Journal articles: 'Liszt'

1

Rosenblatt, Jay, and Derek Watson. "Liszt." Notes 47, no. 4 (June 1991): 1131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/941634.

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2

Viret, Jacques, and Serge Gut. "Liszt." International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 21, no. 2 (December 1990): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/837026.

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3

Loya, Shay. "Liszt." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 5, no. 1 (June 2008): 142–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409800002706.

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4

Kube, Michael. "Franz Liszt an Emilie Mayer." Die Musikforschung 46, no. 4 (September 22, 2021): 417–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.1993.h4.1178.

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Im Nachlaß des Musikwissenschaftlers und Komponisten Reinhard Oppel fand sich ein Brief Liszts an die Komponistin Emilie Mayer (1821-1883) vom 8. Mai 1858. Liszt nimmt darin Bezug auf ein ihm gewidmetes Streichquintett in d-Moll. Obwohl er das Werk sehr lobt, will Liszt der Bitte nach einer Klavierbearbeitung aus rein klanglichen Gründen nicht nachkommen. Somit erweist sich der Brief als wichtiges Dokument für Liszts allgemeine Distanzierung von seiner eigenen Bearbeitungspraxis - zumindest während der Jahre als Weimarer Hofkapellmeister. (Kube, Michael)

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5

MacDonald, Hugh, and Ronald Taylor. "Balanced Liszt." Musical Times 128, no. 1729 (March 1987): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/964495.

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6

Davis, Richard. "Liszt Transcriptions." Musical Times 126, no. 1714 (December 1985): 712. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/965188.

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7

Anderson, Robert, Derek Watson, Alan Walker, Serge Gut, and Ernst Burger. "Liszt Multiplied." Musical Times 131, no. 1767 (May 1990): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/966160.

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8

Bellas, Jacqueline, and Serge Gut. "Franz Liszt." Revue de musicologie 76, no. 1 (1990): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/947163.

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9

Kriff, Jean. "France, Liszt." Humanisme N° 293, no. 3 (August 1, 2011): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.293.0107.

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10

Saffle, Michael. "The "Liszt-Year" 1986 and Recent Liszt Research." Acta Musicologica 59, no. 3 (September 1987): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/932949.

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11

Galingging, Kamaluddin, Ance Juliet Panggabean, Junita Batubara, and Chris Riveldi Wesley Purba. "KAJIAN STRUKTUR DAN BENTUK MUSIK PIANO “HUNGARIAN RHAPSODY NO. 2” BY FRANS LISZT DIMAINKAN OLEH YANNI TAN." Panggung 32, no. 4 (January 5, 2023): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.26742/panggung.v32i4.2299.

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Penelitian ini berjudul Kajian Struktur dan Bentuk Musik Piano “Hungarian Rhapsodyno. 2” by Frans Liszt Dimainkan Oleh Yanni Tan. Metode dasar yang akan diterapkan di dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif. Selain itu metode pendekatan yang dilakukan metode kepustakaan sehingga ditemukan dan dihasilkan Kajian Struktur dan Bentuk Musik Piano “Hungarian Rhapsodyno. 2” by Frans Liszt Dimainkan Oleh Yanni Tan.. Melalui Kajian Struktur dan Bentuk Musik Piano “Hungarian Rhapsodyno. 2” by Frans Liszt Dimainkan Oleh Yanni Tan. yang terkenal dengan ciri khas musik rhapsodynya, mengenai bentuk dan pola strukturnya serta bagian-bagian yang terdapat dalam konstruksi musiknya, bagian awal, bagian kelanjutan, bagian komplikasi dan bagian resolusi. Selain elemen kesesuaian musiknya dengan narasi , Musik Piano “Hungarian Rhapsody no 2” By Frans Lisz. yang cemerlang dalam masanya. Dengan penggunaan tingkat akor (progressi harmoni) dan permainan solois serta tempo menjadikan Rhapsody ini lebih cemerlang pada masanya. Kata Kunci: Rhapsody, Composition Structure, Piano Music, Franz Liszt

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12

Baeck, Erik, and Hedwige Baeck-Schilders. "Liszt et Anvers." Revue de musicologie 80, no. 2 (1994): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/947059.

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13

Beffa, Karol. "Liszt et Wagner." Commentaire Numéro 135, no. 3 (2011): 783. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.135.0783.

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14

Liszt, M. "Croatia ·Marijana Liszt." European State Aid Law Quarterly 18, no. 2 (2019): 203–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21552/estal/2019/2/12.

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15

Liszt, M. "Croatia ·Marijana Liszt." European State Aid Law Quarterly 20, no. 4 (2021): 586–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21552/estal/2021/4/14.

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16

Tarazona. "LISZT EN MADRID." Revista de Musicología 10, no. 3 (1987): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20795175.

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17

Mauricio. "LISZT Y ESPAÑA." Revista de Musicología 16, no. 3 (1993): 1850. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20796048.

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18

Howard, H. Wendell. "Franz Liszt, Abbe." Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 9, no. 4 (2006): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.2006.0035.

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19

Liszt, M. "Croatia ·Marijana Liszt." European State Aid Law Quarterly 22, no. 4 (2023): 420–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21552/estal/2023/4/9.

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20

Saffle, Michael. "The "Liszt Year" 2011: Recent, Emerging, and Future Liszt Research." Notes 67, no. 4 (2011): 665–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2011.0065.

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21

Saffle, Michael. "Serge Gut,Franz Liszt: les éléments du langage musicalandFranz Liszt." Journal of Musicological Research 30, no. 1 (January 28, 2011): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01411896.2010.514814.

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22

Storino, Mariateresa. "The Never-Ending Story: Jeanne d’Arc au bûcher." Studia Musicologica 54, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.2.6.

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Liszt’s interest in the figure of Jeanne d’Arc accompanied the composer throughout his life. He chose a poem by Alexandre Dumas père for the text of the romance dramatique Jeanne d’Arc au bûcher. After the first version for voice and piano published in 1846, the composer asked August Conradi for an instrumental arrangement. In 1858 Liszt planned a stage work on the subject of Jeanne d’Arc, but did not fulfill the plan and confined himself to revising the romance. In the 1860s Liszt composed three different new settings of Dumas’s text but never published them. After a rewriting in 1874 for voice and piano (or orchestra), the composer finally published his song (1876). With this, the list of the multiple settings is not yet complete. Some years ago the Fondazione Istituto Liszt (Bologna) bought an autograph manuscript for organ not included in the catalogues of Liszt’s works. This study reconstructs the story of the composition and performance of Jeanne d’Arc with organ accompaniment.

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23

Eger, Manfred. "Mär vom gestohlenen Tristan-Akkord." Die Musikforschung 52, no. 4 (September 22, 2021): 436–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.1999.h4.909.

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Das Liebestrank-Motiv, das mit dem Tristan-Akkord beginnt und die Keimzelle von Richard Wagners epochemachendem Werk ist, kommt auch in Franz Liszts Lied <Ich möchte hingeh'n> vor, das 1845 konzipiert wurde, 15 Jahre vor <Tristan und Isolde>. Generationen von Musikwissenschaftlern und Publizisten rühmten Liszt deshalb als den eigentlichen Bahnbrecher der neuen Musik. Das Lied wurde jedoch zum ersten Mal 1859 veröffentlicht, nachdem Liszt sich bei Wagner für den Druck des ersten <Tristan>-Aufzugs bedankt und im Druckmanuskript des Liedes einige Korrekturen vorgenommen hatte. Dabei fügte er auch das Liebestrank-Motiv als freundschaftliche Anspielung ein, veränderte jedoch offenbar versehentlich den Tristan-Akkord.

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24

Eğecioğlu, Ömer. "The Liszt-Listmann incident." Studia Musicologica 49, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2008): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.49.2008.3-4.4.

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Before ending his performance career by concerts in Odessa and Elizabethgrad in 1847, Franz Liszt visited Istanbul, gave a number of public concerts and performed twice for Sultan Abdul-Medgid in the Tcheragan Palace. A widely reported incident in relation to this trip concerns an impostor named Listmann, a historically unidentified character, who supposedly passed himself off as Liszt in Istanbul and who received valuable presents from the Sultan under this pretext. According to some accounts Listmann almost caused Liszt to be arrested upon his arrival. The purpose of this work is to present historical data on this folkloric Liszt-Listmann tale. We present primary sources that show that Herr Listmann of the Liszt-Listmann incident was in fact a German Tonkünstler and a man of letters named Eduard Litzmann who toured Spain and the orient, and who was apparently a pretty competent pianist. The sources indicate that notwithstanding Liszt’s own letter to his cousin Henriette, numerous colorful aspects of the incident as reported in the literature result from self-perpetuating transformations of fiction and cannot be substantiated.

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25

Walker, Alan. "Franz Liszt: A Bicentennial Tribute." Studia Musicologica 54, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.1.1.

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26

Grymes, James. "“Dohnányi was not—and could not have possibly been—a war criminal” the Hungarian defense of Ernő Dohnányi, 1945–1949." Studia Musicologica 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.3.4.

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In the years following World War II, Ernő Dohnányi was falsely accused of being a war criminal. Although scholars have assumed that this smear campaign was the result of a conspiracy by the entire Hungarian musical community, this widely accepted belief overlooks a number of prominent Hungarian musicians who consistently came to Dohnányi’s defense. In 1945, Zoltán Kodály led a delegation of musicians from the Franz Liszt Academy of Music who convinced the Hungarian Minister of Justice to remove Dohnányi’s name from an unofficial list of war criminals. In the following year, Kodály and Ede Zathureczky, who had succeeded Dohnányi as the Director General of the Liszt Academy, wrote letters to the US military government in support of Dohnányi’s rehabilitation. Finally, in 1949, Zathureczky obtained confirmation from the Ministry of Justice that the investigation of Dohnányi had been terminated—a message that Kodály himself communicated to Dohnányi. Drawing on documents from the Liszt Academy archives and the Dohnányi estate, this article chronicles the previously unknown Hungarian defense of Ernő Dohnányi.

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27

Taruskin, Richard. "Liszt and Bad Taste." Studia Musicologica 54, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.1.7.

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Everyone will probably agree that no great musician has been as frequently accused of bad taste as Liszt. And everyone will probably also agree that these accusations have had no effect on his stature as a great musician, even among the accusers. So what is bad taste, then, if it is so easily separable from artistic stature? It is a concept that has been poorly historicized or contextualized, if at all. This paper is an attempt to start the process, using Liszt as bellwether.

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28

Cook, Nicholas. "Liszt - 100 Years on." Musical Times 127, no. 1720 (July 1986): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/965235.

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29

Eberhardt, Hans. "Franz Liszt und Sondershausen." Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 43, no. 3 (1986): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/930834.

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30

Hamburger, Klára, and Klara Hamburger. "Liszt and Émile Ollivier." Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 28, no. 1/4 (1986): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/902410.

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31

Fisk, Josiah, and Charles Rosen. "Schumann, Chopin, Liszt, Rosen." Hudson Review 49, no. 1 (1996): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3851956.

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32

Taruskin, Richard. "Liszt i loš ukus." Arti musices 49, no. 1 (2018): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21857/mnlqgc020y.

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33

Kriff, Jean. "Franz Liszt, sans rapsodie." Humanisme N° 291, no. 1 (February 1, 2011): 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.291.0111.

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34

Kregor, Jonathan. "Sardanapalo by Franz Liszt." Notes 78, no. 3 (2022): 469–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2022.0032.

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35

Dalmonte. "LISZT AND ITALIAN FOLKLORE." Revista de Musicología 16, no. 3 (1993): 1832. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20796047.

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36

Bomberger, E. Douglas. "The Virtuoso Liszt (review)." Notes 62, no. 3 (2006): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2006.0003.

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37

Kregor, Jonathan. "Reflections on Liszt (review)." Notes 63, no. 4 (2007): 836–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2007.0078.

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38

Kregor, Jonathan. "Liszt, Yesterday and Today." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 4, no. 2 (November 2007): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409800000938.

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39

Bercegol, Fabienne. "IntroductionDe Senancour à Liszt." Littératures, no. 84 (September 9, 2021): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/litteratures.3249.

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40

Winkler, Gerhard. "Adam Liszt und Franz Liszt. Zur Anatomie einer folgenreichen Vater-Sohn-Beziehung." Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 28, no. 1/4 (1986): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/902406.

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41

Gut, Serge, Michael Short, and Leslie Howard. "Ferenc Liszt. (1811-1886). List of Works. Elenco delle opere." Revue de Musicologie 91, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20141605.

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42

Gracza, Lajos. "Unbekannte Liszt-Dokumente in der Braun’schen Autographen-Sammlung im Cotta-Archiv von Marbach." Studia Musicologica 48, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2007): 449–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.48.2007.3-4.8.

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Zwei Briefe von Liszt an Charlotte von Oven (1809–1891) sind hier zum ersten Male veröffentlicht. Liszt hatte die Schauspielerin 1842 in Berlin kennen gelernt. Die Briefe lassen sich vom Herbst 1963 datieren. Die intime Diktion der Briefe dokumentieren das Verhältnis von Liszt zum schönen Geschlecht.

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43

Pesce, Dolores. "The “individual” in Johann Friedrich Overbeck’s and Franz Liszt’s Seven Sacraments." Studia Musicologica 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.4.1.

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In the preface to his Septem sacramenta (1878–1884), Franz Liszt acknowledged its stimulus — drawings completed in 1862 by the German painter J. F. Overbeck (1789–1869). This essay explores what Liszt likely meant by his and Overbeck’s “diametrically opposed” approaches and speculates on why the composer nonetheless acknowledged the artist’s work. Each man adopted an individualized treatment of the sacraments, neither in line with the Church’s neo-Thomistic philosophy. Whereas the Church insisted on the sanctifying effects of the sacraments’ graces, Overbeck emphasized the sacraments as a means for moral edification, and Liszt expressed their emotional effects on the receiver. Furthermore, Overbeck embedded within his work an overt polemical message in response to the contested position of the pope in the latter half of the nineteenth century. For many in Catholic circles, he went too far. Both works experienced a problematic reception. Yet, despite their works’ reception, both Overbeck and Liszt believed they had contributed to the sacred art of their time. The very individuality of Overbeck’s treatment seems to have stimulated Liszt. True to his generous nature, Liszt, whose individual voice often went unappreciated, publicly recognized an equally individual voice in the service of the Church.

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44

Gut, Serge. "Nouvelle approche des premières oevures de Franz Liszt d'après la correspondance Liszt, d'Agoult." Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 28, no. 1/4 (1986): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/902424.

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45

Gut, Serge, and Bertrand Ott. "Liszt et la pédagogie du piano. Essai sur l'Art du Clavier selon Liszt." Revue de Musicologie 92, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20141656.

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46

Lelièvre, Stéphane. "Franz Liszt: un acteur essentiel de la rencontre entre E.T.A. Hoffmann et George Sand ?" Studia Musicologica 54, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.2.2.

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E.T.A. Hoffmann, Franz Liszt and George Sand share the same vision of art and in particular of music. Is this similarity fortuitous? Up to which extent did Liszt and Sand know Hoffmann and could discuss on his work? Anyhow after meeting Liszt, Sand gets a deeper knowledge of Hoffmann, and develops her theories about art: to that point, meeting the Hungarian musician was probably critical.

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47

Keeling, Geraldine. "Liszt at the Piano: Two American Pianos and Two American Artists." Studia Musicologica 55, no. 1-2 (June 2014): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2014.55.1-2.10.

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The image of Liszt at the piano has been a favorite with artists. This article examines two paintings: an 1868 painting of Liszt at a Chickering piano by G. P. A. Healy and a 1919 painting of Liszt at a Steinway piano by John C. Johansen. Due to recent publications, the Chickering painting and its story are fairly well-known. In contrast, the Steinway painting is almost unknown. Healy’s portrait (1868) was done in his studio in Rome as Liszt sat playing for him. While Healy had seen Liszt’s Chickering piano, the instrument in his studio was not that piano and, despite the name “Chickering” on the fallboard, the painting does not faithfully convey the details of Liszt’s Chickering. Johansen’s portrait (1919) was done by an artist who had never met Liszt and almost certainly had never seen his Steinway piano. Because of the Chicago connection, this article proposes that Johansen took his inspiration from Healy.

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48

Baranyi, Anna. "Fülöp Ö. Beck’s Liszt Interpretation in His 1911 Series of Plaques." Studia Musicologica 55, no. 1-2 (June 2014): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2014.55.1-2.11.

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During his lifetime hundreds of portraits were made of Ferenc Liszt in a great diversity of genres by foreign and Hungarian artists alike. Medallists also commemorated Liszt on the centenary of his birth in 1911. Numerous one-sided medals and plaques were cast or struck but some of them, like that of Fülöp Ö. Beck, do have motives on the reverse as well. Beck had been working on a Liszt plaque for years. The starting inspiration was the Liszt mask he had personally received from the aging sculptor Alajos Stróbl. He prepared several designs for the reverse. The series of the reverse variations is significant because Beck’s aim was not to present an allegory about Liszt’s figure or create symbols for his compositions as was the custom in medal art, but to capture the essence and the infinity of music. Fülöp Ö. Beck’s Liszt plaque is an outstanding exponent not only of the Hungarian but the international medal art.

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49

Bradley-Fulgoni, Peter. "The mystery of Modern dissonance." Architectural Research Quarterly 16, no. 2 (June 2012): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135512000516.

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The story goes that when the twenty-year old Brahms visited Liszt in Weimar in 1853, Liszt effortlessly sight-read the younger man's piano Sonata in C major (a work of considerable technical difficulty). Brahms was astounded by this feat of consummate musicianship. However, when Liszt then played his own, as yet unpublished, B minor Sonata, Brahms fell asleep. Liszt probably understood that the young composer was tired after his long journey, and of course the story may be apocryphal, but nevertheless the fact that they never met again may be read as a metaphor for a divergence of musical tendencies that came to characterise nineteenth-century high art music. Some describe this as ‘the war of the Romantics’, a bitter dispute between the New German School (principal figures, Franz Liszt and Richard Wagner) and traditionalists, such as Brahms, whose work was deemed oldfashioned. It was a spat that embroiled the whole of musical Europe.

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50

Bomberger, E. Douglas. "Putting Words in the Master's Mouth: Anton Strelezki'sPersonal Recollections of Chats with Liszt." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 6, no. 2 (November 2009): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409800003104.

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The annals of music history are filled with minor musicians whose fame was ephemeral or whose influence was negligible. Among those who have rated barely a line in the standard reference works is the pianist and composer Anton Strelezki (1858–1906). Like Anton Schindler, who made his reputation as the ‘Ami de Beethoven’, Strelezki attempted to burnish his reputation through association with a famous musical contemporary. His 21-page pamphlet entitledPersonal Recollections of Chats with Liszt, published after the death of its subject, purports to chronicle a close relationship with Franz Liszt over a period of decades, recounting lengthy conversations and reproducing extensive quotations from his famous contemporary. Because the book contains anecdotes not documented elsewhere in the Liszt literature, it demands close scrutiny for what it tells us about Liszt. It will be shown that Strelezki's story is suspect at best and probably completely fallacious, making the source unreliable for scholars of Liszt and related nineteenth-century musicians.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Liszt'

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