of particular elements of the employment relationship. Finally, a fourth question was posed to determine whether the principle of freedom of contract should be recognized as a guiding principle of employment law. Despite research problems, a comprehensive analysis was also aimed at organizing the normative material related to this problem. The analysis led to the following conclusions. Firstly, although it is not possible to generally classify employment law as exclusively private or public law, the same does not apply to the employment relationship, which is a contractual relationship (although it includes elements of public intervention). Secondly, the limitations of the freedom of contract in shaping the content of an employment relationship were partly determined differently than in civil law, although with the use of civil law mechanisms. The freedom of contract applies also in the area of so called employment protection. However, it is more limited in this area. Thirdly, although art. 3531 of the Civil Code in connection with art. 300 of the Labour Code constitutes the legal basis for the freedom of contract of parties to an employment relationship to shape its content, the principle of freedom of contract in its civil meaning does not constitute a guiding principle in the area of shaping the content of an employment relationship where freedom has been granted in the scope which is necessary to effectively realize an employment relationship or does not jeopardize the equality of the parties and employee’s dignity and where the public interference is present in the scope which is justified to protect the equality of the parties to an employment contract and employee’s dignity. The dissertation has been divided into four parts covering eight chapters. The first part (Chapters I and II) presents the historical process during which employment law was separated as an independent branch of law, the material scope of the concept of an employment relationship and the sources of shaping its content. The second part (Chapters III) presents the scope of the freedom of contract in contractual civil law relationships as well as the axiological and normative background justifying application of the principle of freedom of contract. The main content of dissertation is contained in third part (Chapters IV – VII), which provides a comprehensive analysis of the legal norms concerning the freedom of contract. The theoretical considerations contained in the first three parts of the work are used in the fourth part (Chapter VIII) to perform a practical analysis of particular elements of the content of an employment relationship. The dissertation ends with a synthetic summary. In the dissertation, a historical and formal-dogmatic method of research was used. Their choice was justified by the purposes of the dissertation.