Relevant bibliographies by topics / Linke (Political party : Germany)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Linke (Political party : Germany)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Linke (Political party : Germany)"

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Olsen, Jonathan. "The Left Party and the AfD." German Politics and Society 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360104.

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In the 2017 German Federal Election. The Left Party (Die Linke, or LP) saw its vote share in eastern Germany seriously erode. The main culprit behind the LP’s losses was the Alternative for Germany (AfD): 430,000 voters who cast their ballots for the LP in 2013 voted for the AfD in 2017. Why was this the case? This article suggests that the AfD in 2017 was able to attract protest voters, largely in eastern Germany, dissatisfied with the state of democracy and the political establishment in Germany who once voted for the LP. The LP and AfD have become eastern German populist competitors.
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Olsen, Jonathan. "The Left Party Thirty Years After Unification." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370403.

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The story of Die Linke (Left Party, or LP) over the past thirty years reflects the incomplete project of politically unifying the two halves of Germany. Over the course of its history, the LP has been transformed from a desperate holdover from the communist era, to a populist representative of eastern identity in the decade after unification, and finally to a modern, all-German radical left party. Since 2015, however, the LP has found itself threatened in its eastern German heartland by the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which is attempting to supplant the LP as the voice of eastern German protest.
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KOPKA, Artur. "Populizm lewicowy w Europie na przykładzie partii „Die Linke” w Republice Federalnej Niemiec." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (November 2, 2018): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.4.7.

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One of the main challenges European democracy has faced recently is growing political radicalism, and primarily the increasing importance of populist parties originating from both left and right sides of the political arena. This paper refers to the theoretical assumptions concerning this phenomenon to analyze the operations of the ‘Die Linke’ party in the German party system. This party is an excellent example of taking skillful advantage of the circumstances favoring the development of the populist tendencies that have emerged following the recent, radical, social, and political changes in the Federal Republic of Germany. Against the background of European extremist left-wing parties, the paper presents the influence this Left-Wing Party exerts on the changing balance of power on the German political arena on a regional and national level, the ideological profile and party platform, and the changing structure of both its members and voters.
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Elo, Kimmo. "The Left Party and the Long-Term Developments of the German Party System." German Politics and Society 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2008): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260303.

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In mainstream analyses of the German political system, the emergence of the Left Party (Die Linke) is presented as an unexpected consequence of German unification and as an indication of the existence of an East-West divide. This view is for the most part based on the idea that German unification is a process of political integration of the East into the West. Such an understanding, however, downplays the long-term developments in the German party system. This article examines the emergence of the Left Party in light of both the long-term developmental tendencies of the German party system and findings from comparative studies among other West European countries. The article concludes that the main reason for the current political stalemate is the incapability of the postwar Volksparteien to respond to changes in political space and action. Based on evidence from comparative studies, the article also suggests a pragmatic rethinking especially in the SPD is necessary in dealings with the Left Party.
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Neundorf, Anja, and James Adams. "The Micro-Foundations of Party Competition and Issue Ownership: The Reciprocal Effects of Citizens’ Issue Salience and Party Attachments." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000642.

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While previous research on the reciprocal effects of citizens’ issue attitudes and their party support emphasize citizens’ issue positions, political competition revolves equally around issue salience – that is, debates over which issue areas political parties should prioritize. Using multi-wave panel survey data from Germany and Great Britain, this study analyzes the reciprocal effects of citizens’ issue salience and their party support, and concludes that citizens’ issue priorities both influence and are influenced by their party attachments and, moreover, that these effects are linked to parties’ long-term associative issue ownership. This effect is strongest among supporters of a small issue-orientated niche party, the German Greens.
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Anderson, Karen M., and Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 1 (January 2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.

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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.
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Caciagli, Mario. "Le sette elezioni federali nella Germania unita (1990-2013)." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 72, no. 4 (December 30, 2014): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9571.

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Stability and predictability had been the norm in the German political system before the unification. The seven federal elections in the unified Germany from 1990 to 2013 did have significant consequences on the traditional continuity. After the last two governments headed by Helmut Kohl (1990-1998), the Social Democrat Gerhard Schröder became Chancellor in a Red-Green coalition (1998-2005) and the Christian Democrat Angela Merkel became Chancellor, fi rst in a Grand Coalition with the Social Democrats (2005-2009), than in a coalition with the Liberals (2009-2013), and after the 2013 elections in a Grand Coalition again. These frequent changes can be explained by the mobility of the electorate: the cumulative effect of the growth of the middle class and the general social mobility have eroded traditional loyalties, as the disaffection of the youth includes changing electoral choices or tendency to no-vote. Economic and social issues too did have effect on voting behavior: because their critical social situation the electors of the East had preferred fi rst Kohl’s CDU, than Schröder’s SPD and again the CDU under Merkel’s leadership; in the West millions of left electors disappointed by Schröder’s contentious reforms of the labor market leaved the SPD in the 2009 and 2013 elections; the performance of the economy in the last years after periods of crisis, collocating Germany at the top of the European Union, has stimulated the support to Merkel. Because a new party, the PDS than Linke, which has stable roots in the East, but can’t be partner of a government; because the exclusion from the Bundestag of the liberal FDP; and, finally, because the least reform of the electoral system toward more proportionality: all that injects uncertainty into a “fluid” party and political system.
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Ferguson, Thomas, and Hans-Joachim Voth. "Betting on Hitler—The Value of Political Connections in Nazi Germany*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 123, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 101–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/qjec.2008.123.1.101.

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Abstract This paper examines the value of connections between German industry and the Nazi movement in early 1933. Drawing on previously unused contemporary sources about management and supervisory board composition and stock returns, we find that one out of seven firms, and a large proportion of the biggest companies, had substantive links with the National Socialist German Workers' Party. Firms supporting the Nazi movement experienced unusually high returns, outperforming unconnected ones by 5% to 8% between January and March 1933. These results are not driven by sectoral composition and are robust to alternative estimators and definitions of affiliation.
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Raisch, Judith, and Reimut Zohlnhöfer. "Beeinflussen Klima-Schulstreiks die politische Agenda? Eine Analyse der Twitterkommunikation von Bundestagsabgeordneten." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 667–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-667.

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Have the school strikes for the climate (Fridays for Future (FFF) movement) affected political agenda setting in Germany? And does a MP’s party affiliation matter for how often and in what ways he or she mentions the FFF movement? These questions are answered by analyzing 78,000 Twitter tweets of 89 Members of the German Bundestag from all seven parties represented in parliament between November 2017 und April 2019 . MPs of all parties paid more attention to climate issues after the school strikes began . Moreover, and in line with the expectations of the issue ownership literature, it turns out that MPs for the Greens and the Left Party referred more often to the FFF movement in their tweets than members of the AfD, FDP, CDU, and CSU . Similarly, Green and Left MPs’ tweets about the FFF movement were more positive, encouraged followers to support the movement more often, and linked comments on the FFF movement that critiqued the government’s climate policy more frequently than members of the latter parties . The tweets of SPD MPs resembled those of Green and Left MPs .
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Oswald, Michael T., Meike Fromm, and Elena Broda. "Strategic clustering in right-wing-populism? ‘Green policies’ in Germany and France." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 15, no. 2 (June 2021): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-021-00485-6.

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AbstractPast research pointed to the idea that right-wing ideology and climate-change skepticism are inherently linked. Empirical reality proves differently however, since right-wing populist parties are starting to adapt pro environmentalist stances. In this paper, we look into two prominent cases of diametrical diverging environmental strategies by right-wing-populist-parties: France’s Rassemblement National and Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland. In order convey this point, we use comparative qualitative content analysis and examine several decisive determinants regarding environmental strategies of right-wing populist parties. We argue that right-wing-populism is remarkably adaptable considering political opportunity structures, even clustering in ideologically diametrical versions of the same issue while each party coherently extends its policy-orientation to its respective alignment of the issue. That means, populism might be far less ideological than assumed in the past.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Linke (Political party : Germany)"

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Lawson-Last, Valerie. "Understanding the performance of the Left Party (die Linke) in Western Germany : a comparative evaluation of cartel and social cleavage theories as explanatory frameworks." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2015. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1289/.

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In 2007 Germany’s Left Party (DIE LINKE) won its first seats in the regional parliament of a western federal state, Bremen. This success contrasted with the failure of its predecessor, the PDS, to establish an electoral base beyond the eastern states. Today the Left Party is represented in eastern and western legislatures and challenges established coalition constellations both at federal and regional level. How can we understand the Left Party’s significant breakthrough in the West? The existing literature has sought to analyse and interpret the Left Party’s origins, success and challenges, and has also emphasised the importance of the western states, both for the PDS and the Left Party. This thesis offers new insights by evaluating the respective strengths of two distinct theories, Cartel Theory and Social Cleavage Theory, as explanatory frameworks for the Left Party’s breakthrough. The theories are also appraised in a detailed case study of Bremen. The study examines whether the party displayed the organisational traits, parliamentary focus and electoral strategy identified in Cartel Theory. The investigation of Social Cleavage Theory explores the mobilisation and framing of class-based protest in the anti-Hartz demonstrations, and analyses election results for evidence of a realignment of class-based support. The existing empirical data is supplemented by qualitative evidence obtained through questionnaire responses from Left Party members and sympathisers in Bremen. The final chapter considers the evidence as to whether Bremen is representative of other western states or an exceptional case. The overall findings suggest that indications of organisational features and the parliamentary focus associated with Cartel Theory did not explain the increase in Left Party support. Also, the redistributive character of the party’s programme countered, rather than converged with, the prevailing policy offer. However, WASG ties to organised labour and the SPD helped establish the Left Party in the tradition of social democracy and the political mainstream. Protest and the demand for social justice were indeed mobilised and framed in class terms and the Left Party attracted the votes of the unemployed and workers, as well as organised labour, with a partial realignment towards the Left Party, notably in SPD strongholds. The thesis concludes that class cleavage and class-based voting more strongly account for the Left Party’s electoral breakthrough. The originality of the thesis lies in its approach of combining theoretical analysis with an in-depth local case study, supplemented by empirical evidence. The thesis also suggests avenues of future research that may validate or challenge the strength of the two explanatory frameworks over time.
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Dormann, Franz. "Die Grünen, Repräsentationspartei der Neuen Linken." [Germany : s.n.], 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33271698.html.

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Paul, Sebastian. "Financing Political Parties in Germany – the Case of Political Foundations." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206638.

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The thesis analyzes the current German political situation in terms of party financing. In particular, the special role that political foundations play in this connection and what influence they have on German political parties, decision makers and German politics in general, shall be examined. Political foundations are playing an important role in party financing and some of them are even operating internationally. Exactly what role they play is still not well known by the German public and many reports related to this topic do not exist. One of the main concerns of the thesis will consequently be on corruption and lobbying in the German political system.
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LaPorte, Norman H. "The German Communist Party in Saxony, 1924-1933 : factionalism, fratricide and political failure." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3259.

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This thesis is a case study of the KPD in Saxony between 1924 and 1933. It uses recently available documentation in what were formerly East German archives to reconstruct and assess the KPD's internal party life and political campaigning in the region. Chapter one places the thesis in the context of existing historical studies of the KPD and addresses the themes which run throughout the study. These themes concern: the extent to which the KPD's political behaviour can be ascribed to its domination by Moscow, the so-called "Stalinisation" explanation; the extent to which party ideology could influence members' political thought and actions in local settings; and the extent to which the KPD's political campaigning at grass roots level could achieve communist political objectives. Chapter two then outlines the Saxon economic, social and political developments which provide the backdrop for the KPD's activities in the region. The main body of the thesis begins by addressing the impact of the "Failed October" of 1923, which was to have been launched from Saxony, on the KPD. The chapter deals with Ruth Fischer's attempt to pursue a policy independently of that set by the Comintern and the extent to which the left-wing leadership in Berlin could impose its policies in Saxony. Chapter four then looks at life inside the Saxon KPD during the fratricidal factional feuds of 1925 to 1928. The following chapter goes on to evaluate the extent to which the Saxon KPD's political campaigning during the mid-twenties could. achieve influence on the SPD-led workers' movement and among the radicalised Mittelstand. Chapter six then addresses how the Saxon KPD received the Comintern's ultra-Left policy between 1928 and 1930 and questions the recent trend in the literature, which points to the policy's largely positive reception among the membership. The final chapter deals with the Saxon KPD during the rise of the Nazis and asks whether it was possible to carry out the Comintern's policy of treating the left-wing SPD, which was dominant in the region, as the main obstacle to Communist objectives in Germany.
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Major, Patrick. "The German Communist Party (KPD) in the western zones and in western Germany, 1945-1956." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239345.

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Glatte, Sarah. "Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.

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This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.
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Troicki, Juliane. "Cartelization and the State of Political Parties: A Comparative Study of Party Organization in the United States, Germany and Poland." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/98472.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
This dissertation studies political party organization in the United States, Germany and Poland during national election campaigns and regular party operations. According to conventional wisdom, changes in party organization, such as professionalized campaigns and communications technology, have detrimental effects on political parties. Katz and Mair argue (1995) that political parties have become agents of the state and fail to provide linkage between the state and the electorate due to these changes in party organization. As cartel parties, political parties are then financially dependent on the state and do not need the support of the electorate. Katz and Mair further suggest that developing a closer relationship with the state has weakened political parties, especially the party on the ground. This dissertation tests whether Katz and Mair's cartel theory applies to political parties in the United States, Germany and Poland examining the parties' organizations during and in between election campaigns and finds that the political parties do not confirm the cartel theory. American and German political parties do not primarily rely on government financing and possess too strong of an electoral linkage to their voters to be considered cartel parties. Political parties in Poland better fit with the cartel theory due to strong financial ties with the state and insufficient linkage with their electorate, both inside and outside of election campaigns. This dissertation argues that the cartel thesis should not be considered a theory since it cannot explain observations regarding political parties and their organizations in the United States, Germany and Poland. Instead, the cartel thesis should be considered a heuristic tool to characterize political parties, continuing the tradition of prior descriptive party models such as those of the mass and the catch-all parties.
Temple University--Theses
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Thorlakson, Lori Jean. "Federalism and party competition : a comparative analysis of Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Austria, Germany and the United States." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270489.

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Grieder, Peter Edward. "Tension, conflict and opposition in the leadership of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) 1946-73." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362609.

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Cordes, Niels G. (Niels Guether). "A Spatial Analysis of Right-wing Radical Parties: The Case of the Republikaner Party Programs Since 1983." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277992/.

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Right-wing parties in European states have improved electorally in recent years. The small German Republikaner party is representative of these successes. This study examines outcomes for the Republikaner that may be attributable to movements on a number of policy issues.
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Books on the topic "Linke (Political party : Germany)"

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1964-, Lang Jürgen, ed. Die Linke, eine gescheiterte Partei? München: Olzog, 2012.

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1981-, Träger Henkrik, ed. Die Linke: Willensbildung in einer ideologisch zerstrittenen Partei. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2014.

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"Alle Verhältnisse umzuwerfen...": Eine Streitschrift zum Programm der Linken. Köln: PapyRossa Verlag, 2011.

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Was war? Was bleibt?: Wege in die WASG, Wege in DIE LINKE. Hamburg: VSA, 2012.

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In einer aus den Fugen geratenden Welt: Linke Aussenpolitik: Eröffnung einer überfälligen Debatte. Hamburg: VSA, Verlag, 2014.

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Brandenburg (Germany). Landtag. Fraktion Die Linke, ed. Von der Opposition in die Koalition: 20 Jahre Politik der Linken im Brandenburger Landtag : eine Chronik. Schkeuditz: Schkeuditzer Buchverlag, 2010.

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Lannert, Christian. "Vorwärts und nicht vergessen"?: Die Vergangenheitspolitik der Partei DIE LINKE und ihrer Vorgängerin PDS. Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2012.

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Die Linke und der Stalinismus: Besichtigung eines Streitplatzes. Berlin: Verlag am Park, 2012.

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Schöller, Gunhild. Feminismus und linke Politik. 2nd ed. Berlin: Vertrieb, Rotation, 1986.

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Honeckers Erben: Die Wahrheit über Die Linke. Berlin: Propyläen, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Linke (Political party : Germany)"

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Lees, Charles. "Political Parties." In Party Politics in Germany, 139–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511477_7.

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Hudson, Kate. "A Successful Model? Die Linke (the Left Party — Germany)." In The New European Left, 83–98. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137265111_5.

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Deiss-Helbig, Elisa, Danny Schindler, and Laure Squarcioni. "Where Is the Party? Party Work and Party Representation in the District." In Political Representation in France and Germany, 117–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72029-6_4.

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Lees, Charles. "Social and Political Cleavages in the Federal Republic, 1945–2002." In Party Politics in Germany, 49–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511477_4.

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Lees, Charles. "The Development of Social and Political Cleavages in Germany before 1945." In Party Politics in Germany, 16–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511477_2.

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Lees, Charles. "Social and Political Cleavages in the Second Reich and Weimar Republic." In Party Politics in Germany, 35–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511477_3.

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Jun, Uwe, and Simon Jakobs. "The Selection of Party Leaders in Germany." In Managing Leader Selection in European Political Parties, 73–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55000-4_4.

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Saalfeld, Thomas. "Court and Parties: Evolution and Problems of Political Funding in Germany." In Party Finance and Political Corruption, 89–121. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333978061_5.

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Goerres, Achim. "Party Choice in Britain and West Germany." In The Political Participation of Older People in Europe, 69–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230233959_4.

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Carmi, Udi, and Anat Kidron. "Maccabi—From Sports Association to a Political Party." In Sportgeschichte in Deutschland - Sport History in Germany, 101–24. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27822-9_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Linke (Political party : Germany)"

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Esch, Markus, Bernd Ju¨rgens, Antonio Hurtado, Dietrich Knoche, and Wolfgang Tietsch. "State of the Art of Helium Heat Exchanger Development for Future HTR-Projects." In Fourth International Topical Meeting on High Temperature Reactor Technology. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/htr2008-58146.

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In Germany two HTR nuclear power plants had been built and operated, the AVR-15 and the THTR-300. Also various projects for different purposes in a large power range had been developed. The AVR-15, an experimental reactor with a power output of 15 MWel was operated for more than 20 years with excellent results. The THTR-300 was designed as a prototype demonstration plant with 300 MWel and should be the technological basis for the entire future reactor line. The THTR-300 was prematurely shut down and decommissioned because of political reasons. But because of the accompanying comprehensive R&D program and the operation time of about 5 years, the technology was proved and essential operational results were gained. The AVR steam generator was installed above the reactor core. The six THTR heat exchangers were arranged circularly around the reactor core. Both heat exchanger systems have been operated successfully and furthermore acted as a residual heat removal system. The technology knowledge and experience gained on these existing HTR plants is still available at Westinghouse Electric Germany GmbH since Westinghouse is one of the legal successors of the former German HTR companies. As a follow-up project of THTR, the HTR-500 was developed and designed up to the manufacturing stage. For this plant additionally to the 8 steam generators, two residual heat removal heat exchangers were foreseen. These were to be installed in a ring around the reactor core. All these HTRs were designed for the generation of electricity using a steam cycle. Extensive research work has also been done for advanced applications of HTR technology e.g. using a direct cycle within the HHT project or generating process heat within the framework of the PNP project. Because of the critical attitude of the German government to the nuclear power in the past 20 years in Germany there was only a very limited interest in the further development of the HTR technology. As a consequence of the German decision, at the beginning of the 90s, to phase out nuclear power completely, research and funding of further development of HTR reactor design was also cut down. Today’s HTR reactor designs, such as the PBMR in South Africa, use a direct cycle with a gas turbine. This technology is also based on the THTR technology and PBMR is a licensed party. For the HTR-PM in China and the future oil sand projects powered by HTR’s in Canada and Siberia however the use of steam generators is required. Westinghouse and Dresden University cooperate in the field of steam generator technology for HTR reactors. The existing know-how for HTR is based on a huge pool of knowledge gained by the past German HTR projects mentioned above and consists especially of the design methodology, the mechanical layout and material issues for helium heated steam generators. The project team consists of experienced specialists who have worked on HTR projects in the past and of young graduate engineers. Main goal of the project is to analyze the existing know-how and to adjust it to the state of the art. As a first step, the existing design and its methodology is being analyzed and the different points of improvement are identified. The final step of the program is the description of a new methodology which fulfills the severe requirements of the customer and all of the actual licensing conditions. One of the reasons why this project has been launched is that the requirements of life expectancy for HTR components increase and the material limits will be reached, especially at high temperatures. This implies that the design of helix heat exchangers has to allow inservice inspections; this was not a requirement for the previous THTR design. Methodologies for in-service inspections already had been developed, but they are not sufficient for today’s tube lengths and have to be adapted. Another example, based on operating experience, is using reheaters to increase the efficiency is not recommended today. Using supercritical steam conditions to increase the efficiency should be investigated instead. In general, the economic benefit has to be balanced against the additional costs resulting from better material and more complex manufacturing.
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Schaumann, Peter, Alexander Raba, and Anne Bechtel. "Effects of Attrition due to Water in Cyclically Loaded Grouted Joints." In ASME 2014 33rd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2014-23075.

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According to political goals, electricity from offshore wind farms in Germany will amount to 15 GW by 2030. Most of the wind farms will be located far offshore in water depths larger than 30 m. For such water depths, lattice substructures like jackets or tripods are the preferred solution. The substructures are founded on piles and connected to these by submerged grouted joints. In lattice substructures grouted joints are predominantly loaded by cyclic axial loads. Even though, this connection is well known from the offshore oil and gas industry, comparatively few results on effects of attrition due to water for grouted joints are available. At the Institute for Steel Construction of the Leibniz University Hannover, Germany, within the joint research project ‘GROWup’ investigations focus on the fatigue performance of grouted joints under predominant axial loading. As part of this research project, cyclic loading tests on small scale grouted joints with shear keys were conducted. The specimens were filled with industrial grout products and tested in a water basin to evaluate the influence of water to the fatigue performance of the connection at small scale. These test results show that the water effect leads to a significant reduction of the fatigue performance of the connection compared to results from tests in dry conditions. Moreover, the impact of water is proportional to the applied test frequency. The results of the structural tests differ from results of pure material specimen tests, on which current code provisions are based. This paper presents results from the small scale tests on grouted joints with shear keys in dry and submerged conditions. Effects of attrition due to water are shown and their effect is quantified. The results are compared to other published findings. In conclusion the presented investigations underline the importance of the water effect to the fatigue performance of small scale grouted joints. In conclusion, this paper will stimulate discussions on the demand for research on large- and real-scale grouted joints.
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