Academic literature on the topic 'Linear B Inscriptions'

The object of this paper is the deciphering of Cretan Linear A (LA) inscriptions. The paper presents a brief background of the ancient population of the Peloponnese, Asia Minor and the Aegean islands before the Indo-European migrations. It is supposed that the indigenous inhabitants of this area were of non-Indo-European and non-Semitic origin, from the Proto-Kartvelian tribes. The study of the linguistic material and graphical qualities of LA, and the phonetic reading of Linear B (LB) script by M. Ventris, granted the correctness of my decipherment of LA inscriptions in the Common Kartvelian (CK).

The subject of this paper is a striking and unavoidable feature of theAlexandra: Lykophron's habit of referring to single gods not by their usual names, but by multiple lists of epithets piled up in asyndeton. This phenomenon first occurs early in the 1474-line poem, and this occurrence will serve as an illustration. At 152–3, Demeter has five descriptors in a row: Ἐνναία ποτὲ | Ἕρκυνν' Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος, ‘Ennaian … Herkynna, Erinys, Thouria, Sword-bearing’. In the footnote I give the probable explanations of these epithets. Although in this sample the explanations to most of the epithets are not to be found in inscriptions, my main aim in what follows will be to emphasize the relevance of epigraphy to the unravelling of some of the famous obscurity of Lykophron. In this paper, I ask why the poet accumulates divine epithets in this special way. I also ask whether the information provided by the ancient scholiasts, about the local origin of the epithets, is of good quality and of value to the historian of religion. This will mean checking some of that information against the evidence of inscriptions, beginning with Linear B. It will be argued that it stands up very well to such a check. TheAlexandrahas enjoyed remarkable recent vogue, but this attention has come mainly from the literary side. Historians, in particular historians of religion, and students of myths relating to colonial identity, have been much less ready to exploit the intricate detail of the poem, although it has so much to offer in these respects. The present article is, then, intended primarily as a contribution to the elucidation of a difficult literary text, and to the history of ancient Greek religion. Despite the article's main title, there will, as the subtitle is intended to make clear, be no attempt to gather and assess all the many passages in Lykophron to which inscriptions are relevant. There will, for example, be no discussion of 1141–74 and the early Hellenistic ‘Lokrian Maidens inscription’ (IG9.12706); or of the light thrown on 599 by the inscribed potsherds carrying dedications to Diomedes, recently found on the tiny island of Palagruza in the Adriatic, and beginning as early as the fifth centuryb.c.(SEG48.692bis–694); or of 733–4 and their relation to the fifth-centuryb.c.Athenian decree (n. 127) mentioning Diotimos, the general who founded a torch race at Naples, according to Lykophron; or of 570–85 and the epigraphically attested Archegesion or cult building of Anios on Delos, which shows that this strange founder king with three magical daughters was a figure of historical cult as well as of myth.

Esta nota reseña la obra de L. Godart y A. Sacconi, Les archives du roi Nestor. Corpus des inscriptions en linéaire B de Pylos (Pisa-Roma, 2019-2020)1, edición nueva del corpus documental en lineal B encontrado, hasta la fecha, en el palacio micénico de Pilo (Mesenia). Cada documento, acompañado de su aparato crítico respectivo, se presenta en tres versiones: fotografía, facsímil y transcripción, al modo de las ediciones similares de Cnoso, de Tebas y de las inscripciones sobre vasos.

Con el propósito de estudiar la organización de datos e identificar la diversidad de representaciones construidas en situación de exploración de datos auténticos, en un grupo de 56 estudiantes chilenos de tercer grado de primaria, se diseñó e implementó un plan de clases de estadística, en el que se solicitó a los estudiantes ordenar y organizar los datos para responder a un problema. Este artículo se centra en el estudio cualitativo de las representaciones de datos producidas por los estudiantes durante la implementación del plan de clases. La exploración de los datos realizada por los estudiantes sobre los alimentos que consumían en la escuela (“colaciones”), los llevó a elaborar representaciones de datos (listas, estado intermedio de esquema tabular y tabla de frecuencias). Se concluye que el contexto auténtico y la construcción de representaciones propias promovieron que los estudiantes construyeran preponderantemente listas (77%), aplicando con sentido la partición, la clase y el cardinal. Se sugiere incorporar explícitamente en la enseñanza el formato lista, como herramienta representacional y unidad básica de la tabla. Referencias Brizuela, B., y Alvarado, M. (2010). First graders' work on additive problems with the use of different notational tools. Revista IRICE, 21, 37-43. Recuperado a partir desde https://ojs.rosario-conicet.gov.ar/index.php/revistairice/article/view/v21n21a04 Brizuela, B., y Lara-Roth, S. (2002). Additive relations and function tables. Journal of Mathematical Behavior, 20(3), 309-319. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0732-3123(02)00076-7 Coutanson, B. (2010). La question de l’éducation statistique et de la formation de l’esprit statistique à l’école primaire en France. Étude exploratoire de quelques caractéristiques de situations inductrices d’un enseignement de la statistique au cycle III (Tesis doctoral). Université de Lyon, Francia. Recuperado desde https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00494338/ Dibble, E. (1997). The Interpretation of Tables and Graphs. Seattle, WA: University of Washington. Duval, R. (2003). Comment Analyser le Fonctionnement Representationnel des Tableaux et leur Diversite? Spirale -Revue de Recherches en Éducation-, 32, 7-31. Recuperado desde http://spirale-edu-revue.fr/IMG/pdf/1_Duval_Spi32F.pdf Estrella, S. (2014). El formato tabular: una revisión de literatura. Revista Actualidades Investigativas en Educación, 14(2), 1-23. Estrella, S., e Isoda, M. (2020). Suma Primero: manual del docente, 1° básico. Valparaíso: Ediciones Universitarias de Valparaíso. Estrella, S., Mena-Lorca, A., y Olfos, R. (2017). Naturaleza del objeto matemático “Tabla”. Magis: Revista Internacional de Investigación en Educación, 10(20), 105-122. https://doi.org/10.15517/aie.v14i2.14817 Estrella, S., Olfos, R., Morales, S., y Vidal-Szabó, P. (2017). Argumentaciones de estudiantes de primaria sobre representaciones externas de datos: componentes lógicas, numéricas y geométricas. Revista Latinoamericana de Investigación en Matemática Educativa, 20(3), 345-370. https://doi.org/10.12802/relime.17.2034 Estrella, S., Olfos, R., Vidal-Szabó, P., Morales, S., y Estrella, P. (2018). Competencia meta-representacional en los primeros grados: representaciones externas de datos y sus componentes. Revista Enseñanza de las Ciencias, 36(2), 143-163. https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/ensciencias.2143 Estrella, S., Zakaryan, D., Olfos, R., y Espinoza, G. (2020). How teachers learn to maintain the cognitive demand of tasks through Lesson Study. Journal of Mathematics Teacher Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10857-018-09423-y Friel, S. N., Curcio, F. R., y Bright, G. W. (2001). Making sense of graphs: Critical factors influencing comprehension and instructional implications. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 124-158. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.2307/749671 Gabucio, F., Martí, E., Enfedaque, J., Gilabert, S., y Konstantinidou, A. (2010). Niveles de comprensión de las tablas en estudiantes de primaria y secundaria. Cultura y Educación, 22(2), 183-197. https://doi.org/10.1174/113564010791304528 Kaufman, E. L., Lord, M. W., Reese, T. W., y Volkmann, J. (1949). The discrimination of visual number. The American journal of psychology, 62(4), 498-525. Lehrer, R., y Schauble, L. (2000). Inventing data structures for representational purposes: Elementary grade students' classification models. Mathematical Thinking and Learning, 2(1-2), 51-74. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1207/S15327833MTL0202_3 Martí, E. (2009). Tables as cognitive tools in primary education. En C. Andersen, N. Scheuer, M. Pérez Echeverría, y E.V. Teubal (Coord.), Representational systems and practices as learning tools (pp. 133-148). Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Martí, E., García-Mila, M., Gabucio, F., y Konstantinidou, K. (2010). The construction of a double-entry table: a study of primary and secondary school students’ difficulties. European Journal of Psychology of Education, 26(2), 215-234. www.jstor.org/stable/23883606 Martí, E., Pérez, E., y De la Cerda, C. (2010). Alfabetización gráfica. La apropiación de las tablas como instrumentos cognitivos. Contextos, 10, 65-78. Martínez, M., y Brizuela, B. (2006). A third grader’s way of thinking about linear function tables. Journal of Mathematical Behavior, 25, 285-298. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jmathb.2006.11.003 Ministerio de Educación de Chile. (2018). Bases Curriculares Primero a Sexto Básico. Santiago de Chile: Unidad de Currículum y Evaluación, Ministerio de Educación de Chile. Recuperado desde https://www.curriculumnacional.cl/614/articles-22394_bases.pdf Moore, D. S., y Cobb, G. W. (2000). Statistics and mathematics: Tension and cooperation. The American Mathematical Monthly, 107(7), 615-630. Nisbet, S., Jones, G., Thornton, C., Langrall, C., y Mooney, E. (2003). Children’s Representation and Organisation of Data. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 15(1), 42-58. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF03217368 Pérez-Echeverría, M., y Scheuer, N. (2009). External Representations as Learning Tools: An Introduction. En C. Andersen, N. Scheuer, M. Pérez-Echeverría, y E. Teubal (Eds.), Representational systems and practices as learning tools (pp. 1-17). Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Pfannkuch, M., y Rubick, A. (2002). An exploration of students’ statistical thinking with given data. Statistics Education Research Journal, 1(2), 4-21. https://iase-web.org/documents/SERJ/SERJ1(2).pdf Sepúlveda, A., Díaz-Levicoy, D., y Jara, D. (2018). Evaluación de la comprensión sobre Tablas Estadísticas en estudiantes de Educación Primaria. Bolema: Boletim de Educação Matemática, 32(62), 869-886. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1980-4415v32n62a06 Tukey, J. (1977). Exploratory data analysis. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Wu, H., y Krajcik, J. (2006). Inscriptional Practices in Two Inquiry-Based Classrooms: A Case Study of Seventh Graders’ Use of Data Tables and Graphs. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 43(1), 63-95. https://doi.org/10.1002/tea.20092 Financiamiento: Esta investigación se ha realizado dentro del proyecto subvencionado por Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo (ANID) / FONDECYT 1200346 y Proyecto VRIE-PUCV 039.439/2020

Abstract This paper provides a detailed insight into computational approaches for deciphering Bronze Age Aegean and Cypriot scripts, namely the Archanes script and the Archanes formula, Phaistos Disk, Cretan hieroglyphic (including the Malia Altar Stone and Arkalochori Axe), Linear A, Linear B, Cypro-Minoan and Cypriot scripts. The unique contributions of this paper are threefold: 1) a thorough review of major Bronze Age Aegean and Cypriot scripts and inscriptions, digital data and corpora associated with them, existing computational decipherment methods developed in order to decipher them, and possible links to other scripts and languages; 2) the definition of 15 major challenges that can be encountered in computational decipherments of ancient scripts; and 3) an outline of a computational model that could possibly be used to simulate traditional decipherment processes of ancient scripts based on palaeography and epigraphy. In the context of this paper the term decipherment denotes the process of discovery of the language and/or the set of symbols behind an unknown script, and the meaning behind it.

There are two aspects about the Trojan War, the historical and the literary. For 1200 BC, the Late Bronze Age there are two epigraphical testimonies, the Hettite inscriptions and the Linear B tablets. Due to the fact that the latter do not contain historical information, only the Hettitic inscriptions remain, which provide us with very important historical information about the relationships between the Hittite empire, the kingdom of Troy and the kingdom of Ahhijawa. An important contribution to the historical reality is also offered by the excavations of the professor Manfred Korfmann (University of Tübingen) that brought to light the lower city with a moat. So the city is a typical Eastern city with Appaliuna (=Apollo) as one of the main gods. The Treaty of Alaksandu, king of Troy, and Muwatalli, king of Hattussa, and other Hittite documents confirm that Troy was a vassal of the Hittite empire and thus under its protection. Therefore, in the 13th century BC the Trojan War could not have taken place, as the Achaeans would have faced the powerful Hittite force. In the 12th century the Achaeans were not in a position to campaign, because the Mycenaean centres had collapsed. So, the Trojan War is a literary and not a historical event. Thus, the Epic Cycle is examined with the various works and more specifically the Iliad and the Odyssey, their grammar, their structure, the editing of the text during the Alexandrian age and the famous Homeric question.

There are two aspects about the Trojan War, the historical and the literary. For 1200 BC, the Late Bronze Age there are two epigraphical testimonies, the Hettite inscriptions and the Linear B tablets. Due to the fact that the latter do not contain historical information, only the Hettitic inscriptions remain, which provide us with very important historical information about the relationships between the Hittite empire, the kingdom of Troy and the kingdom of Ahhijawa. An important contribution to the historical reality is also offered by the excavations of the professor Manfred Korfmann (University of Tübingen) that brought to light the lower city with a moat. So the city is a typical Eastern city with Appaliuna (=Apollo) as one of the main gods. The Treaty of Alaksandu, king of Troy, and Muwatalli, king of Hattussa, and other Hittite documents confirm that Troy was a vassal of the Hittite empire and thus under its protection. Therefore, in the 13th century BC the Trojan War could not have taken place, as the Achaeans would have faced the powerful Hittite force. In the 12th century the Achaeans were not in a position to campaign, because the Mycenaean centres had collapsed. So, the Trojan War is a literary and not a historical event. Thus, the Epic Cycle is examined with the various works and more specifically the Iliad and the Odyssey, their grammar, their structure, the editing of the text during the Alexandrian age and the famous Homeric question.

This dissertation examines the archaeological and textual evidence for religion at the site of Knossos during the Mycenaean phases of administration (LM II-LM IIIB1). Several methodological issues in the nature of the evidence are addressed. The Linear B documents, due to their economic nature, offer limited information about religion. Moreover, the tablets from Knossos belong to at least two different phases of administration. The archaeological evidence for the different phases of cult use is often difficult to assess given the continued use of the palace over an extended period of time. To address these issues, the evidence from Knossos is divided into two temporal phases so that the textual evidence can be closely examined alongside its contemporary archaeological evidence for cult. This process has allowed for a more accurate view of the religion at Knossos in the Late Bronze Age. An evolution in the religious beliefs and practices are evident in the material culture. The presence of Indo-European divinities into the Knossian pantheon by the newly-installed Greek-speaking elite population is apparent from the outset, while previous Minoan style shrines continue to be used. In the later phase, numerous Minoan divinities are included in ritual offerings, while some Greek divinities are now given local epithets. Also at this time, Minoan shrine types gradually go out of use, whereas bench sanctuaries (a shrine type common to both Minoans and Mycenaeans) become the norm. The overall nature of Mycenaean religious assemblages at Knossos represents a unique blend of both Minoan and Mycenaean religious beliefs and practices.<br>text

The Mycenaeans used writing for a variety of administrative purposes. The archaeological evidence for writing suggests that it was a highly restricted technology. Mycenaeans used the Linear B script to write clay tablets, inscribe sealings, and paint on vessels. There is evidence to suggest that ephemeral documents of parchment or papyrus also were used for writing. In most of these instances, writing recorded economic transactions involving the material wealth of the state. The only exception is a small number of open-shaped vessels that are likely inscribed with personal names. The Linear B script is often blamed for the restriction of writing by the Mycenaeans. This open-syllabic script does not well represent the sound of spoken Greek, and requires the frequent use of dummy vowels and the omission of consonants at the end of syllables. Studies in literacy theory, however, suggest that script usage, reading, and writing are dictated by social factors and by need, rather than by forces supposedly inherent in the script itself. Writing was restricted because Mycenaean society dictated a restricted use. The sealings and tablets, which are found at several sites throughout mainland Greece and Crete, are small in size and are found almost exclusively in administrative contexts, in buildings that have functions in central administration. Writing is never found in public displays, as it is in the contemporary Near East. There was no intent to familiarize the Mycenaean populace with the technology of writing. Training in literacy likewise appears to have been highly restrictive, with new individuals being taught by scribes on an ad hoc, individualized basis. The loyalty of scribes to the king would have been essential. The sealings and tablets record the material wealth of the kingdom that was under the management of central administration. Furthermore, the contents of the tablets are not countermarked by seal impressions that would confirm their authenticity. Scribes would have been among the king’s closest administrators and members of the elite. The restriction of writing would ensure that all written words were legitimate, as they could only be written by the most trusted individuals in the kingdom.<br>text

Abstract The so-called syllable-division doctrine espoused by the Greek grammarians and the corresponding word-division practices evidenced by Greek inscriptions had their origins at least a thousand years earlier, in the scribal training centers of Mycenaean Greece or, perhaps, Minoan Crete. It was the Minoans who taught the Greeks how to write (the first time), and quite possibly it was also the Minoans who instructed the Greeks in the notions of sound classes and the relative sonority of sounds. Whether the Linear B (and syllabic Cypriot) practice of utilizing a hierarchy of sonority (i.e., the hierarchy of orthographic strength) for the spelling of consonant clusters was a Minoan or a Mycenaean innovation is undetermined and will remain so until Linear A is deciphered.

Abstract The Linear B archives are written in a standard form of Greek (some- times called a chancellery language). This official language used by the scribes obscures the fact that a number of different dialects must already have existed within Greek. In the alphabetic period (first millennium BC) the Greek dialects can be divided into West Greek, comprising Doric and North-west Greek, and East Greek, comprising Attic-Ionic and Arcado-Cypriot (§15 below). The Aeolic dialects do not fit easily into this scheme (see §33 below). We can see in Mycenaean Greek that in verbal endings the third person ti(inherited from IE) has already become si(thus e-ko- si = lχσ); and we can also see from alphabetic inscriptions of the first millennium that while the eastern dialects have siin this position, the dialects of western Greece retain original ti(thus West Greek lχτ= Attic-Ionic lχσ&amp;lt; lχσ). In this and other respects Mycenaean seems to be part of the eastern grouping: for example, Myc. o-te‘when’ represents τε, which is characteristic of eastern Greek (western Greek has κα); and i-je-re-u‘priest’ recalls eastern ερ- (rather than western αρ-). This indicates that the divergence between western and eastern Greek had already taken place in Mycenaean times, and that dialects of the western type must have existed somewhere in the Greek-speaking world (this in turn raises the question of where the Dorians were in the Bronze Age, and whether the Greek belief that they did not enter the Peloponnese until after the Trojan War should be given any credence).