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Lawson-Last, Valerie. "Understanding the performance of the Left Party (die Linke) in Western Germany : a comparative evaluation of cartel and social cleavage theories as explanatory frameworks." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2015. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1289/.
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In 2007 Germany’s Left Party (DIE LINKE) won its first seats in the regional parliament of a western federal state, Bremen. This success contrasted with the failure of its predecessor, the PDS, to establish an electoral base beyond the eastern states. Today the Left Party is represented in eastern and western legislatures and challenges established coalition constellations both at federal and regional level. How can we understand the Left Party’s significant breakthrough in the West? The existing literature has sought to analyse and interpret the Left Party’s origins, success and challenges, and has also emphasised the importance of the western states, both for the PDS and the Left Party. This thesis offers new insights by evaluating the respective strengths of two distinct theories, Cartel Theory and Social Cleavage Theory, as explanatory frameworks for the Left Party’s breakthrough. The theories are also appraised in a detailed case study of Bremen. The study examines whether the party displayed the organisational traits, parliamentary focus and electoral strategy identified in Cartel Theory. The investigation of Social Cleavage Theory explores the mobilisation and framing of class-based protest in the anti-Hartz demonstrations, and analyses election results for evidence of a realignment of class-based support. The existing empirical data is supplemented by qualitative evidence obtained through questionnaire responses from Left Party members and sympathisers in Bremen. The final chapter considers the evidence as to whether Bremen is representative of other western states or an exceptional case. The overall findings suggest that indications of organisational features and the parliamentary focus associated with Cartel Theory did not explain the increase in Left Party support. Also, the redistributive character of the party’s programme countered, rather than converged with, the prevailing policy offer. However, WASG ties to organised labour and the SPD helped establish the Left Party in the tradition of social democracy and the political mainstream. Protest and the demand for social justice were indeed mobilised and framed in class terms and the Left Party attracted the votes of the unemployed and workers, as well as organised labour, with a partial realignment towards the Left Party, notably in SPD strongholds. The thesis concludes that class cleavage and class-based voting more strongly account for the Left Party’s electoral breakthrough. The originality of the thesis lies in its approach of combining theoretical analysis with an in-depth local case study, supplemented by empirical evidence. The thesis also suggests avenues of future research that may validate or challenge the strength of the two explanatory frameworks over time.
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Dormann, Franz. "Die Grünen, Repräsentationspartei der Neuen Linken." [Germany : s.n.], 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33271698.html.
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Paul, Sebastian. "Financing Political Parties in Germany – the Case of Political Foundations." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206638.
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The thesis analyzes the current German political situation in terms of party financing. In particular, the special role that political foundations play in this connection and what influence they have on German political parties, decision makers and German politics in general, shall be examined. Political foundations are playing an important role in party financing and some of them are even operating internationally. Exactly what role they play is still not well known by the German public and many reports related to this topic do not exist. One of the main concerns of the thesis will consequently be on corruption and lobbying in the German political system.
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LaPorte, Norman H. "The German Communist Party in Saxony, 1924-1933 : factionalism, fratricide and political failure." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3259.
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This thesis is a case study of the KPD in Saxony between 1924 and 1933. It uses recently available documentation in what were formerly East German archives to reconstruct and assess the KPD's internal party life and political campaigning in the region. Chapter one places the thesis in the context of existing historical studies of the KPD and addresses the themes which run throughout the study. These themes concern: the extent to which the KPD's political behaviour can be ascribed to its domination by Moscow, the so-called "Stalinisation" explanation; the extent to which party ideology could influence members' political thought and actions in local settings; and the extent to which the KPD's political campaigning at grass roots level could achieve communist political objectives. Chapter two then outlines the Saxon economic, social and political developments which provide the backdrop for the KPD's activities in the region. The main body of the thesis begins by addressing the impact of the "Failed October" of 1923, which was to have been launched from Saxony, on the KPD. The chapter deals with Ruth Fischer's attempt to pursue a policy independently of that set by the Comintern and the extent to which the left-wing leadership in Berlin could impose its policies in Saxony. Chapter four then looks at life inside the Saxon KPD during the fratricidal factional feuds of 1925 to 1928. The following chapter goes on to evaluate the extent to which the Saxon KPD's political campaigning during the mid-twenties could. achieve influence on the SPD-led workers' movement and among the radicalised Mittelstand. Chapter six then addresses how the Saxon KPD received the Comintern's ultra-Left policy between 1928 and 1930 and questions the recent trend in the literature, which points to the policy's largely positive reception among the membership. The final chapter deals with the Saxon KPD during the rise of the Nazis and asks whether it was possible to carry out the Comintern's policy of treating the left-wing SPD, which was dominant in the region, as the main obstacle to Communist objectives in Germany.
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Major, Patrick. "The German Communist Party (KPD) in the western zones and in western Germany, 1945-1956." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239345.
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Glatte, Sarah. "Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.
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This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.
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Troicki, Juliane. "Cartelization and the State of Political Parties: A Comparative Study of Party Organization in the United States, Germany and Poland." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/98472.
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Political SciencePh.D.
This dissertation studies political party organization in the United States, Germany and Poland during national election campaigns and regular party operations. According to conventional wisdom, changes in party organization, such as professionalized campaigns and communications technology, have detrimental effects on political parties. Katz and Mair argue (1995) that political parties have become agents of the state and fail to provide linkage between the state and the electorate due to these changes in party organization. As cartel parties, political parties are then financially dependent on the state and do not need the support of the electorate. Katz and Mair further suggest that developing a closer relationship with the state has weakened political parties, especially the party on the ground. This dissertation tests whether Katz and Mair's cartel theory applies to political parties in the United States, Germany and Poland examining the parties' organizations during and in between election campaigns and finds that the political parties do not confirm the cartel theory. American and German political parties do not primarily rely on government financing and possess too strong of an electoral linkage to their voters to be considered cartel parties. Political parties in Poland better fit with the cartel theory due to strong financial ties with the state and insufficient linkage with their electorate, both inside and outside of election campaigns. This dissertation argues that the cartel thesis should not be considered a theory since it cannot explain observations regarding political parties and their organizations in the United States, Germany and Poland. Instead, the cartel thesis should be considered a heuristic tool to characterize political parties, continuing the tradition of prior descriptive party models such as those of the mass and the catch-all parties.
Temple University--Theses
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Thorlakson, Lori Jean. "Federalism and party competition : a comparative analysis of Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Austria, Germany and the United States." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270489.
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Grieder, Peter Edward. "Tension, conflict and opposition in the leadership of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) 1946-73." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362609.
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Cordes, Niels G. (Niels Guether). "A Spatial Analysis of Right-wing Radical Parties: The Case of the Republikaner Party Programs Since 1983." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277992/.
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Right-wing parties in European states have improved electorally in recent years. The small German Republikaner party is representative of these successes. This study examines outcomes for the Republikaner that may be attributable to movements on a number of policy issues.
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Hough, Daniel. "The PDS : a study of the development and stabilisation of the PDS as an eastern German regional party, 1989-2000." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2001. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5253/.
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This study examines the place of the PDS within the German political system. By developing and employing a typology of regional parties this work illustrates that the PDS has been politically successful on account of its mobilisation of distinct territorial interests - in much the same way as other regional parties across the democratic world have done. The creation of a territorial divide along the former inner-German border has offered the PDS the opportunity to re-model its image and profile as the protector of eastern German specificity. The West German party system that expanded eastwards in 1990 has not been able to sufficiently channel regionally specific sentiment into the political process: and it is for this reason that a regional party has been able to stabilise itself in the eastern states. The PDS has taken advantage of a number of structural advantages (in terms of its regional heritage, leadership, its party organisation and so forth) in moulding and shaping a policy package that reflects the differing opinions, attitudes, values and beliefs of many eastern Germans. It is as a result of this that the PDS has been able to stabilise its position within the eastern German regional party system and to build a platform that offers it the opportunity of being a longterm actor in the German party system.
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Haro, Lea. "The beginning of the end : the political theory of the German Communist Party to the third period." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1337/.
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The KPD was born out of the rich theoretical traditions of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). As disillusioned Lassalleans, Wilhelm Leibknecht and August Bebel chose Marxism as their theoretical guide to a Socialist outcome. As the political and economic climate in Germany changed the party grew and made parliamentary gains the nature of the SPD changed, much to the frustration of Rosa Luxemburg and the Left of the SPD. The final straw was, of course, the SPD’s voting for war credits in 1914. The purpose of this thesis is to explore how and why the political theory of German Marxism changed as it passed through its various phases, essentially how it progressed from a theory of revolution to becoming synonymous with the dogma and repression of Social Fascism. This thesis will argue that the theoreticians and leaders of the German communist movement were overwhelmed and unable to develop theory that reflected their unique circumstances. It was their own internal weakness and inability to lead that allowed the movement to be overtaken by the Bolsheviks. Lenin’s policy of Uniformity served to weaken the KPD leadership within the part. Each Comitern policy that flowed left the part weaker and further subordinated to the Soviet part. While not a single Comintern policy can be blamed for the KPD’s Social Fascist outcome, each played a role in weakening the German movement.
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Reitz, Annika. "Political Campaign Strategies of the party Alternative for Germany : A qualitative Study of Posters for the 2017 Federal Election." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-44369.
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During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag. The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974). The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.
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Lloyd, Rebecca Jane. "A green utopia : the legacy of Petra Kelly." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. German Studies, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0140.
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[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.
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Sutherland, Claire Nicole. "Neo-nationalist ideology : a discourse theoretical approach to the SNP and the CSU." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9859.
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The concept of ideology's theory-building potential has been under-exploited in studies of contemporary nationalism. This study offers a novel approach to 'neo-nationalism' by defining it as an ideology, embedding it in a theory of discourse, and extending this framework to a methodology based on text analysis. Qualitative deconstruction of texts using the tools of literary theory is one of the research methods used, complemented by evidence from elite interviews and a survey of primary sources. In order to illustrate how neo-nationalism is discursively constructed, the core of the ideology is distinguished from its periphery. Furthermore, parties are characterised as ideologues in contemporary society and placed within the postmodern framework of discourse theory. Case studies of the Scottish National Party and the Christlich-Soziale Union in Bavaria examine their interpretations of nationalist ideology through analysis of the rhetoric used in recent election campaigns. The parties are of particular interest because they attempt to reconcile core nationalist goals with contemporary political issues, such as that of integration within the European Union. The SNP is an example of a neo-nationalist party in that it pursues its core, immutable goal of prioritising the nation by promoting Scottish autonomy within a larger European framework. The CSU, on the other hand, is neo-nationalist in that its policies and rhetorical appeals revolve around a national nodal point articulated in terms of the Heimat. It has sought to defend Bavarian autonomy by profiling itself as the archetypal Bavarian party with an important role to play in both the German and European political arenas. The case studies demonstrate that a nationalist party's support for European integration may reinforce rather than undermine its core commitment to self-determination. Moreover, the ideological constructs developed by neo-nationalist parties can usefully be characterised in terms of discourse theory. Both the CSU and the SNP seek to 'de-contest' their interpretations of the nation and achieve conceptual hegemony by establishing their ideology as 'common sense'. Post-modem theory thus not only provides the epistemological grounding of the study, but also paves the way for a methodological approach designed to analyse neo-nationalism in its specificity.
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Angermeier, Derrick. "A Problem of Perception An Analysis of the Formation, Reception, and Implementation of National Socialist Ideology in Germany, 1919 to 1939." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1147.
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This thesis seeks to dispel the notion that Nazi ideology was merely an afterthought to numerous actions taken by the Nazis. The first chapter discusses how Nazism’s earliest adherents internalized notions from World War I into an ideology that would motivate the early Nazi Movement to launch the Beer Hall Putsch. The second chapter focuses on the Nazi Party’s electoral tactics and how those actions correlated with entrenched Nazi ideological notions of recognition and community. Finally, the third chapter will seek to demonstrate that the numerous repressive measures implemented by the Third Reich were part of a general plan to prepare a future generation of Nazi citizens for, the worldwide struggle for existence. This work exists as a counter to a considerable amount of literature in the historiography that, by maintaining Nazi ideology and Nazi actions were two separate entities, belittles the importance of Nazi ideology thereby fundamentally misunderstanding Nazism.
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Rayder, Benjamin [Verfasser], Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] Saalfeld, Servent Ariadna [Akademischer Betreuer] Ripoll, and Johannes [Akademischer Betreuer] Marx. "Calculated Competitors or Ideological Bedfellows? A Comparative Analysis of the Policy Similarities and Differences Between the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) and Die Linke in the Saxon State Parliament During the 5th Legislative Period, 2009-2014 / Benjamin Rayder ; Thomas Saalfeld, Ariadna Ripoll Servent, Johannes Marx." Bamberg : Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/114004334X/34.
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Landwehrlen, Thomas. "Le déclin du Bayernpartei et ses déterminants causaux (1949-1969) : plaidoyer pour une analyse plurifactorielle et anti-retrospectiviste." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20114.
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Fondé à Munich en octobre 1946 suite à la réorganisation d’un proto-parti mariant rejet de l’unitarisme autoritaire et provincialisme anti-prussien, le Bayernpartei (BP) se fit après la guerre le courtier des revendications autonomistes bavaroises et le médiateur de l’hostilité populaire à l’égard des réfugiés allemands originaires d’Europe centrale et orientale. Couronné de succès lors des élections fédérales post-dictatoriales de 1949 – à l’occasion desquelles il recueillit 20,9% des voix en Bavière –, il présente la particularité d’avoir subi pendant vingt ans un déclin électoral régulier, et d’avoir totalement cessé d’être « relevant » au sens de Sartori au moment même où l’on assistait à l’échelle européenne, et même occidentale, à un nouvel essor des partis et formations régionalistes procédant du clivage centre/périphérie.Quels sont les déterminants causaux du progressif déclin du Bayernpartei ? Quels facteurs explicatifs apparaissent susceptibles de rendre compte de sa graduelle transformation en ce que Manfred Rowold estime être une simple association folklorique sans importance ? Tel est le questionnement sous-tendant le présent travail de thèse, et auquel l’auteur propose de répondre en se dégageant du rétrospectivisme monocausal, linéariste et exogénéisant dont firent preuve les (rares) politistes ayant tenté de rendre compte de l’étiolement politique passé du parti régionaliste bavaroisFounded in Munich in October 1946 after the reorganisation of a proto-party combining rejection of authoritarian unitarism and anti-Prussian provincialism, the Bavaria Party (Bayernpartei) appeared after the Second World War as the spreader of the Bavarian claims for autonomy, and as the echo box of popular hostility against German refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. After having been crowned with success at the German federal election of 1949 – on which it collected 20,9% of the votes in Bavaria –, he was affected during two decades by a steady electoral decline, so much so that it completely ceased to be “relevant” in the sense of Sartori at the very time when political scientists were witnessing at European (and even Western) level a new upsurge of regionalist parties and organisations.What are the causal determinants of the progressive decline of the Bavaria Party? What explanatory factors can be advanced to account for its gradual transformation into what Manfred Rowold considers to be a simple and irrelevant folk association? This is the question underlying the present work and to which the author proposes to respond by working on the assumption that it is necessary to break with the monocausal, linearist and exogenousing retrospectivism characterizing the analyses of the (rare) political scientists who have already attempted to explain the withering away of the Bavarian regionalist party
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Chisholm, Graham. "The West German Greens between movement and party /." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/24895356.html.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California at Berkeley, 1989.eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-311).
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Brzkovská, Eliška. "Die Linke: vývoj, ideologie a postavení v politickém systému SRN." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-265155.
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This thesis deals with the German political party "Die Linke" (The Left). Die Linke was founded in 2007 by merging two different parties, namely Linkspartei.PDS, which was preceded by the ruling party of the GDR, and WASG, composed of West German activists and former party members of the Social Democratic Party. The opening parts contain definitions of basic terminology and a brief history of parties preceding Die Linke. The following sections deal with how the dual history of the party reflects in its organisation, its program and electorate. The party programs are also used to analyze its key program points and their evolution over time. The party's ideology is also examined. This thesis also deals with the current position of Die Linke within the German party system, in terms of both the voters and election results, and relations with other relevant parties.
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Jůza, Robert. "Komparace KSČM a Die Linke z hlediska ne/přijatelnosti jejich účasti na celostátní vládě." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336942.
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This thesis focused on the question of the acceptability possibly unacceptability of Czech political party KSČM and the German political party Die Linke in terms of their participation in the national government. The paper describes attitudes of important and key stakeholders for this issue. That means attitudes inside of the researched parties, attitudes within social democratic parties in the Czech Republic and in Germany and the attitudes of other relevant parties in both above mentioned states. Subsequently, the results of this analysis are compared. Researched period begins in 2002 in the case of KSČM when the elections to the Chamber of Deputies were held in the Czech Republic and in the case of Die Linke since 2005 when there were elections to the Bundestag in Germany. The development is analyzed until 2014. The last peak of the analyze are the elections to the lower chambers of the Czech and German parliament which were both held in the fall of 2013. During the researched period it seemed several times that the conditions are relatively positive for the participation of KSČM or Die Linke in the national government, either directly or indirectly. But it never happened. There are more reasons for that. However the most important is that there has never been a sufficient number of actors on...
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Van, Houten Pieter Jacob. "Regional assertivness in Western Europe political constraints and the role of party competition /." 2000. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9990604.
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"Rol van die Vrye Demokratiese Party (FDP) in die politieke geskiedenis van die Federale Republiek van Duitsland na 1945." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13424.
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M.A.Although the Free Democratic Party's (FDP) best performance at the polls was 12,8% of the votes in 1961, the party has played a far more significant role in postwar German politics than its electoral strength would suggest. Due to its participation as junior partner in coalitions with the Christian Democratic Union (1949-1956, 1961- 966) and the Social Democratic Party (1969 to present), the FOP has been represented in the Federal German Government longer than either the CDU or SPD. As it is exceptional for a single party to gain an overall majority in German politics, the two major parties are dependent on the FDP, as the only other party represented in the Bundestag, for the formation of a coalition government. Thus, in a certain sense, the FDP "determines" which of the major parties is to form the government. The purpose of this study is to analyse the development of the FDP from 1945 to the present, whilst emphasizing variations in the party's political role. To provide a sufficient background, the development of German liberalism from the nineteenth century up to 1945 has also been taken into consideration. The German liberal movement has, since Bismarckian times, been divided into two rival sections, namely "national liberalism" (right wing) and "progressive liberalism" (left wing). After the Second World War it seemed that for the first time in nearly a century both wings were to be united in one political structure namely the FDP. It seemed as if the rapid decline of' Liberalism since the turn of the century had at last been checked, factionalism eliminated and greater unity achieved. Factional rivalries, however, reappeared and caused serious strains on the FDP's internal unity and political efficiency. Basically it was a struggle to achieve an exact position for the FDP in the political spectrum: right of the CDU by uniting all nationalistic forces or as a middle party between the CDU and SPD. The first alternative ruled out the possibility of a coalition with the SPD, while the second kept...
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Haynes, Dale C. "Ecology and the ballot : Green Party voting in European and national elections in Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain and Luxembourg, 1979-1999 /." 2002.
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Nikšová, Petra. "Stranický euroskepticismus ve Spolkové republice Německo na pozadí krize eurozóny." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-332810.
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The Euroscepticism is a very popular issue now. Its popularity has risen because of inability of European states to solve the crisis since the start of the Eurozone crisis. This thesis is based on analysis of party program documents and other statements. It attempts to capture the increase in Euroscepticism among German political parties. The public opinion is taking into account as well. Germany has become one of the main actors in the search for ways out of the crisis. This role associated with some financial burden has led to series of discussion and to the growth of skepticism among the political parties. The European Stability Mechanism was the one of the most discussed topics. The crisis provoked uncertainty and skepticism among the German public as well. This scepticism was largely influenced by the actual situation in the Eurozone. In direct response to the crisis a new political movement was created. It was called the Alternative for Germany. The Alternative for Germany rejected remaining in the Eurozone. It reached some success in provincial elections in 2014. There were more reasons for its success which not just correspondent with its eurosceptic agenda. The thesis identifies these reasons as well. Despite this situation, Germany remains a pro-European state.
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Burns, Grant Alexander. "Green and Red between tensions and opportunities: a history of the formation of the West German Green Party, 1968-1981." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1817.
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In the West German federal election of 1983, the Green party won enough votes
to earn seats the Bundestag. The young party’s fame grew exponentially as a result and
they have become, arguably, the most well-known of all environmental parties. This
project explores the formation of the Greens. The Greens’ political identity is reassessed
by examining the party’s roots in the new social movements and the formation of the
party, regionally and federally. I contend that the Greens represent a political experiment
whose establishment as a parliamentary party was never certain. The Greens attempted
to integrate “postmaterialist” issues and grassroots organizational forms into the
traditional politics of the Federal Republic. This paper also establishes the opportunities
available for a new party within the context of the development of the left in post-war
West Germany.
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Bejdák, Matěj. "Financování politických stran: mezinárodní komparace." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-392898.
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The aim of this thesis is to identify significant weaknesses of political party funding system in the Czech Republic, and to suggest possible improvements of the system. Knowledge acquired in the first part of the thesis, which deals with the theoretical basis of political party funding, is used to analyse the applicable legislation. This part of the thesis first of all describes the legal framework of political parties, the principles and goals of political party funding, and possible approaches to the funding; the most space is devoted to one of the possible approaches, regulatory measures, which is divided on the basis of supply side (state a private funding) and demand side (mainly campaign spending regulation). The Czech legislation is not only analysed in general and using the theoretical basis, but is also compared with the system adopted by the Federal Republic of Germany. The hypothesis is that the German law is a good example for the Czech Republic in the field of party financing, for the Federal Republic of Germany has been a developed democratic state of law for a longer uninterrupted period of time, and was one of the first countries in the world to introduce state funding of political parties. The second part of the thesis describes, analyses and compares the applicable legislation of the...
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Picka, Ondřej. "Druhá verze Berlínského programu z r. 1971: konec Adenauerovy CDU?" Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298582.
Full textAbstract:
After the Christian democratic CDU party was forced into the opposition after the parliamentary elections of 1969 it created a program commission which should update the party's Berlin Program adopted few months earlier. Surprisingly it drafted a wholly new party manifesto challenging crucial dogmas of party's policies which led to stormy discussions. This thesis argues that this development was a consequence of generation change in the party which was accelerated by the loss of government as well as a result of the influence of the chairman of the program commission, Helmut Kohl. Kohl was a leading figure of the young rising generation in the party and a strong proponent of party reform. He created conditions in the commission for creation of a progressive proposal by giving influence to talented young reform oriented politicians. But the conservatives in the party were still strong enough to fight back and moderate the reform impetus of the draft. Party committee redrafted it and weakened some central progressive statements. Only the undisputable loss in the elections of 1972 and following election of Helmut Kohl to party chairman made the way free for a thru party reform. Many of the young politicians allied with Kohl during the program discussion in early 1970s became key figures in the CDU....
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Bobek, Pavel. "Bavorská CSU a rakouská ÖVP : postmateriální společnost, kartelizované politické strany?" Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-307485.
Full textAbstract:
Both the Bavarian and Austrian societies have been undergoing a broad process of change since 1945: they have experienced a long period of economical growth, a rise of standards in terms of social welfare and education, and thus a value change and a switch to at least partly postmaterial society. Accompanying this change, however, there has also been more public disapproval towards the official policies, the number of people going to the polls has sunk and so has the number of people who are likely to become involved in party politics. Particularly the big, dominant catch-all parties, such as CSU (Christian Social Union of Bavaria) and ÖVP (Austrian People's Party), have been losing their voters and members. As the thesis shows, the developments in both societies are quite similar, as the political culture of Bavaria and Austria - in spite of certain differences - shares many common characteristics. Also, both CSU and ÖVP did partly manage to adapt to the new circumstances, particularly in terms of party funding. Anyway, they did not fully follow the pattern of cartelisation to pursue this adaptation. This reveals the link between postmaterialist change and the development to cartel party to be only partly valid; however, both theories have proved to be helpful in understanding processes taking...
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Eckardt, Daniel. "A victim of its own ideological failings? The case of the Social Democratic Party of Germany:Third Way, Neue Mitte and the downfall of the SPD: an analysis of the Agenda 2010 and its repercussion on the SPD and its present crisis." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19014.
Full textAbstract:
These days are witnessing tremendous changes within politics. Observers speak
about the end of an era and refer to vast, tectonic shifts, within political systems. The case
of the Social Democratic Party of Germany is a prime example of this. Between the years
1998 and 2017, the party has halved its vote share, respectively from 40.9 to 20.5 percent.
Accordingly, this Masters Degree thesis aims to analyse the downfall of the SPD on the
basis of the Agenda 2010 set of reforms. Correspondingly, the research question asks
whether the party has become a victim of its own ideological failings by embarking on the
reforms mentioned and the resulting neoliberal politics and policies. The methodology is of
a hermeneutical manner within social sciences.
The thesis concludes that, by embarking on the Agenda 2010, the SPD became a de
facto victim of its own ideological failings. Consequently, the reforms resulted in a crisis of
credibility as well as in a loss of confidence for the party but especially its members and
supporters. Caused by the fact that large portions of the party perceived the reforms as
neoliberal and hence as provocation and as a clear challenge to traditional social democratic
values. Resulting in a major divide between the party, its members and supporters, which
subsequently emerged in the latest electoral results. By implementing the Agenda 2010, the
SPD transformed from a traditional social democratic party towards a more market-oriented
party, revealing a subsequent alienation between the party and its supporters.Nestes dias testemunhamos mudanças tremendas dentro da política. Observadores falam sobre o fim de uma era e referem-se a grandes mudanças, até mesmo tectônicas, dentro dos sistemas políticos. O caso do Partido Social-Democrata da Alemanha é um excelente exemplo disso. Entre 1998 e 2017, o partido viu reduzida para a sua metade a participação nos votos, respectivamente de 40,9 para 20,5 por cento. A dissertação de mestrado objetiva analisar a queda do SPD com base no conjunto de reformas Agenda 2010. Correspondentemente, a questão em pesquisa inquire se o partido se terá tornado uma vítima das falhas inerentes á sua mentalidade ao embarcar nas reformas anteriormente mencionadas e políticas neoliberais resultantes. A metodologia perseguida é de uma maneira hermenêutica dentro do contexto das ciências sociais. A tese em questão conclui que ao cair na Agenda 2010, o SPD se tornou uma causalidade de facto dos seus próprios equívocos ideológicos. Consequentemente, as reformas resultaram numa crise de credibilidade, bem como na perda de confiança do partido, mas especialmente dos seus membros e apoiantes. Isto causado pelo facto de que grandes partes do partido terem visto as reformas como neoliberais e, portanto, como uma provocação e um claro desafio aos tradicionais valores social-democratas. Resultando numa grande divisão dentro do partido, entre membros e apoiantes que, posteriormente, surgiram nos últimos resultados eleitorais. Ao implementar a Agenda 2010, o SPD transformou-se de um tradicional partido social-democrata num partido mais orientado para o mercado, revelado uma alienação entre o partido e seus partidários.
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Kulíšek, Vítězslav. "Dvoustranický politický systém v Českých zemích 1938 - 1939: Strana Národní jednoty a Národní strana práce." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-344709.
Full textAbstract:
The diploma thesis deals with Czech political system in the second Czechoslovak Republic (1938 - 1939). In this historically short period, liberal democracy has changed into an authoritative democracy. The power of the right-wing parties prevailed in the political system. In the case of Czech countries a bi-party political system, which is unique in Czech history, has been created. The main aim of the diploma thesis is to describe the political party system in the Czech lands in the Second Republic period, and to look at the political parties that formed it. It also deals with the Second Republic in general, with the historical, economic, cultural and social context of that time. In the final part, there are summarized all the conclusions I came to. The sources were mainly archive sources, specialized literature dealing with the subject and political party periodicals but even non-political periodicals from that time. KEYWORDS Antonín Hampl, authoritarian democracy, Czech - Slovak Republic, Second Republic, Bi-party political system, Munich agreement, Nazi Germany, National Labour Party, Rudolf Beran, National Union Party