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Journal articles on the topic 'Linguistics ; Minimalist theory (Linguistics)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

Cipriani, Enrico. "Semantics in generative grammar." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 42, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 134–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.00033.cip.

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Abstract I provide a critical survey of the role that semantics took in the several models of generative grammar, since the 1950s until the Minimalist Program. I distinguish four different periods. In the first section, I focus on the role of formal semantics in generative grammar until the 1970s. In Section 2 I present the period of linguistic wars, when the role of semantics in linguistic theory became a crucial topic of debate. In Section 3 I focus on the formulation of conditions on transformations and Binding Theory in the 1970s and 1980s, while in the last Section I discuss the role of semantics in the minimalist approach. In this section, I also propose a semantically-based model of generative grammar, which fully endorses minimalism and Chomsky’s later position concerning the primary role of the semantic interface in the Universal Grammar modelization (Strong Minimalist Thesis). In the Discussion, I point out some theoretical problems deriving from Chomsky’s internalist interpretation of model-theoretic semantics.

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2

ZWART, JAN-WOUTER. "The Minimalist Program." Journal of Linguistics 34, no. 1 (March 1998): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226797006889.

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Noam Chomsky,The Minimalist Program. (Current Studies in Linguistics 28.) Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995. Pp. 420.The Minimalist Program, by Noam Chomsky, is a collection of four articles, ‘The Theory of Principles and Parameters’ (written with Howard Lasnik, 13–127), ‘Some notes on Economy of Derivation and representation’ (129–166), ‘A Minimalist Program for linguistic theory’ (167–217), and ‘Categories and transformations’ (219–394). The first three articles have appeared elsewhere, and are reprinted here with minor revisions. The fourth was circulated in manuscript form earlier in 1995 and is commonly referred to as ‘Chapter four’. The volume opens with an ‘Introduction’ (1–11) and closes with a general bibliography and an index (395–420).The work collected here is based on material presented by Chomsky, and discussed by participating students, faculty, and visitors, in Chomsky's fall term lecture-seminars at MIT in the period of 1986 through 1994. For those who have ever wanted to attend these class lectures, but were never in the position to, this is a must read. The MIT Press is to be commended for having made this collection available in such an exemplary inexpensive volume.

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Carstens, Vicki. "Concord in Minimalist Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 31, no. 2 (April 2000): 319–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438900554370.

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Concord within DP argues that movement is driven by uninterpretable features of either the target or the moved item, contra Chomsky 1995. The uninterpretable f-features of which concord consists must be eliminated by LF, to satisfy Full Interpretation. But raising of inflected APs and KPs into checking relations with N0 cannot be motivated, in Chomsky's system, since N0 has no uninterpretable features that these items can check. Assuming Kayne's (1994, 1998) proposal for APs, the problem can be partially overcome, but inflected “of” constructions still lack an account. Chomsky's (1998) probe-goal approach applied to concord also encounters difficulties, avoided under revision of the (1995) system: if the f-features of APs and KPs drive them to raise for checking, correct results are obtained.

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4

Alsubaiai, Hanan Sarhan. "The Correlation between Old and New Linguistic Paradigms: A Literature Review Based on Kuhn’s School of Thoughts." English Language Teaching 14, no. 10 (September 26, 2021): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/elt.v14n10p84.

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This study aims to assess the evidence regarding the relationship between previous and new schools of linguistics. According to Kuhn (1970), old linguistic paradigms incorporate vocabulary and apparatus from previous or traditional paradigms. In particular, this review addresses the Question: Do new paradigms in linguistic arise from old or previous ones, as Kuhn suggested? The study is significant in understanding emerging schools of linguistics based on previous ones. A qualitative literature review was applied to compare new and old schools of linguistics. According to the findings, there is substantial evidence that functionalism, structuralism, and Transformational-Generative Grammar support Kuhn's argument. Most notably, the changes of the transformational-generative grammar from a consistent and straightforward Standard Theory to an improved Extended Standard Theory, and finally, to the Minimalist Program, point towards the same conclusion. Interestingly, the transformations demonstrate how new paradigms arise from old paradigms without borrowing many concepts, terms, and experiments from them. This study draws the attention of linguists in the 21st Century to pay closer attention to the trends in schools of linguistics. 

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5

Vicente, Luis. "Move! A Minimalist Theory of Construal." Lingua 114, no. 5 (May 2004): 635–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(03)00046-9.

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6

Evans, Hywel. "Simpler semantics for computational and cognitive linguistics." Investigationes Linguisticae 41 (December 11, 2019): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/il.2018.41.2.

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Certain consequences are considered regarding a simpler, more cognitively plausible treatment of semantics in SignBased Construction Grammar, a cognitive, unification- based theory of language. It is proposed that a construction grammar may be able to improve its coverage of core linguistic phenomena in line with minimalist goals (Chomsky 1993). Suggestions are offered regarding relative clauses and wh-expressions to show that a more straightforward account is available, one that allows a unified treatment of scope for quantifiers and wh-expressions.

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7

Sweetser, Eve, and Karen Sullivan. "Minimalist metaphors." English Text Construction 5, no. 2 (November 23, 2012): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/etc.5.2.01swe.

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We suggest that the impact of metaphoric language does not depend entirely on the conceptual metaphor that is evoked, nor on the form the metaphoric language takes, but also on the steps involved in evoking a given metaphor. This is especially apparent in minimalist poetry. Readers are given hints, cultural conventions, or no guidance at all, on how to fill in missing metaphoric domains and mappings. We place minimalist metaphors at the “effortful” end of the cline proposed by Stockwell (1992), and suggest that the other end can be associated with maximalist metaphors, which corral the reader into a highly specific interpretation. The degree of minimalism or maximalism depends on the specific mappings that are linguistically indicated, the degree of conventionalization of the metaphor, and reliance on cultural background knowledge.

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8

ADGER, DAVID. "Remarks on Minimalist feature theory and Move." Journal of Linguistics 42, no. 3 (October 13, 2006): 663–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226706004221.

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I'd like to start this brief response to Asudeh & Toivonen's 2006 review article ‘Symptomatic imperfections’ (henceforth SI) with a word of thanks for the careful job they've done and generally collegial manner in which they've done it. They make many good points about Adger (2000; Core syntax – henceforth CS) which will help a great deal in improving the book for any future edition. Because of this, I don't want to dwell on any minor quibbles I have about their comments. Instead, I'd like to focus on some broader conclusions they draw about the theoretical devices used in CS and the perspective taken there. My remarks will address mainly SI's concerns about the feature theory I outlined in CS, and the question of movement.

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9

Whaley, Lindsay J., and Gert Webelhuth. "Government and Binding Theory and the Minimalist Program." Language 73, no. 4 (December 1997): 856. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417336.

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10

Holmberg, Anders. "Parameters in minimalist theory: The case of Scandinavian." Theoretical Linguistics 36, no. 1 (January 2010): 1–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/thli.2010.001.

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11

Fitzpatrick, Justin M. "On Minimalist Approaches to the Locality of Movement." Linguistic Inquiry 33, no. 3 (July 2002): 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438902760168563.

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Several distinct approaches to the locality of movement have emerged within the Minimalist Program, but little attention has been paid to their formal and empirical differences. I examine a range of possible locality constraints on movement that are representative of current approaches. I expose some important formal differences among these alternatives and examine five phenomena, some previously unnoted, that distinguish them empirically. No single approach succeeds in capturing all of the facts that should arguably follow from a theory of locality, but the bulk of the evidence seems to support a theory that defines locality using only simple and independently motivated syntactic objects and relations.

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12

Lasnik, Howard. "On Feature Strength: Three Minimalist Approaches to Overt Movement." Linguistic Inquiry 30, no. 2 (April 1999): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438999554039.

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Procrastinate (Chomsky 1993) favors covert movement; therefore, when movement is overt, it must have been forced to operate “early” by some special requirement, one that Chomsky codes into “strong features.” I compare Chomsky's three successive theories of strong features and argue that two ellipsis phenomena, pseudogapping and sluicing, provide evidence bearing on the nature of strong features. I argue that movement or ellipsis can rescue a derivation with a strong feature, and I conclude that PF crash is relevant either directly, as in Chomsky 1993, or indirectly, as in the theory presented in Chomsky 1995a augmented by the multiple-chain theory of pied-piping (especially as interpreted by Ochi (1998)).

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13

ASUDEH, ASH, and IDA TOIVONEN. "Symptomatic imperfections David Adger, Core syntax: a Minimalist approach. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Pp. xiii+424. Andrew Radford, Minimalist syntax: exploring the structure of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. xiii+512." Journal of Linguistics 42, no. 2 (June 5, 2006): 395–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226706003963.

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Minimalist syntax and Core syntax are reasonably good textbooks. They should be very helpful indeed in teaching a syntax course on current Principles and Parameters theory (P&P; Chomsky 1981) that focuses on the Minimalist Program (MP; Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001, 2004, 2005). The books present a range of syntactic phenomena, which are for the most part discussed lucidly and illustrated by considerable relevant data. Nevertheless, the books are not pedagogically faultless and the pedagogical faults are often due to underlying theoretical problems.

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ASUDEH, ASH, and IDA TOIVONEN. "Response to David Adger's ‘Remarks on Minimalist feature theory and Move’." Journal of Linguistics 42, no. 3 (October 13, 2006): 675–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226706004233.

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David Adger raises some interesting issues and makes several valuable points in his ‘Remarks on Minimalist feature theory and Move’ (henceforth MFTM), a response to our review article ‘Symptomatic imperfections’ (henceforth SI) in this journal (Asudeh & Toivonen 2006), which was in part a review of his Core syntax (Adger 2003). In this response, we address some of the points in MFTM. We would also like to set the record straight about some points in SI which we feel have been misrepresented. In several instances, MFTM argues against claims that were not made in SI. Whatever the independent merit of these arguments, we do not wish to defend viewpoints we did not propose in the first place.

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15

KIGUCHI, HIROHISA. "Construal by Syntactic Operations (N. Hornstein, Move! A Minimalist Theory of Construal)." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 24, no. 1 (2007): 162–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.24.162.

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16

Bošković, Željko. "On the Locality and Motivation of Move and Agree: An Even More Minimal Theory." Linguistic Inquiry 38, no. 4 (October 2007): 589–644. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2007.38.4.589.

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The article proposes a new theory of successive-cyclic movement that reconciles the early and the current minimalist approaches to it. As in the early approach, there is no feature checking in intermediate positions of successive-cyclic movement. However, as in the current approach and unlike in early minimalism, successive-cyclic movement starts before the final target of movement enters the structure, and Form Chain is eliminated. The locality of Move and the locality of Agree are shown to be radically different, Agree being free from several mechanisms that constrain Move, namely, phases and the Activation Condition. However, there is no need to take phases to define locality domains of syntax or to posit the Activation Condition as an independent principle. They still hold empirically for Move as theorems. The Generalized EPP (the “I need a Spec” property of attracting heads) and the Inverse Case Filter are also dispensable. The traditional Case Filter, stated as a checking requirement, is the sole driving force of A-movement. More generally, Move is always driven by a formal inadequacy (an uninterpretable feature) of the moving element, while Agree is target driven. The system resolves a lookahead problem that arises under the EPP-driven movement approach, where the EPP diacritic indicating that X moves is placed on Y, not X, although X often needs to start moving before Y enters the structure.

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17

Saint-Germier, Pierre, Cédric Paternotte, and Clément Canonne. "Joint Improvisation, Minimalism and Pluralism about Joint action." Journal of Social Ontology 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jso-2020-0068.

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Abstract This paper introduces freely improvised joint actions, a class of joint actions characterized by (i) highly unspecific goals and (ii) the unavailability of shared plans. For example, walking together just for the sake of walking together with no specific destination or path in mind provides an ordinary example of FIJAs, along with examples in the arts, e.g., collective free improvisation in music, improv theater, or contact improvisation in dance. We argue that classic philosophical accounts of joint action such as Bratman’s rule them out because the latter require a capacity for planning that is idle in the case of FIJAs. This argument is structurally similar to arguments for minimalist accounts of joint action (e.g., based on joint actions performed by children before they develop a full-fledged theory of mind), and this invites a parallel minimalist account, which we provide in terms of a specific kind of shared intentions that do not require plan states. We further argue that the resulting minimalist account is different in kind from the sort of minimalism suggested by developmental considerations and conclude in favor of a pluralistic minimalism, according to which there are several ways for an account of joint action to be minimal.

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18

Rudnev, Pavel. "Against Upwards Agree." Linguistic Review 38, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 65–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2021-2059.

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Abstract Bjorkman, Bronwyn & Hedde Zeijlstra. 2019. Checking up on (φ)-Agree. Linguistic Inquiry 50(3). 527–569 claim that agreement with the absolutive argument in ergative-absolutive languages follows naturally in an Upwards-Agree system supplemented by the relation of Accessibility if φ-agreement is parasitic on structural case assigned to the absolutive noun phrase either by T or by v. By drawing evidence from two distantly related East Caucasian languages—Chirag and Avar—the present article argues that this theory is both too strong and too weak. I then show that the problematical facts are trivially analysable with standard Agree (Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Roger Martin, David Michaels & Juan Uriagereka (eds.), Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, 89–155. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press et seq.).

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19

HUDSON, RICHARD. "Inherent variability and Minimalism: Comments on Adger's ‘Combinatorial variability’." Journal of Linguistics 43, no. 3 (October 22, 2007): 683–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222670700480x.

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Adger (2006) claims that the Minimalist Program provides a suitable theoretical framework for analysing at least one example of inherent variability: the variation between was and were after you and we in the Scottish town of Buckie. Drawing on the feature analysis of pronouns and the assumption that lexical items normally have equal probabilities, his analysis provides two ‘routes’ to we/you was, but only one to we/you were, thereby explaining why the former is on average twice as common as the latter. This comment points out four serious flaws in his argument: it ignores important interactions among sex, age and subject pronoun; hardly any social groups actually show the predicted average 2:1 ratio; there is no general tendency for lexical items to have equal probability of being used; the effects of the subject may be better stated in terms of the lexemes you and we rather than as semantic features. The conclusion is that inherent variability supports a usage-based theory rather than Minimalism.

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20

CARROLL, SUSANNE E. "Acquisition by Processing Theory: A theory of everything?" Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 7, no. 1 (April 2004): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728904001191.

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Truscott and Sharwood Smith (henceforth T&SS) propose a novel theory of language acquisition, ACQUISITION BY PROCESSING THEORY (APT), designed to account for both first and second language acquisition, monolingual and bilingual speech perception and parsing, and speech production. This is a tall order. Like any theoretically ambitious enterprise, the APT shares certain properties with much that has gone before. Like the Competition Model (CM; MacWhinney, 1987, 1997; MacWhinney and Bates, 1989, inter alia) and other associative network connectionist learning models, the APT eschews a Language Acquisition Device (LAD) by treating acquisition as the strengthening of levels of representation activation. A parser can produce multiple representations of a parse string in parallel, which then ‘compete’ as analyses for an input string. Unlike the CM, however, the APT is not motivated by a solid program of empirical studies in language acquisition or cross-language processing. Nor does it strike me as theoretically coherent, for the APT, unlike the CM, assumes that knowledge of language involves knowledge of grammatical structure and that the parser makes deterministic use of Universal Grammar in the form of a Minimalist grammar. The determinism is important here; the claim to eliminate LAD hinges on it.

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Heck, Fabian. "On Certain Properties of Pied-Piping." Linguistic Inquiry 40, no. 1 (January 2009): 75–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.1.75.

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In this article, I argue that an approach to pied-piping in terms of wh-feature percolation is problematic under minimalist assumptions. I propose an alternative theory based on Agree, arguing that wh-movement and restrictions on pied-piping follow from the interaction of the theory of phases and a violable constraint that forces wh-feature checking under Agree to be as local as possible. I present and derive three observations about pied-piping that are attested in different languages.

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22

Alsaedi, Naif. "Universal Grammar Theory and Language Acquisition: Evidence from the Null Subject Parameter." International Journal of Linguistics 9, no. 3 (June 11, 2017): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v9i3.11159.

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This article introduces the Universal-Grammar-based (UG) theory of language acquisition. It focuses on parameters, both as a theoretical construct and in relation to first-language acquisition (L1A). The null subject parameter is used to illustrate how languages vary and explain how a child’s grammar develops into adult grammar over time. The article is structured as follows: the first section outlines crucial ideas that are relevant to language acquisition in generative linguistics, such as the notions of competence, performance, critical period, and language faculty. Section two introduces and discusses the content of language faculty from the perspectives of the Principles and Parameters Theory and the Minimalist Program for Linguistic Theory. This section also briefly describes the contrast among languages in regard to whether or not they allow empty categories in subject position in finite clauses. The third section first discusses how children are hypothesised to acquire their native language (L1). Then, in light of findings from the early null subject phenomenon, this section empirically examines the content of grammars that are developed by children at various developmental stages until they acquire the appropriate value for the null subject parameter. The final section highlights the important role of UG theory to L1A.

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FAIRCHILD, SARAH, and JANET G. VAN HELL. "Determiner-noun code-switching in Spanish heritage speakers." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 20, no. 1 (September 9, 2015): 150–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728915000619.

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Code-switching is prevalent in bilingual speech, and follows specific syntactic constraints. Several theories have been proposed to explain these constraints, and in this paper we focus on the Minimalist Program and the Matrix Language Frame model. Using a determiner-noun picture naming paradigm, we tested the ability of these theories to explain determiner-noun code-switches in Spanish–English bilinguals. The Minimalist Program predicts that speakers will use the determiner from the gendered language, whereas the Matrix Language Frame model predicts that the determiner will come from the language that dominates the syntactic structure in a code-switched utterance. We observed that the bilinguals had slowest naming times and decreased accuracy in Spanish determiner - English noun conditions (‘el dog’), and that adding a Matrix Language did not modulate this pattern. Although our results do not align with either theory, we conclude that they can be explained by the WEAVER++ model of speech production.

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Landau, Idan. "Movement Out of Control." Linguistic Inquiry 34, no. 3 (July 2003): 471–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438903322247560.

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This article is a comprehensive critique of the reductionist view of control advocated in recent minimalist studies, most notably Hornstein 1999. The core of this view is the claim that obligatory control should be collapsed with raising, and nonobligatory control with pronominal coreference. I argue that Hornstein's theory (a) overgenerates nonexisting structures and interpretations, (b) fails to derive a wide range of well-known raising/control contrasts, and (c) involves unstated stipulations belying the appeal to Occam's razor.

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MEISEL, Jürgen M. "Revisiting Universal Grammar." DELTA: Documentação de Estudos em Lingüística Teórica e Aplicada 16, spe (2000): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-44502000000300005.

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This paper sketches various specific scenarios within the Principles and Parameter Theory under which the question of whether Universal Grammar remains accessible to second language learners should be addressed. It also discusses some implications of several approaches to this issue and offers some speculation as to how the question is to be reformulated in the context of the Minimalist Program.

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Van Gelderen, Elly. "Aspects of the theory of syntax(50th anniversary edition),and the minimalist program(20th anniversary edition)." WORD 61, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00437956.2015.1071962.

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Li, Haojie. "On College English Teaching in China from the Perspective of MP in Generative Grammar Theory." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 7, no. 4 (July 1, 2016): 724. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.0704.12.

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This paper discusses how the theory of MP in generative grammar can be used in College English teaching in China. The author holds that a brand-new teaching paradigm- autonomous English learning-will be built if certain theories and principles of Minimalist Program (MP) are used in China’s college classroom teaching. College teachers of English apply theories of lexicon, derivation by phase under the framework of MP in generative grammar and organization strategies into their English teaching and learning appropriately and college students will renew their English learning ideas, their learning interest will be stimulated and their enthusiasm and initiative in active English learning will be enhanced.

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HUDSON, RICHARD A. "English dialect syntax in Word Grammar." English Language and Linguistics 11, no. 2 (July 2007): 383–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674307002298.

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The article focuses on inherent variability in syntax and the challenge that it presents for theories of language structure, using illustrative data from the Scottish town of Buckie (Smith, 2000). Inherent variability challenges a linguistic theory at three levels of theoretical adequacy: structural (Does the theory distinguish the relevant structures?), contextual (Does it allow structures to be related directly to their social context?), and behavioural (Does it allow an explanation for the observed frequencies?). The article summarizes the relevant claims of Word Grammar and shows (1) that it has at least as much structural adequacy as any other theory, (2) that it has more contextual adequacy than other theories because it formalizes the theory of Acts of Identity, and (3) that it at least provides a theoretical foundation for future advances towards behavioural adequacy. The article also argues against the minimalist analysis of the was/were alternation in Buckie (Adger, 2006).

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Youssef, Islam. "Contrastive Feature Typologies of Arabic Consonant Reflexes." Languages 6, no. 3 (August 23, 2021): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6030141.

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Attempts to classify spoken Arabic dialects based on distinct reflexes of consonant phonemes are known to employ a mixture of parameters, which often conflate linguistic and non-linguistic facts. This article advances an alternative, theory-informed perspective of segmental typology, one that takes phonological properties as the object of investigation. Under this approach, various classificatory systems are legitimate; and I utilize a typological scheme within the framework of feature geometry. A minimalist model designed to account for segment-internal representations produces neat typologies of the Arabic consonants that vary across dialects, namely qāf,ǧīm,kāf, ḍād, the interdentals, the rhotic, and the pharyngeals. Cognates for each of these are analyzed in a typology based on a few monovalent contrastive features. A key benefit of the proposed typologies is that the featural compositions of the various cognates give grounds for their behavior, in terms of contrasts and phonological activity, and potentially in diachronic processes as well. At a more general level, property-based typology is a promising line of research that helps us understand and categorize purely linguistic facts across languages or language varieties.

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Mohamed Mohamed Sultan, Fazal, and Syafika Atika Othman. "Frasa Topik Dan Fokus Dalam Bahasa Melayu: Analisis Program Minimalis (Topic And Focus Phrase In Malay Language: Minimalist Program Analysis)." GEMA Online® Journal of Language Studies 21, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 195–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/gema-2021-2102-10.

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31

Amaral, Luiz, and Tom Roeper. "Why minimal multiple rules provide a unique window into UG and L2." Second Language Research 30, no. 1 (January 2014): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658313511107.

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This article clarifies some ideas presented in this issue’s keynote article (Amaral and Roeper, this issue) and discusses several issues raised by the contributors’ comments on the nature of the Multiple Grammars (MG) theory. One of the key goals of the article is to unequivocally state that MG is not a parametric theory and that its current version follows very explicit minimalist assumptions. We also refine the notion of ‘minimal multiple rules’ to make their theoretical status more precise. Overall, we would like to acknowledge the important contribution of all the articles in this issue to the evolution of the theory.

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Longobardi, Giuseppe. "Formal Syntax, Diachronic Minimalism, and Etymology: The History of French, Chez." Linguistic Inquiry 32, no. 2 (April 2001): 275–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00243890152001771.

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Current theories place very mild constraints on possible diachronic changes, something at odds with the trivial observation that actual, “language change” represents a tiny fraction of the variation made a priori available by Universal Grammar. Much recent work in diachronic syntax has actually been guided by the aim of describing changes (e.g., parameter resetting), rather than by concerns of genuine explanation. Here I suggest a radically different viewpoint (the Inertial, Theory of diachronic syntax), namely, that syntactic change not provably due to interference should not occur at all as a primitive-that is, unless forced by changes in the phonology, the semantics, or the lexicon, perhaps ultimately by interface or grammar-external pressures, in line with the minimalist enterprise in synchronic linguistics. I concentrate on a single case, the etymology of Modern French chez, showing howthe proposed approach attains a high degree of explanatory adequacy.

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Martin, Roger. "Null Case and the Distribution of PRO." Linguistic Inquiry 32, no. 1 (January 2001): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438901554612.

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Chomsky and Lasnik (1993) argue convincingly that PRO has null Case, checked by nonfinite T, and suggest that this may explain PRO's narrow distribution. However, their analysis falls short of reaching this goal. Here, I refine the theory of null Case so as to fully account for the distribution of empty and lexical subjects of nonfinite clauses, concluding that this minimalist analysis is more explanatory than earlier ones based on the theories of binding and government. In particular, I argue that whether or not nonfinite T can check null Case depends crucially on its temporal properties and present a number of empirical arguments supporting this conclusion.

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Liceras, Juana M. "Second Language Acquisition and Syntactic Theory in the 21st Century." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 30 (March 2010): 248–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190510000097.

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Syntactic theory has played a role in second language acquisition (SLA) research since the early 1980s, when the principles and parameters model of generative grammar was implemented. However, it was the so-called functional parameterization hypothesis together with the debate on whether second language learners activated new features or switched their value that led to detailed and in-depth analyses of the syntactic properties of many different nonnative grammars. In the last 10 years, with the minimalist program as background, these analyses have diverted more and more from looking at those syntactic properties that argued for or against the various versions of the UG-access versus non-UG-access debate (UG for Universal Grammar) and have more recently delved into the status of nonnative grammars in the cognitive science field. Thus, using features (i.e., gender, case, verb, and determiner) as the basic units and paying special attention to the quality of input as well as to processing principles and constraints, nonnative grammars have been compared to the language contact paradigms that underlie subsequent bilingualism, child SLA, creole formation, and diachronic change. Taking Chomsky's I-language/E-language construct as the framework, this article provides a review of these recent developments in SLA research.

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Sternefeld, Wolfgang. "Back to the future." English Language and Linguistics 3, no. 1 (May 1999): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674399000167.

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Andrew Radford, Syntactic theory and the structure of English: a minimalist approach. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1997. Pp. xii + 558. Hardback £50, US$69.95, ISBN 0 521 47125 7; paperback £16.95, US$24.95, ISBN 0 521 47707 7.Until recently I was convinced that by far the best textbook ever written on Generative Grammar was Perlmutter and Soames' Syntactic argumentation and the structure of English (1979). Unfortunately, the theory advanced there died out. As concerns its successor, namely GB-theory, I still believe that Andrew Radford's pioneering Transformational syntax (1981) is one of the best introductions to Chomsky's Pisa lectures, despite the plethora of competing textbooks that have appeared over the years. Now that Radford has presented his most recent book, Syntactic theory and the structure of English, I am inclined to believe that it should be considered a competitor to Perlmutter and Soames' book. Not only the similarity to Perlmutter and Soames' title, but also the pedagogical and systematic orientation of the new book invites comparison. As both books meet the highest standards with regard to clarity of expression and exposition, I recommend Radford's book as the best textbook for up-to-date syntactic theory, and I am convinced that it will play the same influential role as an introduction to the Minimalist theory as did the 1981 book for GB theory.

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WEDGWOOD, DANIEL. "Shared assumptions: Semantic minimalism and Relevance Theory." Journal of Linguistics 43, no. 3 (October 22, 2007): 647–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226707004793.

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Cappelen & Lepore (2005, 2006a, 2007) note that linguistic communication requires ‘shared content’ and claim that Relevance Theory makes content sharing impossible. This criticism rests upon two important errors. The first is a flawed understanding of Relevance Theory, shown in the application of an omniscient third party perspective to parts of Relevance Theory that depend only upon subjective judgements made by the addressee of an utterance. The second is confusion about different definitions of content. Cappelen & Lepore's evidence actually involves the communication of what they term Speech Act content, which need not be perfectly ‘shared’ according to their own position. Looking beyond this flawed criticism, a general comparison of Relevance Theory with Cappelen & Lepore's semantic minimalism reveals significant parallels, pointing to a notable convergence of two distinct approaches – one cognitive-pragmatic, the other philosophical-semantic – on the rejection of currently dominant assumptions in linguistic semantics. The key remaining difference is Cappelen & Lepore's claim that shared content is propositional. This contradicts other claims made for such content and in any case plays no active role in the explanation of communication. Cappelen & Lepore's position thus poses no threat to Relevance Theory; rather, Relevance Theory can benefit from their philosophical analysis of the state of semantic theory.

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Veysi, Elkhas, and Farangis Abbaszadeh. "The Templatic Syllable Patterns of Reduplication and Stem-affixing Inflections in the Classical Arabic Based on Prosodic Morphology Theory." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 6, no. 11 (November 1, 2016): 2196. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0611.18.

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A morpheme, is a set of feature matrices dominated by a single node. Reduplication or gemination is one of the productive morphological processes which have been studied inclusively in different languages and in the frame of different linguistic theories like Generative Grammar, Optimality Theory and Minimalist Program. McCarthy's prosodic theory is justified by an analysis of the formal properties of the system of verbal processes like reduplication are the primary or sole morphological operations. This theory of nonconcatenative morphology recognizing the root as a discontinuous constituent. Under the prosodic model, a morphological category which characteristically reduplicates simply stipulates an output template composed of vowel and consonant. Consonantal roots and vocalic melodies in Arabic, although they contain bundles of the same distinctive features, can nevertheless be represented on separate autosegmental tiers. This ensures that the association conventions for melodies can operate independently on these two tiers. Association of autosegments from different tiers to the same segments will be subject to the natural restriction that no segment receives multiple associations for the same nontonal feature.

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Wiślicki, Jan. "Typing after syntax. An argument from quotation and ellipsis." Research in Language 14, no. 4 (December 30, 2016): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rela-2016-0023.

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The paper, assuming the general framework of Chomsky’s (2013a, 2015b) current version of the Minimalist syntax, investigates the syntax of quotation in light of ellipsis. I show that certain unexpected effects arising for quotational ellipsis are problematic for the standard feature valuation system and, especially, for the theory of phases. I discuss some effects of two possible interpretations of such ellipsis, as well as a constraint following from deviant antecedents, to show that the standard view on the internal syntax of quotational expressions should be reconsidered. The paper offers a new view on feature valuation, as well as the connection between the Narrow Syntax and the C-I interface, defined in terms of recursive typing taking place at the interface.

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Blaszczak, Joanna, and Sue Brown. "The Syntax of Negation in Russian: A Minimalist Approach." Slavic and East European Journal 44, no. 4 (2000): 698. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3086315.

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Wanner, Adrian. "Russian Minimalist Prose: Generic Antecedents to Daniil Kharms's "Sluchai"." Slavic and East European Journal 45, no. 3 (2001): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3086364.

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GONZÁLEZ ESCRIBANO, JOSÉ LUIS. "Head-final effects and the nature of modification." Journal of Linguistics 40, no. 1 (March 2004): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226703002317.

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In English and other languages, pre-modifiers must generally be head-final, whereas specifiers need not be, which suggests that modifiers are NOT specifiers. The theory of modification defended here rests on a unified version of Merge triggered by satisfaction of selection features under a Priority constraint and claims that the label is dynamically determined by the object containing unsatisfied features AFTER Merge or Move. ‘Adjuncts’ do NOT exist in it, for modification reduces to complementation. Modifiers are just additional predicates, modifieds are their complements or specifiers, depending on the previous structure of the modifier, and correct scope and surface order, including head-final effects and absence thereof, follow from Kayne's Linear Correspondence Axiom without stipulations like the Head-Final Filter. Empirically and conceptually, this theory compares favourably with major alternatives like Kayne's, Chomsky's, Cinque's or Ernst's, and perhaps deserves consideration within a minimalist programme.

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Nunes, Jairo. "Sideward Movement." Linguistic Inquiry 32, no. 2 (April 2001): 303–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00243890152001780.

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Assuming the general framework of the Minimalist Program of Chomsky 1995, this article argues that Move is not a primitive operation of the computational system, but rather the output of the interaction among the independent operations Copy, Merge, Form Chain, and Chain Reduction (deletion of chain links for purposes of linearization). The crucial aspect of this alternative model is that it permits constrained instances of sideward movement, whereby a given constituent “moves” from a syntactic object K to an independent syntactic object L. This version of the copy theory of movement (a) provides an explanation for why (some) traces must be deleted in the phonological component, (b) provides a cyclic analysis for standard instances of noncyclic movement, and (c) accounts for the main properties of parasitic gap and across-the-board extraction constructions.

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HERSCHENSOHN, JULIA. "Inflection, thematic roles and abstract Case." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 7, no. 1 (April 2004): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728904001221.

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This keynote article proposes a new model of language development based on processing, the sole mechanism of acquisition for the Acquisition by Processing Theory (APT). The language module – adapted from Jackendoff's distinction between integration (building complex structures) and interface (facilitating information transfer at the intersections of the sub-modules) – has phonological, syntactic and conceptual processors that interact with each other, working memory and lexical entries. On the one hand, the application of Jackendoff's model to language learning bridges a gap between syntactic theory and processing. On the other hand, its breadth sometimes brings together strange bedfellows, as, for example, minimalist syntax and APT's ‘clear affinities with connectionism’ (p. 17). In order to explore this hybrid model within a focused area, I will limit my comments to a discussion of features of I(nflection), Case and thematic (theta) roles, highlighting the question of how much syntactic theory APT needs. I will suggest that the model could profit from a greater exploitation of morphological input and its role in parameter setting.

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VAN DULM, ONDENE. "English–Afrikaans intrasentential code switching: Testing a feature checking account." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 12, no. 2 (April 2009): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728909004039.

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The work presented here aims to account for the structure of intrasentential code switching between English and Afrikaans within the framework of feature checking theory, a theory associated with minimalist syntax. Six constructions in which verb position differs between English and Afrikaans were analysed in terms of differences in the strength of particular features associated with functional categories, and the ability of verbs of either language to check these features. Predictions for the well-formedness of code-switched constructions were informed by data elicited from thirty fluently bilingual participants by means of relative judgements of visually-presented code-switched sentences and auditorily-presented code-switched utterances, and a sentence construction task. Findings indicated straightforward support for the predictions for adverb, focalisation, and topicalisation constructions, but less support for embedded that and wh clauses and yes-no questions. Alternative explanations for the latter results are proposed. The work suggests that the same mechanisms and devices proposed to account for monolingual data can also account for code-switching data.

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Dubinsky, Stanley. "Gert Webelhuth (ed.), Government and binding theory and the minimalist program. Oxford & Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell, 1995. Pp.ix+483." Journal of Linguistics 32, no. 2 (September 1996): 517–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700016017.

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Тарабань, Роман, and Бандара Ахінта. "Beyond Recursion: Critique of Hauser, Chomsky, and Fitch." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 4, no. 2 (December 28, 2017): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2017.4.2.tar.

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In 2002, Hauser, Chomsky, and Fitch published an article in which they introduced a distinction between properties of language that are exclusively part of human communication (i.e., the FLN) and those properties that might be shared with other species (i.e., the FLB). The sole property proposed for the FLN was recursion. Hauser et al. provided evidence for their position based on issues of evolution. The question of the required properties of human language is central to developing theories of language processing and acquisition. In the present critique of Hauser et al. we consider two examples from non-English languages that argue against the suggestion that recursion is the sole property within the human language faculty. These are i) agreement of inflectional morphemes across sentence constructions, and ii) synthetic one-word constructions. References Adger, D. (2003). Core Syntax: A Minimalist Approach. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bates, E., & MacWhinney, B. (1989). Functionalism and the Competition Model. In: The Crosslinguistic Study of Sentence Processing, (pp 3-76). B. MacWhinney and E. Bates (Eds.). New York: Cambridge University Press. Bickerton, D (2009). Recursion: core of complexity or artifact of analysis? In: Syntactic Complexity: Diachrony, Acquisition, Neuro-Cognition, Evolution, (pp. 531–543). T. Givón and M. Shibatani (Eds.). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Chomsky, N. (1957). Syntactic Structures (2nd edition published in 2002). Berlin: Mouton Chomsky, N. (1959). On certain formal properties of grammars. Information and Control, 2, 137–167. Chomsky, N. (1995). The Minimalist Program for Linguistic Theory. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hauser, M. D., Chomsky, N., Fitch, W. T. (2002). The faculty of language: What it is, who has it, and how did it evolve? Science, 298, 1569-1579. Luuk, E., & Luuk, H. (2011). The redundancy of recursion and infinity for natural language. Cognitive Processing 12, 1–11. Marantz, A. (1997). No escape from syntax: Don't try morphological analysis in the privacy of your own lexicon. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 4(2), A. Dimitriadis, L. Siegel, et. al. (eds.), 201- 225. MacWhinney, B. & O’Grady, W. (Eds.) (2015). Handbook of Language Emergence. New York: Wiley. Nevins, A., Pesetsky, D., & Rodrigues, C. (2009). Pirahã exceptionality: A reassessment. Language, 85(2), 355–404. Ott, D. (2009). The evolution of I-language: Lexicalization as the key evolutionary novelty. Biolinguistics, 3, 255–269. Sauerland, U., & Trotzke, A. (2011). Biolinguistic perspectives on recursion: Introduction to the special issue. Biolinguistics, 5, 1–9. Trotzke, A., Bader, M. & Frazier, L. (2013). Third factors and the performance interface in language design. Biolinguistics, 7, 1–34.

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Foster-Cohen, Susan. "RHYME AND REASON: AN INTRODUCTION TO MINIMALIST SYNTAX.Juan Uriagareka. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998. Pp. xlii + 669. $75.00 cloth, $45.00 paper." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 23, no. 4 (December 2001): 556–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263101234056.

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Despite the energetically enthusiastic assertions of the publisher and of Piatelli-Palmirini, who offers an extensive foreword beginning “This dialogue is a gem,” I found that this enormous book did not live up to its hype. I was hoping to find an engaging discussion—in a format I liked from the earlier Lasnik and Uriagareka A course in GB syntax (1988)—that would bring me up to date on the Minimalist Program, from a position somewhere mid-GB. However, I rarely felt the dialogue was intended to welcome the uninitiated. First, its style is irritating, with attempts to be cute that just end up being distracting. Second, many parts of the discussion seem much more aimed at colleagues and rivals on the inside than those members of the larger community for whom the book is designed (as suggested, at least, by the blurb). This is particularly a shame, given that Piatelli-Palmirini's preface explicitly says, patronizingly, that the book will be good for those applied linguists who get irritated with constant change in linguistic theory (p. xxxiv).

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Romain, Ian James. "Deriving clitic cluster formation through movement: A dialectal case study from Spanish." Linguistic Review 37, no. 3 (October 25, 2020): 359–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2020-2048.

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AbstractIn light of recent work on syntactic head movement and clitic movement in Phase Theory, this paper argues for a feature-based, head-movement account of argumental object clitics in Spanish. The novelty of the proposal outlined in this paper is the extension of a movement approach to indirect object (IO) clitics, which are commonly regarded in the literature as base-generated verb-agreement morphemes. It is shown that IO clitics, like their DO counterparts, engage in probe/goal relations to value and delete uninterpretable Case features, and, upon Agree, cliticize via head movement. Chomsky’s operation of inheritance (2008) figures in this account, as it helps explain the derived order of clitics in IO-DO clusters in Spanish. This study is the first of its kind in offering a unified movement proposal for both types of argumental object clitics, while at the same time maintaining the simplest ‘Minimalist’ assumption that both are pronouns of the category DP. Finally, the syntactic analysis proposed for the derivation of argumental clusters is applied to derive dialectally-attested strings composed of three members in which the foremost form is a non-argumental SE clitic.

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TEN HACKEN, PIUS. "Andrew Radford. Syntactic Theory and the Structure of English: A minimalist approach. Cambridge University Press, 1997. £18.95, ISBN 0-521-47707-7. Andrew Radford. Syntax: A minimalist introduction. Cambridge University Press, 1997. £14.95, ISBN 0-521-58914-2." Natural Language Engineering 7, no. 1 (March 2001): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1351324901212613.

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te Velde, John R. "German V2 and the PF-Interface: Evidence from Dialects." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 29, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 147–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542716000222.

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This investigation of certain verb-second structures found in the German dialects Kiezdeutsch, Yiddish (both Eastern and Western), Bavarian, and Cimbrian, and to a more limited extent in colloquial German, leads to the hypothesis that Phonological Form, via the interface with the narrow syntax, provides three strategies for compliance with the verb-second restriction on main clauses. These are i) the remapping of two syntactic constituents into a single prosodic phrase, ii) the reduction and remapping of two or more words into a single prosodic word, and iii) the prosodic marking of the syntactic edge of a main clause where a restart of the clause occurs. The investigation, using minimalist tools, underscores the central role of the syntax-phonology interface without eliminating the need for the semantic interface in the derivation of German verb-second structures.*

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